[House Hearing, 106 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
H. CON. RES. 352, H. RES. 500, H. CON. RES. 297, H. CON. RES. 275, AND
H. RES. 259
=======================================================================
MARKUP
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED SIXTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
JUNE 15, 2000
__________
Serial No. 106-167
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations
Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.house.gov/international--
relations
______
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
68-019 CC WASHINGTON : 2000
COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York, Chairman
WILLIAM F. GOODLING, Pennsylvania SAM GEJDENSON, Connecticut
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa TOM LANTOS, California
HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American
DAN BURTON, Indiana Samoa
ELTON GALLEGLY, California MATTHEW G. MARTINEZ, California
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
DANA ROHRABACHER, California SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois CYNTHIA A. McKINNEY, Georgia
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
PETER T. KING, New York PAT DANNER, Missouri
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio EARL F. HILLIARD, Alabama
MARSHALL ``MARK'' SANFORD, South BRAD SHERMAN, California
Carolina ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
MATT SALMON, Arizona STEVEN R. ROTHMAN, New Jersey
AMO HOUGHTON, New York JIM DAVIS, Florida
TOM CAMPBELL, California EARL POMEROY, North Dakota
JOHN M. McHUGH, New York WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts
KEVIN BRADY, Texas GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
RICHARD BURR, North Carolina BARBARA LEE, California
PAUL E. GILLMOR, Ohio JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York
GEORGE RADANOVICH, California JOSEPH M. HOEFFEL, Pennsylvania
JOHN COOKSEY, Louisiana
THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado
Richard J. Garon, Chief of Staff
Kathleen Bertelsen Moazed, Democratic Chief of Staff
Hillel Weinberg, Senior Professional Staff Member and Counsel
Nicolle A. Sestric, Staff Associate
C O N T E N T S
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Page
Markup of H. Con. Res. 352, expressing the sense of Congress
regarding manipulation of the mass media and intimidation of
the independent press in the Russian Federation, expressing
support for freedom of speech and the independent media in the
Russian Federation, and calling on the President of the United
States to express his strong concern for freedom of speech and
the independent media in the Russian Federation................ 1
Markup of H. Res. 500, expressing the sense of the House of
Representatives concerning the violence, breakdown of rule of
law, and troubled pre-election period in the Republic of
Zimbabwe....................................................... 8
Markup of H. Con. Res. 297, congratulating the Republic of
Hungary on the millennium of its foundation as a state......... 14
Markup of H. Con. Res. 275, expressing the sense of Congress with
regard to Iraq's failure to release prisoners of war from
Kuwait and nine other nations in violation of international
agreements..................................................... 15
Markup of H. Res. 259, supporting the goals and ideals of the
Olympics....................................................... 20
APPENDIX
Prepared statements:
The Honorable Benjamin A. Gilman, a Representative in Congress
from New York and Chairman, Committee on International
Relations:
Concerning H. Con. Res. 352.................................. 24
Concerning H. Res. 500....................................... 27
Bills and amendments:
H. Con. Res. 352................................................. 29
H. Res. 500...................................................... 37
Amendment offered by Mr. Royce to H. Res. 500................ 42
H. Con. Res. 297................................................. 43
H. Con. Res. 275................................................. 46
Amendment offered by Mr. Rohrabacher to H. Con. Res. 275..... 51
H. Res. 259...................................................... 52
H. CON. RES. 352, H. RES. 500, H. CON. RES. 297, H. CON. RES. 275, AND
H. RES. 259
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THURSDAY, JUNE 15, 2000
House of Representatives,
Committee on International Relations,
Washington, DC.
The Committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10 a.m. in room
2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Benjamin A. Gilman
(Chairman of the Committee) presiding.
Chairman Gilman. The Committee will be in order. Ladies and
gentlemen of the Committee, we will meet today in open session
pursuant to notice to mark up several resolutions.
house concurrent resolution 352, regarding press freedom in russia
The first resolution will be House Concurrent Resolution
352, relating to press freedom in Russia. The Chair lays the
resolution before the Committee. The clerk will report the
title of the resolution.
Ms. Bloomer. H. Con. Res. 352, concurrent resolution
expressing the sense of the Congress regarding manipulation of
the mass media and intimidation of the independent press and
the Russian Federation, expressing support for freedom of
speech and the independent media in the Russian Federation, and
calling on the President of the United States to express his
strong concern for freedom of speech and the independent media
in he Russian Federation.
[The resolution appears in the appendix.]
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the preamble and
operative language of the resolution will be read in that order
for the amendment. Clerk will read.
Ms. Bloomer. Whereas almost all of the large printing
plants, publishing houses, and newspaper----
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the resolution is
considered as having been read and is open to amendment at any
point. This resolution is in the original jurisdiction of the
Full Committee. I now recognize myself briefly on the
resolution.
House Concurrent Resolution 352, which I have introduced
along with Mr. Lantos and Mr. Smith, makes it is clear that the
Congress is greatly concerned by the treatment of the Russian
media by President Vladimir Putin and by his government's
increasingly apparent lack of respect for freedom of expression
in general in Russia.
After years of extensive privatization of Russian state-
owned enterprises, little privatization has been carried in
major segments of the Russian media.
Important segments, such as large printing and publishing
houses and nationwide television frequencies and broadcasting
facilities, have been only partially privatized if they have
been privatized at all.
That failure to privatize key segments of the media
presents a tempting opportunity for Russian officials to
manipulate the state-run media for their own ends, and in the
recent parliamentary and Presidential elections, we saw clear
evidence that Russian officials have succumbed to that
temptation.
As this resolution points out, the Russian Government's
immense influence over the state-run media was used during
those elections to openly support friends of the party in power
in the Kremlin and to attack blatantly and viciously those who
opposed that party of power.
Mr. Putin might very well not be president of Russia today
if such media manipulation had not been used to his advantage.
In addition to that manipulation of the state-run media,
this resolution points out that the Russian Government and its
officials and agencies have also sought to intimidate the
independent media.
A new Russian ministry for the press was created last July,
and the minister for the press stated quite openly that his job
was to address the so-called aggression of the Russian press.
Leading Russian editors complained, in an open letter to
former president Boris Yeltsin in August, that government
officials were putting pressure on the media, particularly
through unwarranted raids by tax police.
In fact, as recently as May 11, masked officers of the
Russian Federal security service raided the headquarters of
Media Most, which operates NTV, the largest independent
national television station in Russia.
Then just this week the owner of Media Most, Vladimir
Gusinsky, was arrested on rather vague charges.
In addition, Russian reporters have been beaten and
murdered, and police investigations have tended to fail more
often than not to identify the perpetrators, much less bring
them to justice.
Andre Babitsky, a Russian reporter working for Radio Free
Europe/Radio Liberty covering the war in Chechnya, was arrested
by the Russian military and then exchanged to unidentified
Chechens for Russian POWs, a blatant violation of his rights as
a Russian citizen.
Another reporter was ordered by police to enter a
psychiatric clinic for an examination after he wrote articles
critical of certain Russian officials.
Beyond these examples of the ongoing intimidation of the
press by Mr. Putin's government, this resolution points out a
disturbing fact that is very relevant to freedom of expression
in general in Russia.
The Russian Federal security service is now moving to
ensure total surveillance over the Internet in Russia by
installing a system by which all transmissions and e-mails
originating within Russia and sent to parties in Russia can be
read by its personnel.
My colleagues in this manner, new structures of
surveillance over all of Russia's citizens are being created.
This resolution makes it clear that the Russian
government's manipulation and intimidation of the media
threaten the chances for democracy and rule of law in Russia
and makes it clear that freedom of expression by Russians in
general is also under attack by that government and its
agencies.
This measure calls on our President to make it clear to
President Putin that the United States insists on respect for
freedom of speech and of the press in Russia.
Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Lantos. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. We are dealing here
with one of the most serious developments since the end of the
Cold War. I think it is important that we put this outrageous
incarceration of the head of the only free media in Russia in
some perspective.
Boris Yeltsin was not feeling very comfortable with the
free press, and several years ago, he attempted to intimidate
this same media operation and demanded that its most successful
television program, a program which is made up of brilliantly
designed little puppets with faces of political leaders be
taken off the air. The leadership of the independent media,
asked me to go to Moscow and hold a press conference on this
issue, which I did, and the pressure on the Yeltsin regime,
apparently from a variety of sources, was sufficient that they
allowed this political satire to continue. Now, Mr. Putin was
inducted as the president of Russia with pomp and circumstance,
which would have made the most status conscious czar rejoice,
and he is giving the impression that he is the ruler of all the
Russias.
When he was asked in Madrid about this outrageous
incarceration of the head of the independent media, and by the
way, this incarceration took place in the most notorious prison
of the Gulag system in Poterka Prison, where the most dangerous
common criminals are housed and where the lives of people who
are in that prison are unsafe from their fellow inmates--Putin
indicated that all this came as a surprise to him.
Now, there are two possibilities, Mr. Chairman. Putin
either was lying or he was telling the truth. If he was lying,
this is an attempt by him to shift the blame for this
outrageous attack on the free media away from himself and on to
the shoulders of the so-called independent prosecutor. If, in
fact, he was telling the truth, my conclusion is even more
ominous, namely, he is not in control of the Kremlin and even
more sinister forces are playing political games designed to
silence for good the last remaining component of free media in
Russia.
Our resolution outlines the case clearly and I wish to
place in the record today's editorials from The New York Times,
The Washington Post, and The Wall Street Journal on this
subject.
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, it will be made part of
the record.
Mr. Lantos. The only reservation I have about our
resolution, Mr. Chairman, and I agreed to cosponsor your
version of this resolution because I think it is important we
act on it and the whole House act on it----
Chairman Gilman. We appreciate your cooperation.
Mr. Lantos [continuing]. Is the calling on the
administration to do all kinds of things. Let me state for the
record that our Ambassador in Moscow, Jim Collins, has been on
this case full-time since Mr. Gusinsky's arrest, that our
acting Secretary of State, Strobe Talbott, the Vice President
and the President, have done everything in their power to
persuade the Russian Government to put an end to this
outrageous spectacle. So our calling on the administration to
do things is gratuitous. There is nothing wrong with it, but I
want the record to show that our administration is doing its
utmost to have Mr. Gusinsky released, and at a broader level,
to have respect for free media observed in Russia.
I think it is extremely important in dealing with this most
important matter that no hint of partisanship be present in any
of our public pronouncements. Our Republican colleagues and our
Democratic colleagues stand shoulder to shoulder with those of
us who introduced this resolution, irrespective of political
partisan and political affiliation. So I strongly ask my
colleagues to vote for this resolution, but I regret that there
are hints of political partisanship which have been included in
this resolution which, in fact, have no place in it.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, for bringing
this very important resolution before the Committee today. We
all know that freedom of press is vital, an absolutely
essential element in a Democratic society. Those of us who are
concerned about democracy, and I believe that is all of us, and
human rights around the world are deeply alarmed about what has
been happening in Russia in recent weeks and months.
Your outstanding work on this issue and that of our
colleague and friend, Tom Lantos, is an indication of how
seriously the Committee and the entire Congress takes this
issue. The arrest of Vladimir Gusinsky is an alarming
development that not only reflects the Russian Government's
antagonism toward one individual, but will certainly have a
chilling and, more precisely, a freezing effect on the media
freedom in Russia. His arrest serves as a warning to anyone
exercising their freedom of expression regardless of their
point of view that they may be next.
Mr. Chairman, as you probably know, yesterday 17
influential business leaders wrote to President Putin to
protest the arrest of Mr. Gusinsky. They wrote, a precedent has
been established. One day all of us, practically the entire
business community, could be listed as political opponents. As
a matter of fact, Mr. Chairman, on May 23, the Helsinki
Commission, which I chair, held congressional hearings on the
human rights picture under the Putin administration, and that
picture is very bleak. The trend line is going in the opposite
direction that it should be. Among the witnesses was Igor
Maleshinko, the first deputy chairman of Media Most. In his
testimony, Mr. Maleshinko called the May 11 raid on Media Most
and NTV, ``vengeance for material already published or aired an
act of intimidation to prevent further investigative reporting
by the media not only in Moscow, but all over the country.''
Clearly Mr. Gusinsky had not been sufficiently intimidated by
the raid. The move against Mr. Gusinsky is another downward
indicator in Russia's human rights picture as we see increasing
reports of harassment of independent media throughout Russia as
well as independent political and ecological groups.
I would make this note that when we journey to Bucharest
for the OSCE, parliamentary assembly in Bucharest, I will be
leading that delegation, I can assure you we will aggressively
raise the issue with the members of the Duma. Hopefully, the
speaker of the Duma will be there, like he was last year, to
try to get Mr. Gusinsky out of prison as quickly as possible,
and also to stop the trend line which, again, is going in the
wrong direction.
Great resolution, Mr. Chairman. I hope everybody supports
it.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Smith.
Mr. Gejdenson.
Mr. Gejdenson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I just want to join
with my colleagues to say that these kinds of activities in any
society would be a frightening development, but to see them
happening in a country for so long that epitomized assault on a
free press and a free citizenry is truly frightening. We know
where Mr. Putin came from, the KGB and the origins of the KGB
and the NKBD. These kinds of actions would be more
understandable if they came from a society still controlled by
the old Soviet KGB and not one supposedly operating under
democratic institutions.
The world is watching as Mr. Putin tries to bring order to
a somewhat chaotic economic and political system in Russia.
Closing down and assaulting the press will not get the response
that Mr. Putin is looking for. He will only reignite the
tensions that have existed for all too long in this century
between Russia and democratic societies. It will also not bring
any progress to Russia, but only bring the darkness that
existed for so long under Stalin. It is clear we all speak with
one voice here, and I urge the Chairman to move this
expeditiously to the floor.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Gejdenson. The Committee
will stand in recess for the vote.
[Recess.]
Mr. Bereuter [presiding]. The Committee will be in order.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arizona under the 5-
minute rule.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you. First of all, I would like to
congratulate Mr. Lantos for addressing this issue early on. He
introduced a resolution himself about a week ago which I was
original cosponsor of. We had a hearing with the Helsinki
Commission about 3 weeks ago in which representatives from
Media One were able to come and address the body to talk about
major problems in Russia, and I must agree, I think that our
message needs to be very, very clear.
It should not, in my mind, have political overtones within
the context of our own political system here in this country,
but it should be very, very clear in the denunciation of the
atrocities being perpetuated in Russia right now. I am very,
very concerned about the fact that not long ago, Media One was
raided first and foremost, and they were raided not because, to
our understanding, they have done anything illegally or
criminal, but simply because they spoke in opposition to some
of the policies of the Putin government.
So I believe that our message needs to be very, very clear
from this Congress. I know that Congressman Lantos has been
working with the administration to address this problem, and I
believe that they have been doing their part to try to address
the problems.
When the President was in Russia a few weeks ago, I know he
brought up the issue of press freedom. I know it is a concern
to him. So let's make our message very, very clear that we in
this country, as partners with Russia, demand that they show
more sympathy to the freedom of the press, and if they truly
want to grow as a democracy, if they truly want to reform
themselves, if they truly want the support of the free world,
then we have got to give more than just lip service to the
concept of freedom of the press, and I yield back the balance
of my time.
Mr. Bereuter. Are there other Members who wish to be heard
on the resolution?
Mr. Lantos, do you know if there are other Members who
would be returning who want to be heard on this?
Mr. Lantos. I don't, Mr. Chairman, but if I may take
another couple of minutes, I would like to add a few thoughts.
Mr. Bereuter. Without objection, the gentleman is
recognized.
Mr. Lantos. Thank you very much.
This resolution is one of the most important ones we will
consider in this current session of Congress. Russia is at the
crossroads. It can move in the direction of developing into a
democratic and prosperous and peaceful society which will be a
friend and ally of the United States, and our colleagues in
western Europe in building a prosperous and peaceful global
community. Or it can return back to its totalitarian,
authoritarian, dictatorial directions.
It is my impression that Mr. Putin is potentially educable.
If that is a reasonable assumption, this is a very important
pedagogic device. I think it is extremely important to note
that the international community of media people has condemned
this outrageous arrest of the head of the free media. I think
it is important our European allies speak out as forcefully as
we are.
Prime Minister Tony Blair, who has had early and good
relations where Mr. Putin is in a particularly propitious
position to exert whatever influence he has, but I think it is
extremely important for us to realize, since we passed so many
resolutions, not many of them waiting, that this one is an
extremely significant one. It is a historic one. We are telling
the Russian government and the Russian people that we
understand they are a long ways from a free and democratic
society, but if they wish to move in that direction, they must
do it with a free press.
A free press which is free to criticize the government,
whether in its military actions as in Chechnya, or whether in
its domestic policies as the acceptance of political satire as
part of the game of democratic life. I strongly urge my
colleagues to vote for this resolution. I yield back, Mr.
Chairman.
Mr. Bereuter. Thank you, Mr. Lantos. Despite the other
duties that Members have in Committee markups and elsewhere, I
do hope that the public will regard this as a unanimous
approval of the resolution. The Chair recognizes the gentleman
from California.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Thank you very much. Just a couple of
thoughts. First of all, I salute Mr. Lantos on, again,
providing leadership on a very important pro-freedom, human
rights issue that will be of great significance to our future
and to the future of peace and for the world, not just for
Russia but for the world.
It has brought to mind something that happened to me 10
years ago. I was just a freshman here in Congress, that there
were some visiting Russians in the city, and some of them had
been directed to my office, and I was going to be spending the
weekend here, and it was on a Friday whether they came to my
office. So I suggested that we all go out and play touch
football the next day, and they all showed up to play touch
football the next day, and then I suggested after the football
game that we all go to the local pub for some intellectual
discourse and they all went to this--actually, it was the Irish
Times Pub right here on Capitol Hill, and as the discussion
became more relevant to the occasion, we decided to find out
about competition, to teach them what competition was all
about.
And we began to have arm wrestling matches with these
Russians who were visiting the United States, and it just so
happens that the fellow that I was teamed up against is now the
president of Russia, Mr. Putin. And I don't know whether I
should report whether he beat me or not, but I think it is
important whether you are arm wrestling or whether you are
engaged in this type of activity that those are people that
need to feel the pressure, and they need to understand that we
are not just going to sit by and idly do nothing as they are
going in the wrong direction.
We need to put the full force, we need to put some muscle,
pardon for the pun, but we need to put some muscle behind our
words, but we need, most of all, to express these thoughts that
Mr. Lantos has been talking about with our whole heart, so that
these words will be heard in Russia and will be heard by Mr.
Putin, because these people are not experienced in democracy.
They are not experienced in taking criticism. They do not
understand that in a system for it to succeed, they have to be
able to accept criticism from the press and from opponents, and
by speaking forcefully today and giving them this type of
direction, I think that we are letting Mr. Putin understand
more about the way the system works, and we are not expressing
hostility toward them.
We are expressing that we want Russia to succeed. We want
Russia to be prosperous and free and at peace and democratic,
and they are not going to get that way if they end up censoring
the press. And just like I think we talked to them a little bit
about American football and Indian wrestling that day, I think
that maybe today, we can try to express a lesson----
Mr. Lantos. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Rohrabacher. Yes, sir, I certainly will.
Mr. Lantos. Knowing of my friend's extraordinary diplomatic
skills, I am sure he allowed Mr. Putin to win. Therefore, you
better call him now to sort of urge him to act in the correct
way.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Thank you very much. Mr. Chairman, would
you like me to move forward with this.
Mr. Bereuter. Let me see for the record if there are any
other Members seeking recognition. There is a Member seeking
recognition. The gentleman from California, Mr. Sherman.
Mr. Sherman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I just want to
commend Mr. Lantos for his excellent work on this resolution. I
think we should praise the courage of Vladimir Gusinsky because
here is a man who had his offices invaded and then the next
week the puppets were back on television and then they were
back on television the week after with the Putin puppeteer
face. This is a man who has shown a dedication to his country,
toward democracy in his country, toward the free expression of
thought in his country that should be a model for media tycoons
in the United States and elsewhere. This man has put his
country above profitability or even his own freedom.
The other point I think we can make is that American
companies should be reluctant to invest in a country that does
not follow the rule of law and does not protect press freedom,
does not have real democracy. No one in Russia can be safe to
criticize that regime. No one in Russia can believe that they
have a free press when the most powerful of all of the critics,
the one most likely to be able to defend himself is now in a
Russian prison, and in fact I am told one of the worst of the
Russian prisons. So I commend Mr. Lantos for bringing this
resolution to the Committee.
Chairman Gilman [presiding]. Are there any other Members
seeking recognition? If not, I recognize the gentleman from
California, Mr. Rohrabacher, for a motion.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Yes, Mr. Chairman. I move that the
Chairman be requested to seek consideration of the pending
resolution on the suspension calendar.
Chairman Gilman. The question is on the motion by the
gentleman from California, Mr. Rohrabacher. All those in favor
of the motion signify by saying ``aye.'' All those opposed
signify by saying ``no.'' The ayes have it. The motion is
agreed to. Further proceedings on this measure are postponed.
h. res. 500, relating to the situation in zimbabwe
We will now move to consideration of H. Res. 500, relating
to the situation in Zimbabwe. The Chair lays the resolution
before the Committee. The clerk will report the title of the
resolution.
Ms. Bloomer. H. Res. 500, resolution expressing the sense
of the House of Representatives concerning the violence,
breakdown of rule of law, and troubled preelection period in
the Republic of Zimbabwe.
[The resolution appears in the appendix.]
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the clerk will read the
preamble and operative language of the resolution in that order
for amendment. The clerk will read.
Ms. Bloomer. Whereas people around the world supported the
Republic----
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the resolution is
considered as having been read and is open to amendment at any
point.
Anyone seeking recognition? Mr. Royce.
Mr. Royce. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me begin by
applauding you on moving quickly with this resolution because
critical elections are going to be held in Zimbabwe on the 24th
and 25th. You and Mr. Hastings, working with the Africa
Subcommittee staff, have put together an important resolution I
am a cosponsor of, and my hope is that this could be on the
House floor next week.
The Africa Subcommittee held a hearing on Zimbabwe on
Tuesday and in that hearing we heard from Zimbabwe's leading
opposition figure over the phone and I am more convinced than
ever that we need to send a strong message to the government in
Zimbabwe that the United States and the international community
will be making a hard-nosed assessment of the legitimacy of
those elections.
Unfortunately, it is quite clear that these elections leave
much to be desired because we have seen the spectacle of ruling
party supporters attacking schools, having taken their cue from
the Justice Minister who accused the teachers of the country of
polluting the minds of the young people. The Zimbabwe Teachers
Association says that at least 200 schools have now been
attacked, disrupted, and the teachers intimidated. Teachers,
they report, have been stripped naked in front of their
students and forced to chant pro-Mugabe slogans. Teachers have
been beaten unconscious in front of their students. This is
instigated by a government which professes a concern for
education. It is no coincidence that teachers served as the
poll workers in the previous election 4 months ago in which the
government lost that referendum by a 55-45 margin on expanding
President Mugabe's powers. So there could be no mistake that a
message is being sent now to the teachers who are the potential
poll workers in the upcoming elections.
The political intimidation has been deadly over the last
few weeks. At least 31 persons, mostly Black Movement for
Democratic Change supporters have been killed. Hundreds others
have been beaten, raped, or forced to flee their homes. There
are often knocks in the dead of night on the door and requests
by the secret police to see if you are carrying the papers of
the party in power or if you are instead associated with the
opposition.
Sadly, the rule of law and democracy has long been
compromised in post-independence of Zimbabwe. It has been a de
facto one-party state where political opponents have been
intimidated and physically abused. The United States and the
international community have swept these troubling realities
under the rug for years while indulging the Mugabe government
with aid. U.S. bilateral aid alone has totaled three-quarters
of a billion dollars.
This resolution notes that donor-supported land reform
efforts have been ineffective due to government corruption. In
fact, the land that has been transferred has been transferred
to cabinet members and other political associates of President
Mugabe. It has not gone to Zimbabwean farmers.
So the results are in. After President Mugabe has played
the donors like a fiddle for years, Zimbabwe is staring into
the abyss. It is time we learn from the past. The democratic
activists in Zimbabwe have shown tremendous courage in the face
of terrifying and cowardly government attacks while practicing
nonviolence on their part.
I know for a fact that this resolution has bolstered their
morale. This is an important statement, Mr. Chairman, and the
Congress should be looking to do more. It should be looking to
do more, yet if the government of Zimbabwe continues on its
present course, and many of us will be watching the human
rights and rule-of-law situation during and after these
elections, and if things don't improve, I will be moving to end
aid to Zimbabwe. I know many of my colleagues feel likewise. We
all hope for the best, but it is important that the Mugabe
government understand that things are different today. There is
little tolerance for this rule at any cost and I thank you, Mr.
Chairman, for sponsoring this important resolution.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Royce.
Judge Hastings.
Mr. Hastings. Thank you so very much, Mr. Chairman. I thank
the Chairman of the Africa Subcommittee, Mr. Royce, as well for
expediting this matter. I would like to express my strong
support for H.Res. 500, concerning the recent situation in
Zimbabwe. Mr. Chairman, this resolution is offered to condemn
the ongoing spiral of political violence in Zimbabwe eloquently
spoken to by the Africa Subcommittee chair, my good friend Mr.
Royce. It urges President Mugabe and the ruling party to
enforce the rule of law and support international efforts to
assist land reform.
Further, it condemns violence directed against farm workers
and recommends that a bipartisan delegation travel to Zimbabwe
under the auspices of the International Republican Institute
and the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs
for the purpose of monitoring elections scheduled for June 24
and 25 of this year.
It is quite unequivocal that the time for gentle prodding
and subtle messages to the government of Zimbabwe has passed.
President Mugabe is evidently not listening. He evidently is
not responding. Thus, the time for quiet diplomacy and behind
the scenes negotiations should come to an end.
The United States must voice our loud dissent over the
existing conditions in this southern Africa nation. We must
heed the call of all the world's citizens seeking peaceful,
political, and social justice, whether it is Zimbabwe or Bosnia
or Kosovo. It is very risky for us to associate ourselves with
leaders who no longer have the support of their people and
regimes with undemocratic values. And we must not wait too long
to answer the cries for liberty in Zimbabwe, for there has
already been enough bloodshed and loss of lives in that tiny
nation.
Mr. Chairman, we must act swiftly to avoid further
disaster. I continue to believe that with Sierra Leone in a
state of anarchy, the Democratic Republic of the Congo in a
battlefield, Ethiopia and Eritrea back in war and other parts
of the African continent ongoing cataclysmic upheavals, we
certainly cannot allow Zimbabwe to collapse as well. There is
still time but only if President Mugabe returns to his senses.
I implore our colleagues to join you, Mr. Chairman, and all
of us in sending a strong message to President Mugabe and his
ruling body to end the violence now, conduct free, fair, and
transparent elections as scheduled, and uphold the rule of law.
We also must support the vast majority of people in Zimbabwe
who are committed to peace and economic prosperity and let them
know that their aspirations for peace and democracy are not
lost. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Judge Hastings.
Mr. Payne.
Mr. Payne. Thank you very much. Let me commend the Chairman
Royce for introducing this legislation and Judge Hastings. I
join in support of the recommendation. I think that on our
recent trip led by Amo Houghton and Speaker Gephardt--Leader
Gephardt, excuse me, we had a good opportunity to meet with Mr.
Mugabe and members of the opposition forces. We were of course
primarily concerned about the problem of HIV virus and AIDS and
for the first time Mr. Mugabe did acquiesce to the fact that it
has been known that there is a problem with AIDS and for the
first time has publicly said that he was willing to lend all of
the government resources that were available to fight this.
But as we met with that and had a success as relates to the
dreaded disease there, we certainly were confronted with the
fact that there had been unfair tactics as relates to the
upcoming elections.
The resolution here certainly expresses our concern for the
violence and a breakdown of law in the preelection period in
Zimbabwe and it calls for the citizens of Zimbabwe to--we
support the peaceful demonstrations that have been going on by
the opposition. We urge the government to uphold the rule of
law and support international efforts to support land reform.
It encourages all parties and local media in society to work
together for a free and fair election and encourages monitors
to visit there in the upcoming elections.
There are still two problems, though, going into the
election. One is about the autonomy of the Electoral
Supervisory Commission, the ESC and, second, the accreditation
of observers and polling agents. I think that these issues must
be dealt with and overcome. I do think that with the
adventurism by President Mugabe into the Congo, that local
support has eroded because people felt there were problems at
home, the unemployment rate, the inflation, and I do believe
that in order to make a dramatic statement President Mugabe has
used the question of land reform, which has been a several
decade problem, but making this the No. 1 issue to attempt to
gain support for those who are shut out and knocked down. But I
do urge that President Mugabe allow free and fair elections. I
do think there are some underlying problems that we ought to
assist the country of Zimbabwe in once the elections are over,
and hopefully they are fair and free so that we can add our
assistance to trying to help them sort out the problems of real
land reform, the same problems that we have seen in South
Africa with the distribution of land, the same problem we have
seen in Namibia, the same problem that was in Zambia. But I
think once the elections are over, fair and free, hopefully the
people's voice will be heard and hopefully we will be able to
sit down with the government of Zimbabwe, with the British,
with those who are part of the Lancaster House agreement of 20
years ago, which has never really been fully implemented, and
perhaps we can resolve the land problem once and for all and
move toward a better day for the people of Zimbabwe who
certainly deserve it.
Thank you very much.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
Mr. Royce, for an amendment.
Mr. Royce. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have really just a
technical amendment. The resolution currently reads, Whereas no
date has been set for parliamentary elections, those dates have
been set for June 24 and 25. We should make note of that and
this technical amendment does so.
Chairman Gilman. The clerk will report the amendment.
Ms. Bloomer. Amendment offered by Mr. Royce: In the final
Whereas clause on page two strike the words ``no date has'' and
insert ``June 24 and June 25 have''.
[The amendment appears in the appendix.]
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the amendment is agreed
to.
I will now speak briefly to the resolution.
There was a time when President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe
spoke passionately and persuasively for justice, liberty and
majority rule, but destiny led this Jesuit trade schoolteacher
to become the leader of a liberation movement. But at some
point during the past 20 years that vision of a peaceful
democratic Zimbabwe has become twisted and the President seems
to believe that it is his birth right to rule and that he will
live forever.
Earlier this year, the people of Zimbabwe sadly rejected
the constitutional referendum that would have given the
President even greater powers. Commercial farmers, both black
and white, as well as the commercial farmer, who comprise 26
percent of Zimbabwe's labor force, fought the referendum and
won.
Surprised that anyone should dare question his authority,
the ruling party, at the direction of the President, launched a
brutal and cynical campaign to cower its political opponents
into submission. These activities have not gone unnoticed among
Zimbabwe's neighbors and democratic nations around the world.
Zimbabwe's law requires that parliamentary elections be held
within the next few months. The intimidation in state sponsored
violence that we have observed these past few months are
designed to keep all power in the hands of the ruling party,
which currently holds 147 of the--150 seats of the parliament.
These tactics are not just misjudged. They are also destined to
fail.
Every time a farm worker is beaten for asserting his right
to free speech, ZANU loses support. Every time a Zimbabwe
soldier dies in the Congo, a war that means nothing to his
family, ZANU loses its support. President Mugabe has made the
greatest mistake any politician can make. He has underestimated
the people he covers.
H. Res. 500 expresses the House's profound dismay at the
practices of Zimbabwe's current leadership. It is our sincere
wish that the people of Zimbabwe who deserve the political
freedom, as many have fought for, will remain steadfast in a
peaceful pursuit of democratic reform.
I commend the Subcommittee on African Affairs, ably led by
Mr. Royce and Mr. Payne for their excellent hearing on this
topic yesterday, and I would also like to thank Judge Hastings
for his original cosponsorship of this resolution and many
other Members who have offered their sponsorship since the
resolution was introduced, and I ask that my full statement be
made part of the record.
[The prepared statement of Chairman Gilman appears in the
appendix.]
Chairman Gilman. Are there any other Members seeking
recognition?
Mr. Sherman.
Mr. Sherman. I want to associate myself with the preceding
speakers. I think this is an important resolution and the
recent comments indicate why. I want to add a plea to the
embassy of the United States in Zimbabwe that it will take
extraordinary efforts to protect Americans and American
businesses in Zimbabwe during this period of unrest because it
is those business activities and tourism that will help
Zimbabwe in the years to come rebuild its economy.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you. Mr. Lantos, is that on a motion
on your bill?
Mr. Lantos. No.
Chairman Gilman. Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Lantos. Mr. Chairman, for the sake of saving time, I
want to associate myself with the comments of my good friends
Congressman Hastings and Congressman Payne and to recognize
their enormous contributions to issues on behalf of human
rights and democracy globally.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Bereuter.
Mr. Bereuter. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I was just going to
make a comment or two as I offered in a motion. I would like to
commend the Chairman and Mr. Hastings for this initiative. The
Chairman has just given a very strong statement of our concerns
or actually our outrage over what has happened and, as Mr.
Hastings says, the time for subtle message has passed. I have a
hard time referring to Mr. Mugabe as president. It is an
honorable title. I don't think he deserves it.
When the gentleman from New Jersey went to speak along with
others about the scourge of HIV/AIDS, it must have been
difficult for them to meet with the gentleman despite the
importance of that issue. I think what Mugabe has done has been
outrageous. He has encouraged violence. His actions have been
despicable. He ought to be regarded as an international pariah.
And I would hope that when this bill is managed on the
floor that the manager, the Chairman or whoever he might
designate, would request a record vote on it so that we might
have unanimous expression of the House of Representatives about
the conduct that has been going on in Zimbabwe, and I yield
back the balance of my time.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Bereuter.
Mr. Payne.
Mr. Payne. I might just add that the embassy that was
referred to by Mr. Sherman, the embassy has really been engaged
in this. I receive several calls a week from the U.S.
Ambassador to Zimbabwe. They are moving around the country.
They are really on top of the issue and has shown a tremendous
concern by like I said, by several calls, and I am sure Mr.
Hastings and Mr. Royce and others of us have received calls
from our embassy. So they are really seemingly on target in
this instance.
Thank you.
Chairman Gilman. Ms. Lee.
Ms. Lee. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and let me just say that
I also want to associate myself with the remarks of Judge
Hastings and especially Congressman Payne with regard to
particularly the issues around land reform, and I think we must
remember that during the liberation struggle and the
independence struggle the issue was land reform then. Here we
are now many, many years, what is it, 20 years later in a new
election and the same issue prevails. The issue is land reform.
It is important, I believe, for the United States once
these elections take place, and I fully support this
resolution. I think it is going to be very important for us to
not just be bystanders as we move forward in this process
because I don't want to see us 20 years from now still dealing
with these issues, especially as they relate to land reform,
because I think that that has got to be addressed very quickly.
If not, we will be in the same place 20 years from now.
Thank you.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Ms. Lee. If there are no other
Members seeking recognition, the gentleman from Nebraska, Mr.
Bereuter, is recognized to offer a motion.
Mr. Bereuter. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I move that the
Chairman be requested to seek consideration of the pending
resolution on the suspension calendar.
Chairman Gilman. The question is now on the motion of the
gentleman from Nebraska. All those in favor of the motion
signify by saying aye. All those opposed signify by saying no.
The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to. Further proceedings
on this measure are postponed.
Mr. Lantos.
h. con. res. 297, congratulating the republic of hungary on the
millennium
We will now consider H. Con Res. 297, relating to the
millennium of the founding of Hungary as a state. The Chair
lays the resolution before the Committee. The clerk will report
the title of the resolution.
Ms. Bloomer. H. Con. Res. 297, a resolution congratulating
the Republic of Hungary on the millennium of its foundation as
a state.
[The resolution appears in the appendix.]
Mr. Lantos. Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Lantos. Mr. Chairman, I move to postpone consideration
of H. Con. Res. 297 until June 28, 2000 so as to give us
sufficient time to make it a more balanced and more realistic
resolution.
Chairman Gilman. The gentleman is recognized for any
further time he may seek with regard to his motion.
Mr. Lantos. Mr. Chairman, the two authors of the resolution
proceeded with the best of intentions, but there is a subtext
in the resolution given the current political situation of
Hungary which compels me to ask for a postponement. The
resolution, as it can be read and will be read in Hungary, has
singularly negative connotations which I think will need to be
corrected. The far right in Hungary is making considerable
headway. They will use this resolution for their own nefarious
purposes, and I believe it is imperative that we revise and
make the resolution more----
Mr. Bereuter. Will the gentleman yield.
Mr. Lantos. I will be happy to yield.
Mr. Bereuter. I thank the gentleman for yielding. I want to
support the gentleman's motion. I believe there is no one in
the Congress past or present who understands more about Hungary
than the gentleman from California. I respect his opinion on
Hungary from my knowledge of how this resolution would be
received with the particular provision in it. I believe the
gentleman is entirely right. I bow to his judgment and I know
that the gentleman will work to try to advance a resolution
that would be appropriate and avoid that problem.
I certainly support you, Mr. Lantos, in your request. Thank
you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Bereuter. Without
objection, the motion of the gentleman from California is now
agreed to.
h. con. res. 275, regarding kuwaiti pows
We will now consider H. Con. Res. 275, relating to Kuwaiti
prisoners of war. The Chair lays the resolution before the
Committee. The clerk will report the title of the resolution.
Ms. Bloomer. H. Con. Res. 275, concurrent resolution
expressing the sense of the Congress with regard to Iraq's
failure to release prisoners of war from Kuwait and nine other
nations in violation of international agreements.
[The resolution appears in the appendix.]
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the preamble and
operative language of the resolution will be read in that order
for amendment. The clerk will read.
Ms. Bloomer. Whereas in 1990 and 1991, thousands of
Kuwaitis were randomly----
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the resolution is
considered as having been read and is open to amendment at any
point. The resolution is in the original jurisdiction of the
Full Committee, and I now recognize the gentleman from Florida,
Mr. Wexler.
Mr. Wexler. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to thank you,
Mr. Chairman and Congressman Gejdenson, for bringing House
Concurrent Resolution 275 to the Full Committee for a vote. I
also want to thank Congressman Rohrabacher and Congressman
Royce for joining me in introducing this important resolution
to highlight the unfortunate plight of 605 Kuwaiti POWs who
remain detained in Iraqi prisons. I know they share my view
that there is no cause more compelling than the return of
missing citizens and soldiers.
In January I traveled to Kuwait, where I met with Kuwaiti
officials and representatives from the National Committee for
Missing and POW Affairs and learned about the horrors that took
place a decade ago when Saddam Hussein's Iraq brutally occupied
Kuwait for several months in 1990 and 1991. During the
occupation thousands of Kuwaitis were literally swept off the
streets and detained in Iraqi prisons. Some were released after
the end of the Gulf War. There remain, however, 605 Kuwaiti
POWs in Iraq whose status and well-being are unknown to their
families and the international community.
Over the last decade the United States and the
international community have made every effort to assist the
Kuwaiti government to secure the release of the missing POWs.
After the Gulf War the United Nations Security Council passed
two resolutions calling upon Iraq to arrange for immediate
access to and release of all prisoners of war under the
auspices of the International Committee of the Red Cross. Iraq
has failed to fulfill its obligations to release the prisoners.
They have hindered and blocked efforts of the tripartite
commission to locate and secure the release and return of the
remaining prisoners of war.
Iraq has also violated article 126 of the Third Geneva
Convention to which they are a signatory by denying the Red
Cross access to Iraqi prisons. Although Iraq has thwarted the
efforts of the Red Cross and the tripartite commission, there
is strong evidence that the POWs may still be alive in Iraq.
Iraqi documents left behind in Kuwait chronicle in detail the
arrest, imprisonment and transfer of a significant number of
Kuwaitis, including those who are still missing. Eyewitness
reports from Iraq indicate that many missing soldiers were seen
alive in Iraqi prisons.
This resolution will add in securing the release and return
of the remaining Kuwaiti prisoners of war. The resolution
condemns Iraq for its refusal to comply with international
human rights agreements to which it is a party. It also urges
Iraq to disclose the names and whereabouts of those prisoners
who are still alive and allow humanitarian organizations to
visit with the living prisoners.
Mr. Chairman, the entire nation of Kuwait continues to
suffer 10 years after the end of the Gulf War. The uncertainty
surrounding the whereabouts of the missing Kuwaitis has had a
devastating psychological effect on the people of Kuwait. No
Kuwaiti family is unaffected by the tragedy. For 10 years
Kuwaitis have banded together, united and determined to secure
and return those who were taken without warning and without
reason.
I believe this resolution will help keep this powerful
humanitarian issue at the forefront of international
consciousness so that individuals and governments throughout
the world cannot ignore it.
Mr. Chairman, I also welcome the amendment by Congressman
Rohrabacher, pertaining to American Navy Lieutenant Commander
Michael Speicher whose F-18 fighter jet was shot down over Iraq
on January 16, 1991 and his fate remains uncertain.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you. Mr. Rohrabacher.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. There
are 605 Kuwaiti MIAs, many of whom are civilians and they have
been held for over 10 years now. To put this in proportion for
the people of the United States, this would be the equivalent
if an enemy of the United States was holding 200,000 Americans
for a period of 10 years. Think of what the suffering among our
people and the emotional upheaval in our country would be if
200,000 Americans were being held by an enemy of the United
States.
The fact that Saddam Hussein still holds these people and
refuses to give an accounting, now obviously some of them are
dead, but many of them are likely to be alive and many of those
who are alive or dead are civilians and not military personnel.
So we must send a message to Saddam Hussein that we take this
issue very seriously. This is a humanitarian issue. It is a
human rights issue. It is an issue from which all Americans
agree is an outrage against humanity as we hear the call go up
for an end of the sanctions against Iraq. You know we have the
oil sanctions against Iraq now. We permit them to sell enough
oil to pay for their food and their medicine. Saddam Hussein
instead decides to use his discretion to use those resources to
buy more weapons and to buy more instruments of repression of
his own people.
But as these people keep knocking on our door, saying end
these sanctions against Iraq, let us remind them of the 605
Kuwaiti MIAs who Saddam Hussein refuses to even give us an
accounting for, and I would say until he does there should be
no movement toward opening up any type of relationship with
Saddam Hussein or Iraq.
I have an amendment at the desk, Mr. Chairman, which I will
offer in a moment dealing with Lieutenant Commander Michael
Speicher, and I will just say like the 605 Kuwaiti MIAs this is
a man, an American citizen who is yet to be accounted for, and
this is a serious issue.
And one last thought before we go on, and that is, it is
important that we maintain a friendly relationship with the
people of Kuwait and the government of Kuwait. The fact is that
our destinies are tied. If for some reason Saddam Hussein were
to come back into that country and would commit another act of
aggression, the prestige of the United States of America, our
ability to deter aggression around the world would be severely
undermined.
With that in mind, I think this resolution of Mr. Wexler's
is vital, but I think it is also vital for the Kuwaitis to
understand that they have to act as if they are friends of the
United States as well, and when they are handling their
economic affairs in terms of their decisions in OPEC, they
should act as a friend of the United States. We must act as
their friend because it is in our interest to do so. They
should act as our friend because it is in their interest to do
so.
And with that I strongly support and commend Mr. Wexler for
his amendment and this great stand, and it is a stand for
values, for decency, for the things that we should be standing
for in the United States, and it is in our interest as well. So
congratulations, Mr. Wexler, and I strongly support your
amendment. I do have an amendment at the end of the general
debate to add to this.
Chairman Gilman. Mr. Gejdenson.
Mr. Gejdenson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I think none of us
can be shocked by the savagery of Saddam Hussein, a savagery
that continues to inflict terrible pain on his own people,
diverting resources away from feeding his children and
providing medical care. He takes those resources to build
lavish palaces and to pursue more of his military needs, trying
to increase his access to weaponry.
This savagery continues against the people of Kuwait with
the holding of the Kuwaiti hostages for so long after the
Kuwaitis, who complied with the U.N. Resolutions, released all
the Iraqi prisoners they held.
This savagery cannot be allowed to continue and we cannot
sit by quietly. I commend my colleague from Florida, Mr.
Wexler, for his fine effort here and also the gentleman from
California for the addition of the American pilot and also for
his reference to the supply of petroleum that affects the
common security of the United States.
Americans have taken courageous action, appropriately, to
protect the Kuwaitis. They have taken every effort to continue
to contain Saddam Hussein, taking the lead in that role, and
this Congress cannot sit by as this one more savage act by
Saddam Hussein continues to inflict pain on the Kuwaiti people.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Gejdenson.
Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Lantos. Mr. Chairman, I want to commend my friend from
Florida for his very carefully crafted and very important
resolution, and I want to commend my friend from California Mr.
Rohrabacher for his amendment.
I think it is extremely important that we do not allow
Saddam Hussein to blame the Western powers for whatever
deprivations are unfolding with respect to the Iraqi people. It
is fully within Saddam Hussein's power and it is only within
his power to see to it that the sanctions are lifted and the
Iraqi people rejoin the community of nations. He has
persistently refused and sabotaged and undermined the attempts
of the United Nations to get to the bottom of his attempt to
build weapons of mass destruction, nuclear, biological,
chemical and the missile technology for their delivery.
We must stand firm until Saddam Hussein changes his policy
or until he is replaced. We deeply regret whatever problems the
people of Iraq have as a result of his actions but the blame
must be placed squarely on the shoulders of his outrageous
dictatorial regime.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Rohrabacher, for his amendment.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. As original
cosponsor I am in strong support of Mr. Wexler's resolution as
I just said, but my amendment calls for the government of the
United States----
Chairman Gilman. Mr. Rohrabacher, let us call up the
amendment.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Yes, sir.
Chairman Gilman. The clerk will read the amendment. And the
clerk will distribute the amendment.
Ms. Bloomer. Amendment offered by Mr. Rohrabacher, ``After
the last whereas clause, add the following, whereas significant
questions remain----''
[The amendment appears in the appendix.]
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the amendment is
considered as having been read. Mr. Rohrabacher, on his
amendment.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Thank you very much. My amendment calls
for the governments of the United States, Kuwait and
international community to make every effort possible to
resolve the case of Lieutenant Commander Michael Speicher, a
U.S. Navy fighter pilot who was shot down over Iraq on January
16, 1991. The Navy declared him killed in action, body not
recovered the day after the shootdown. However, the military
did not conduct any search and rescue for him during the war.
Importantly, since the end of Desert Storm significant
evidence has been discovered that raises serious questions
about the fate of this heroic American. Saddam has a history of
secretly holding on to prisoners for years. Iraq, for example,
recently released Iranian prisoners of war who Saddam had
denied holding until the time of their release. Earlier this
month following a CBS 60 Minutes expose on this case, a Navy
spokesman told the Washington Post that Lieutenant Commander
Speicher's status, ``remains very much an open issue. Clearly,
we dropped the ball.''
As in the case of the Kuwaiti missing prisoners, Iraq has
not answered any U.S. inquiries about the pilot. Last week
bipartisan legislation by the U.S. Senate has called for full
disclosure of all U.S. defense and intelligence reports
regarding Lieutenant Commander Speicher.
Michael Speicher, a patriotic young American who
volunteered to serve his country, has not been well served by
his country. During visits to Kuwait in 1998 and again in 1999,
I asked intelligence officials at the American embassy about
Lieutenant Commander Speicher. They told me that there is a
legitimate reason for concern about whether he survived his
crash and was taken prisoner. These officials told me that they
welcome congressional support for the United States
Government's efforts to determine Lieutenant Commander
Speicher's fate.
Recently in Jordan, an Iraqi defector told a U.S. official
that he had driven an American prisoner from the desert to
Baghdad during the war and this same fellow identified
Speicher's photo out of a photo lineup as the prisoner he had
encountered.
My amendment calls for the United States, the Kuwaiti
government, and the international community to do everything
possible to seek information that will resolve the fate of
Lieutenant Commander Speicher. It also calls on Iraq to
immediately return this American hero or his remains to the
International Red Cross for return to the United States.
My office has already spoken to the Kuwaiti embassy in
regard to this issue. They are supportive of this amendment.
This reflects their gratitude toward all Americans who served
in the Gulf War and liberated their country from Saddam's
brutal occupation forces. It coincides and parallels directly
with Mr. Wexler's fine amendment about Kuwaiti MIAs, and I
would urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Rohrabacher. Is a Member
seeking recognition on the Rohrabacher amendment? If not,
without objection, the amendment is agreed to.
I ask that my full statement be made part of the record.
During the Gulf War thousands of Kuwaitis were randomly
arrested during the Iraqi occupation. The government in Kuwait
compiled evidence documenting the evidence of 605 prisoners of
war. It submitted its file to the International Committee of
the Red Cross, which passed its files on to Iraq and the United
Nations.
I want to commend the gentleman from Florida, Mr. Wexler,
for his concern in this matter, and for his sponsorship for
this important humanitarian issue.
Are any other Members seeking recognition? If not, the
gentleman from Nebraska Mr. Bereuter is recognized to offer a
motion.
Mr. Bereuter. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Chairman be
requested to seek consideration of the pending resolution as
amended on the suspension calendar.
Chairman Gilman. The question is on the motion of the
gentleman from Nebraska. All those in favor of the motion
signify by saying ``aye.'' All those opposed signify by saying
``no.'' The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to. Further
proceedings on this measure are postponed.
h. res. 259, supporting the goals and ideals of the olympics
We will now proceed to H. Res. 259.
I would like to remind our colleagues that we will be going
into a Full Committee hearing. We will reconvene at the close
of this meeting into a hearing on the State Department's
overseas presence to hear Under Secretary Bonnie Cohen, and we
thank her for her patience while we went through the markup.
We will now consider H. Res. 259, supporting the goals and
ideals of the Olympics. The Chair lays the resolution before
the Committee. The clerk will report the title of the
resolution.
Ms. Bloomer. H. Res. 259, resolution supporting the goals
and ideals of the Olympics.
[The resolution appears in the appendix.]
Chairman Gilman. The resolution is within the jurisdiction
of the Full Committee. Without objection, the clerk will read
the preamble and operative language of the resolution, in that
order, for amendment. The clerk will read.
Ms. Bloomer. Whereas for over 100 years----
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the resolution is
considered as having been read and is now open for amendment at
any point.
Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Lantos. Mr. Chairman, I obviously support this
resolution, but I would like to make a point that relates to
the location of future Olympic games. A few years ago the
Chinese Communist government put on a full court press with
enormous resources to obtain the privilege of holding the
Olympics this year in Beijing.
You may recall at that time I introduced a resolution and
conducted a campaign which resulted in congressional action
disapproving of Beijing as the location of the 2000 Olympics
because of the outrageous human rights violations that the
Chinese Communist regime engaged in at the time and continues
to engage in. Partly as a result of congressional action,
partly as a result of action by other democratic nations, by a
very narrow margin Sydney, Australia, got the opportunity of
hosting the Olympic games this year, and I certainly welcome
this outcome, as did all people who consider human rights an
important element in awarding the venue of Olympic games.
I would merely like to urge my colleagues as we consider
locations of future Olympics, both summer and winter, that the
human rights policies of the government seeking to host Olympic
games be considered before we indicate by whatever means,
resolution or speeches, that we favor or oppose these
locations.
It is not a matter of indifference as to where Olympic
games are held. Hosting the Olympic games bestows on a country
a tremendous degree of international prestige and international
attention. Hundreds of millions of people watch these on
television. These become the leading news event during the
whole period of the Olympics, and I would merely urge my
colleagues in the future to be vigilant in seeing to it that
totalitarian countries which suppress human rights not be given
the privilege of hosting Olympic events.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Bereuter.
Mr. Bereuter. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. As we consider this
resolution today, I think we should also consider that the 2004
Olympics will be held in Athens, which is the 100th anniversary
of the modern Olympic games, and I would hope that our valued
Greek-American constituents can attempt to have some impact on
the government of Greece with respect to the terrorist
organizations that have been plaguing foreigners and civilian
citizens of that country.
I am not sure how many people are aware of the fact that
not too many years ago we had a rocket attack against the U.S.
embassy in Athens. It was only because of the ineptness of the
terrorist group that we didn't have severe damage and loss of
life there, and this terrorist organization seems to go on with
its killings and its intimidation almost unchecked.
There are people in the Greek government that are
extraordinarily concerned and attempting to do something about
this, and they deserve the support of Greek citizens. They
deserve encouragement from the U.S. Government and from all
governments so that we don't have another tragedy like that
that befell the British brigadier in the last several days.
I would hope that those friends of Greece, be they Greek-
American or of any other ethnic background, will give every
encouragement to the government of Greece to come down hard and
effectively and successfully on this terrorist organization
which has killed Americans and other foreign nationals as well
as many Greek citizens.
I cannot imagine how we can conduct a 2004 Olympics in
Athens unless this scourge is stopped. We can't have a repeat
of Munich, where you had strong security and, in fact, you
still had the tragedy that befell the Israeli delegation
participation at that point.
Mr. Chairman, I think it is time for us to say a few words
about the upcoming 2004 Olympics before it is too late for the
Greek government to make effective changes in dealing with the
terrorist organization that is by nature a Marxist organization
in that country.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Bereuter.
Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Lantos. Mr. Chairman, I merely wish to identify myself
and associate myself with the comments of my friend from
Nebraska.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Lantos. Next week on June
23rd, the international community will be marking the
anniversary of the founding of the modern Olympic games. The
Olympics are aimed at bringing together the world's athletes to
participate in friendly, though hard fought competition
regardless of politics, ideology or other matters extraneous to
the sport. Our own Olympic champion, the gentleman from Kansas
Jim Ryun, has introduced this resolution seeking the Congress
and the American people's recognition of the goals and ideals
of the modern Olympic movement. I believe that all of the
Members of our Committee agree that these goals and ideals are
indeed laudable and worthy of our recognition and support.
Accordingly, I ask our Committee to unanimously agree to seek
scheduling of this resolution on the suspension calendar.
Mr. Bereuter.
Mr. Bereuter. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Chairman be
requested to seek consideration of the pending resolution on
the suspension calendar.
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the motion is agreed
to. We will now proceed with our--reconvene into our hearing.
We will break for just a few minutes, to allow the witnesses to
take their seats.
[Whereupon, at 11:40 a.m., the Committee proceeded to other
business.]
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A P P E N D I X
June 15, 2000
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