[House Document 114-84]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
114th Congress, 2d Session - - - - - - - - - - House Document 114-84
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS BEFORE A JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
__________
MESSAGE
from
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
transmitting
THE PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS BEFORE A JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS ON THE STATE
OF THE UNION
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
January 13, 2016.--Message and accompanying papers referred to the
Committee on the Whole House on the State of the Union and ordered to
be printed
______
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
59-011 WASHINGTON : 2016
To the Congress of the United States:
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my
fellow Americans:
Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on
the State of the Union. And for this final one, I'm going to
try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get
back to Iowa.
I also understand that because it's an election season,
expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still,
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the
other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and
make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can
work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal
justice reform, and helping people who are battling
prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics
again.
But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of
proposals for the year ahead. Don't worry, I've got plenty,
from helping students learn to write computer code to
personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I'll keep
pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing. Fixing
a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun
violence. Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the
minimum wage. All these things still matter to hardworking
families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not
let up until they get done.
But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to
talk just about the next year. I want to focus on the next five
years, ten years, and beyond.
I want to focus on our future.
We live in a time of extraordinary change--change that's
reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our
place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medical
breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain
working families. It promises education for girls in the most
remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean
away. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen
inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this
change will only accelerate.
America has been through big changes before--wars and
depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a
fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time,
there have been those who told us to fear the future; who
claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to
restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was
threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame
those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the
``dogmas of the quiet past.'' Instead we thought anew, and
acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending
America's promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and
more people. And because we did--because we saw opportunity
where others saw only peril--we emerged stronger and better
than before.
What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as
a nation--our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery
and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of
law--these things give us everything we need to ensure
prosperity and security for generations to come.
In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these
past seven years possible. It's how we recovered from the worst
economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health
care system, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered
more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we
secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.
But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of
choices we make together. And we face such choices right now.
Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning
inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people?
Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what
we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?
So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that
we as a country have to answer--regardless of who the next
President is, or who controls the next Congress.
First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity
and security in this new economy?
Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not
against us--especially when it comes to solving urgent
challenges like climate change?
Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world
without becoming its policeman?
And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's
best in us, and not what's worst?
Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United
States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable
economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streak
of private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million
new jobs; the strongest two years of job growth since the `90s;
an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had
its best year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000
new jobs in the past six years. And we've done all this while
cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.
Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is
peddling fiction. What is true--and the reason that a lot of
Americans feel anxious--is that the economy has been changing
in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great
Recession hit and haven't let up. Today, technology doesn't
just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work
can be automated. Companies in a global economy can locate
anywhere, and face tougher competition. As a result, workers
have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to
their communities. And more and more wealth and income is
concentrated at the very top.
All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have
jobs; even when the economy is growing. It's made it harder for
a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for
young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers
to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends
are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American
belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.
For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing
economy that works better for everybody. We've made progress.
But we need to make more. And despite all the political
arguments we've had these past few years, there are some areas
where Americans broadly agree.
We agree that real opportunity requires every American to
get the education and training they need to land a good-paying
job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an
important start, and together, we've increased early childhood
education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs,
and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming
years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for
all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and
math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should
recruit and support more great teachers for our kids.
And we have to make college affordable for every American.
Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red.
We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a
borrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of
college. Providing two years of community college at no cost
for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do
that, and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this
year.
Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new
economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a
basic measure of security. After all, it's not much of a
stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are
going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health
and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this
chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their forties
and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job
loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at
some point in their careers, they may have to retool and
retrain. But they shouldn't lose what they've already worked so
hard to build.
That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important
than ever; we shouldn't weaken them, we should strengthen them.
And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be
just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what the
Affordable Care Act is all about. It's about filling the gaps
in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back
to school, or start that new business, we'll still have
coverage. Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far.
Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have
created jobs every single month since it became law.
Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime
soon. But there should be other ways both parties can improve
economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job--we
shouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we
should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a
business that's ready to hire him. If that new job doesn't pay
as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so
that he can still pay his bills. And even if he's going from
job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and
take his savings with him. That's the way we make the new
economy work better for everyone.
I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in
tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to
work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion about
strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-
income workers without kids.
But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to
find agreement over the last seven years--namely what role the
government should play in making sure the system's not rigged
in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here,
the American people have a choice to make.
I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our
economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be
changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But after
years of record corporate profits, working families won't get
more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or
big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of
everyone else; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining
to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients didn't cause the
financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants
aren't the reason wages haven't gone up enough; those decisions
are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly
earnings over long-term returns. It's sure not the average
family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through
offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-ups
and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules
should work for them. And this year I plan to lift up the many
businesses who've figured out that doing right by their workers
ends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and
their communities, so that we can spread those best practices
across America.
In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our
most creative. This brings me to the second big question we
have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit of
innovation to meet our biggest challenges?
Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we
didn't deny Sputnik was up there. We didn't argue about the
science, or shrink our research and development budget. We
built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later,
we were walking on the moon.
That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We're Thomas Edison
and the Wright Brothers and.George Washington Carver. We're
Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We're every
immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon
Valley racing to shape a better world. And over the past seven
years, we've nurtured that spirit.
We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps
to get more students and low-income Americans online. We've
launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online tools
that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a
business in a single day.
But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice President Biden
said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last
month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the
National Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've
had in over a decade. Tonight, I'm announcing a new national
effort to get it done. And because he's gone to the mat for all
of us, on so many issues over the past forty years, I'm putting
Joe in charge of Mission Control. For the loved ones we've all
lost, for the family we can still save, let's make America the
country that cures cancer once and for all.
Medical research is critical. We need the same level of
commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources.
Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around
climate change, have at it. You'll be pretty lonely, because
you'll be debating our military, most of America's business
leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire
scientific community, and 200 nations around the world who
agree it's a problem and intend to solve it.
But even if the planet wasn't at stake; even if 2014 wasn't
the warmest year on record--until 2015 turned out even hotter--
why would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses
to produce and sell the energy of the future?
Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in
clean energy in our history. Here are the results. In fields
from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than dirtier,
conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar
is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their
energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal--in jobs
that pay better than average. We're taking steps to give
homeowners the freedom to generate and store their own energy--
something environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to
support. Meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by
nearly sixty percent, and cut carbon pollution more than any
other country on Earth.
Gas under two bucks a gallon ain't bad, either.
Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from dirty
energy. Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the
future--especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels.
That's why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our
oil and coal resources, so that they better reflect the costs
they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we put money
back into those communities and put tens of thousands of
Americans to work building a 21st century transportation
system.
None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are
plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status
quo. But the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, and the
planet we'll preserve--that's the kind of future our kids and
grandkids deserve.
Climate change is just one of many issues where our
security is linked to the rest of the world. And that's why the
third big question we have to answer is how to keep America
safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to
nation-build everywhere there's a problem.
I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic
decline is political hot air. Well, so is all the rhetoric you
hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting
weaker. The United States of America is the most powerful
nation on Earth. Period. It's not even close. We spend more on
our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops
are the finest fighting force in the history of the world. No
nation dares to attack us or our allies because they know
that's the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the
world is higher than when I was elected to this office, and
when it comes to every important international issue, people of
the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead--they call
us.
As someone who begins every day with an intelligence
briefing, I know this is a dangerous time. But that's not
because of diminished American strength or some looming
superpower. In today's world, we're threatened less by evil
empires and more by failing states. The Middle East is going
through a transformation that will play out for a generation,
rooted in conflicts that date back millennia. Economic
headwinds blow from a Chinese economy in transition. Even as
their economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up
Ukraine and Syria--states they see slipping away from their
orbit. And the international system we built after World War II
is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality.
It's up to us to help remake that system. And that means we
have to set priorities.
Priority number one is protecting the American people and
going after terrorist networks. Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose
a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, even a
handful of terrorists who place no value on human life,
including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the
Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country;
they undermine our allies.
But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims
that this is World War III just play into their hands. Masses
of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls
plotting in apartments or garages pose an enormous danger to
civilians and must be stopped. But they do not threaten our
national existence. That's the story ISIL wants to tell; that's
the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We don't need to
build them up to show that we're serious, nor do we need to
push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that
ISIL is representative of one of the world's largest religions.
We just need to call them what they are--killers and fanatics
who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.
That's exactly what we are doing. For more than a year,
America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut
off ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of
terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With
nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are taking out their leadership,
their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are
training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily
reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.
If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and
wants to send a message to our troops and the world, you should
finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take
a vote. But the American people should know that with or
without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons
as terrorists before them. If you doubt America's commitment--
or mine--to see that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask
the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who was taken out last year,
or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a
prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. It
may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no
limit.
Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL
and al Qaeda, but it can't stop there. For even without ISIL,
instability will continue for decades in many parts of the
world--in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in
parts of Central America, Africa and Asia. Some of these places
may become safe havens for new terrorist networks; others will
fall victim to ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next
wave of refugees. The world will look to us to help solve these
problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or
calls to carpet bomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound
bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the world stage.
We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country
that falls into crisis. That's not leadership; that's a recipe
for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that
ultimately weakens us. It's the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq--and
we should have learned it by now.
Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient and
disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national
power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to
protect our people and our allies; but on issues of global
concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us, and make
sure other countries pull their own weight.
That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're
partnering with local forces and leading international efforts
to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.
That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and
principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. As we
speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out
its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.
That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa.
Our military, our doctors, and our development workers set up
the platform that allowed other countries to join us in
stamping out that epidemic.
That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open
markets, protect workers and the environment, and advance
American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products
Made in America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China
doesn't set the rules in that region, we do. You want to show
our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us
the tools to enforce it.
Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote
democracy, setting us back in Latin America. That's why we
restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and
commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the
Cuban people. You want to consolidate our leadership and
credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is
over. Lift the embargo.
American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice
between ignoring the rest of the world--except when we kill
terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is
unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military
power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It
means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national
security, not charity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the
most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change--
that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our
children. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or
Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the
international order we depend upon. When we help African
countries feed their people and care for the sick, that
prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Right now,
we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the
capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria--something
I'll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.
That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind of
leadership depends on the power of our example. That is why I
will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it's
expensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a
recruitment brochure for our enemies.
That's why we need to reject any politics that targets
people because of race or religion. This isn't a matter of
political correctness. It's a matter of understanding what
makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our
arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and
the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis,
told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that ``to
imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the
best way to take their place.'' When politicians insult
Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that
doesn't make us safer. That's not telling it like it is. It's
just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes
it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we are as a
country.
``We the People.'' Our Constitution begins with those three
simple words, words we've come to recognize mean all the
people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall
together. That brings me to the fourth, and maybe the most
important thing I want to say tonight.
The future we want--opportunity and security for our
families; a rising standard of living and a sustainable,
peaceful planet for our kids--all that is within our reach. But
it will only happen if we work together. It will only happen if
we can have rational, constructive debates.
It will only happen if we fix our politics.
A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on
everything. This is a big country, with different regions and
attitudes and interests. That's one of our strengths, too. Our
Founders distributed power between states and branches of
government, and expected us to argue, just as they did, over
the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign
relations, over the meaning of liberty and the imperatives of
security.
But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its
citizens. It doesn't work if we think the people who disagree
with us are all motivated by malice, or that our political
opponents are unpatriotic. Democracy grinds to a halt without a
willingness to compromise; or when even basic facts are
contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Our
public life withers when only the most extreme voices get
attention. Most of all, democracy breaks down when the average
person feels their voice doesn't matter; that the system is
rigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow
interest.
Too many Americans feel that way right now. It's one of the
few regrets of my presidency--that the rancor and suspicion
between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There's
no doubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt
might have better bridged the divide, and I guarantee I'll keep
trying to be better so long as I hold this office.
But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task--or any
President's--alone. There are a whole lot of folks in this
chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevated
debate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of
getting elected. I know; you've told me. And if we want a
better politics, it's not enough to just change a Congressman
or a Senator or even a President; we have to change the system
to reflect our better selves.
We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional
districts so that politicians can pick their voters, and not
the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money
in our politics, so that a handful of families and hidden
interests can't bankroll our elections--and if our existing
approach to campaign finance can't pass muster in the courts,
we need to work together to find a real solution. We've got to
make voting easier, not harder, and modernize it for the way we
live now. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel
the country to push for reforms that do.
But I can't do these things on my own. Changes in our
political process--in not just who gets elected but how they
get elected--that will only happen when the American people
demand it. It will depend on you. That's what's meant by a
government of, by, and for the people.
What I'm asking for is hard. It's easier to be cynical; to
accept that change isn't possible, and politics is hopeless,
and to believe that our voices and actions don't matter. But if
we give up now, then we forsake a better future. Those with
money and power will gain greater control over the decisions
that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another
economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and voting
rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died, to
secure. As frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to
fall back into tribes, to scapegoat fellow citizens who don't
look like us, or pray like us, or vote like we do, or share the
same background.
We can't afford to go down that path. It won't deliver the
economy we want, or the security we want, but most of all, it
contradicts everything that makes us the envy of the world.
So, my fellow Americans, whatever you may believe, whether
you prefer one party or no party, our collective future depends
on your willingness to uphold your obligations as a citizen. To
vote. To speak out. To stand up for others, especially the
weak, especially the vulnerable, knowing that each of us is
only here because somebody, somewhere, stood up for us. To stay
active in our public life so it reflects the goodness and
decency and optimism that I see in the American people every
single day.
It won't be easy. Our brand of democracy is hard. But I can
promise that a year from now, when I no longer hold this
office, I'll be right there with you as a citizen--inspired by
those voices of fairness and vision, of grit and good humor and
kindness that have helped America travel so far. Voices that
help us see ourselves not first and foremost as black or white
or Asian or Latino, not as gay or straight, immigrant or native
born; not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Americans first,
bound by a common creed. Voices Dr. King believed would have
the final word--voices of unarmed truth and unconditional love.
They're out there, those voices. They don't get a lot of
attention, nor do they seek it, but they are busy doing the
work this country needs doing.
I see them everywhere I travel in this incredible country
of ours. I see you. I know you're there. You're the reason why
I have such incredible confidence in our future. Because I see
your quiet, sturdy citizenship all the time.
I see it in the worker on the assembly line who clocked
extra shifts to keep his company open, and the boss who pays
him higher wages to keep him on board.
I see it in the Dreamer who stays up late to finish her
science project, and the teacher who comes in early because he
knows she might someday cure a disease.
I see it in the American who served his time, and dreams of
starting over--and the business owner who gives him that second
chance. The protester determined to prove that justice matters,
and the young cop walking the beat, treating everybody with
respect, doing the brave, quiet work of keeping us safe.
I see it in the soldier who gives almost everything to save
his brothers, the nurse who tends to him 'til he can run a
marathon, and the community that lines up to cheer him on.
It's the son who finds the courage to come out as who he
is, and the father whose love for that son overrides everything
he's been taught.
I see it in the elderly woman who will wait in line to cast
her vote as long as she has to; the new citizen who casts his
for the first time; the volunteers at the polls who believe
every vote should count, because each of them in different ways
know how much that precious right is worth.
That's the America I know. That's the country we love.
Clear-eyed. Big-hearted. Optimistic that unarmed truth and
unconditional love will have the final word. That's what makes
me so hopeful about our future. Because of you. I believe in
you. That's why I stand here confident that the State of our
Union is strong.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States
of America.
Barack Obama.
The White House, January 12, 2016.
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