[House Hearing, 112 Congress] [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office] LEGISLATIVE PROPOSALS TO DETERMINE THE FUTURE ROLE OF FHA, RHS, AND GNMA IN THE SINGLE- AND MULTI-FAMILY MORTGAGE MARKETS ======================================================================= HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON INSURANCE, HOUSING, AND COMMUNITY OPPORTUNITY OF THE COMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL SERVICES U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION __________ MAY 25, 2011 __________ Printed for the use of the Committee on Financial Services Serial No. 112-32U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 66-870 PDF WASHINGTON : 2011 ----------------------------------------------------------------------- For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512-1800; DC area (202) 512-1800 Fax: (202) 512-2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402-0001 HOUSE COMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL SERVICES SPENCER BACHUS, Alabama, Chairman JEB HENSARLING, Texas, Vice BARNEY FRANK, Massachusetts, Chairman Ranking Member PETER T. KING, New York MAXINE WATERS, California EDWARD R. ROYCE, California CAROLYN B. MALONEY, New York FRANK D. LUCAS, Oklahoma LUIS V. GUTIERREZ, Illinois RON PAUL, Texas NYDIA M. VELAZQUEZ, New York DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois MELVIN L. WATT, North Carolina WALTER B. JONES, North Carolina GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York JUDY BIGGERT, Illinois BRAD SHERMAN, California GARY G. MILLER, California GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York SHELLEY MOORE CAPITO, West Virginia MICHAEL E. CAPUANO, Massachusetts SCOTT GARRETT, New Jersey RUBEN HINOJOSA, Texas RANDY NEUGEBAUER, Texas WM. LACY CLAY, Missouri PATRICK T. McHENRY, North Carolina CAROLYN McCARTHY, New York JOHN CAMPBELL, California JOE BACA, California MICHELE BACHMANN, Minnesota STEPHEN F. LYNCH, Massachusetts THADDEUS G. McCOTTER, Michigan BRAD MILLER, North Carolina KEVIN McCARTHY, California DAVID SCOTT, Georgia STEVAN PEARCE, New Mexico AL GREEN, Texas BILL POSEY, Florida EMANUEL CLEAVER, Missouri MICHAEL G. FITZPATRICK, GWEN MOORE, Wisconsin Pennsylvania KEITH ELLISON, Minnesota LYNN A. WESTMORELAND, Georgia ED PERLMUTTER, Colorado BLAINE LUETKEMEYER, Missouri JOE DONNELLY, Indiana BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan ANDRE CARSON, Indiana SEAN P. DUFFY, Wisconsin JAMES A. HIMES, Connecticut NAN A. S. HAYWORTH, New York GARY C. PETERS, Michigan JAMES B. RENACCI, Ohio JOHN C. CARNEY, Jr., Delaware ROBERT HURT, Virginia ROBERT J. DOLD, Illinois DAVID SCHWEIKERT, Arizona MICHAEL G. GRIMM, New York FRANCISCO ``QUICO'' CANSECO, Texas STEVE STIVERS, Ohio STEPHEN LEE FINCHER, Tennessee Larry C. Lavender, Chief of Staff Subcommittee on Insurance, Housing, and Community Opportunity JUDY BIGGERT, Illinois, Chairman ROBERT HURT, Virginia, Vice LUIS V. GUTIERREZ, Illinois, Chairman Ranking Member GARY G. MILLER, California MAXINE WATERS, California SHELLEY MOORE CAPITO, West Virginia NYDIA M. VELAZQUEZ, New York SCOTT GARRETT, New Jersey EMANUEL CLEAVER, Missouri PATRICK T. McHENRY, North Carolina WM. LACY CLAY, Missouri LYNN A. WESTMORELAND, Georgia MELVIN L. WATT, North Carolina SEAN P. DUFFY, Wisconsin BRAD SHERMAN, California ROBERT J. DOLD, Illinois MICHAEL E. CAPUANO, Massachusetts STEVE STIVERS, Ohio C O N T E N T S ---------- Page Hearing held on: May 25, 2011................................................. 1 Appendix: May 25, 2011................................................. 43 WITNESSES Wednesday, May 25, 2011 Alitz, Katherine M., Senior Vice President, Boston Capital, on behalf of the Council for Affordable and Rural Housing (CARH).. 6 Berman, Michael D., CMB, Chairman, Mortgage Bankers Association (MBA).......................................................... 8 Calabria, Mark A., Ph.D., Director of Financial Regulation Studies, Cato Institute, Washington, D.C....................... 10 Carey, Peter, President and CEO, Self-Help Enterprises, on behalf of the Housing Assistance Council (HAC) and the National Rural Housing Coalition (NRHC)....................................... 12 Chappelle, Brian, Partner, Potomac Partners LLC.................. 14 Evans, Peter W., Partner, Moran & Company, on behalf of the National Multi Housing Council (NMHC) and the National Apartment Association (NAA).................................... 15 Petrou, Basil N., Managing Partner, Federal Financial Analytics, Inc............................................................ 17 Phipps, Ron, Broker, Phipps Realty, and President, National Association of REALTORS (NAR)................................. 19 Rutenberg, Barry, First Vice Chairman, National Association of Home Builders (NAHB)........................................... 20 APPENDIX Prepared statements: Alitz, Katherine M........................................... 44 Berman, Michael D............................................ 50 Calabria, Mark A............................................. 63 Carey, Peter................................................. 72 Chappelle, Brian............................................. 78 Evans, Peter W............................................... 99 Petrou, Basil N.............................................. 114 Phipps, Ron.................................................. 128 Rutenberg, Barry............................................. 148 Additional Material Submitted for the Record Biggert, Hon. Judy: Written statement of the National Council of State Housing Agencies (NCSHA)........................................... 158 Written statement of the National Housing Law Project........ 161 Written statement of the Securities and Financial Markets Association (SIFMA)........................................ 167 LEGISLATIVE PROPOSALS TO DETERMINE THE FUTURE ROLE OF FHA, RHS, AND GNMA IN THE SINGLE- AND MULTI-FAMILY MORTGAGE MARKETS ---------- Wednesday, May 25, 2011 U.S. House of Representatives, Subcommittee on Insurance, Housing, and Community Opportunity, Committee on Financial Services, Washington, D.C. The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10 a.m., in room 2128, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Judy Biggert [chairwoman of the subcommittee] presiding. Members present: Representatives Biggert, Hurt, Miller of California, Capito, Garrett, McHenry, Duffy, Dold, Stivers; Gutierrez, Waters, Cleaver, Sherman, and Capuano. Also present: Representative Green. Chairwoman Biggert. This hearing of the Subcommittee on Insurance, Housing, and Community Opportunity will come to order. And I would like to welcome all the witnesses. Thank you for being here today. And I will recognize myself for my opening statement. Good morning and welcome. Today's hearing will examine the legislative proposals to determine the future role of the Federal Housing Administration (FHA), the Rural Housing Service (RHS) and the Government National Mortgage Association (GNMA or Ginnie Mae) and the single- and multi-family mortgage markets. Our goal is to have a constructive dialogue about potential reforms to help shape a stronger framework for the future of housing finance. Together, I hope we can better determine what role, if any, the government should play in housing finance, or should the private sector be the sole financer of housing. Is there a hybrid role for a joint private/public sector partnership? I think these are critical questions that face lawmakers on both sides of the aisle. Today, we will examine legislative proposals that aim to stabilize the housing market, facilitate the return of private capital to housing finance, and reduce taxpayers' liabilities. One thing that we have all learned in the wake of the financial crisis is that homeownership is not for everyone. It is also increasingly clear that buyers with a stronger financial stake in their homes are far less likely to enter foreclosure and walk away from their loans. And finally, we have learned that the private market can't function when it is crowded by the Federal Government. The proposals under discussion today aim to encompass these lessons learned by reducing the role of government and ultimately the taxpayer, in house financing, and facilitate the return of private capital. These are sensible changes that would ensure accountability and financial stability within the FHA program. The Administration has acknowledged that the modernization of FHA must go hand in hand with GSE reform. The goal of these reforms, as stated by the Administration, is to limit the government's primary role to ``robust oversight and consumer protection, targeted assistance for low- and moderate-income homeowners and renters, and carefully design support for market stability and credit crisis response.'' With that, I would just like to say that the government's role in housing finance is unsustainable. With a $14.3 trillion national debt, our country can ill-afford expansive government programs of any kind, especially when there is a private sector alternative. But the last thing we want to do is stop the recovery of the housing market. The reforms we embrace must, by every means possible, minimize disruptions to the recovery as we allow private capital to replace government capital. As always, it is critical that we achieve the right balance for taxpayers and home buyers. I look forward to working with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to facilitate the private sector reentry, eliminate taxpayer risk, and promote a vibrant housing finance system that serves the best interest of all Americans. I welcome today's witnesses. And with that, I recognize Ranking Member Gutierrez for his opening statement. Mr. Gutierrez. Thank you very much, Madam Chairwoman, and good morning. I want to thank our witnesses for being here today as we discuss the future of the Federal Housing Administration, the Rural Housing Service, and the Government National Mortgage Association. There is no doubt that our districts and our communities are still reeling from our country's recent great recession. I think we can all agree that the housing market has not yet fully recovered. We need to continue working together to help American families who are literally still struggling to make ends meet and stay in their homes. I firmly believe that our government needs to continue playing the critical role of providing homeowners with the assistance and support they need during these tough economic times while the fragile housing market recovers. And I hope that is what we are discussing today. I want to thank Congresswoman Waters for reintroducing the FHA reform bill to improve the financial safety and soundness of the FHA mortgage insurance program. Let's not forget it was less than a year ago that my colleagues on both sides of the aisle overwhelmingly supported this exact same bill in committee and also voted for final passage on the House Floor. I hope the spirit of cooperation and collaboration still continues as we consider Congresswoman Waters' proposal. I would like to say that I look at the Republican counterproposal and it worries me a little bit, wanting to increase the downpayment from 3\1/2\ to 5 percent. Not long ago, we all had a different point of view, and I am not quite sure what change of heart has occurred, and that we might have some further discussion on that. FHA's market share has certainly grown in recent years, and this growth is not because FHA loosened its underwriting standards, but because the private sector has been absent from the market. I understand that my Republican colleagues would like to give entry to the private sector, but I have said it before and I will say it again, there is no assurance that private investment will take FHA's formidable place to assist qualified homeowners to purchase homes. Right now, assistance to homeowners and potential homebuyers is key to the recovery of our housing market. We need to continue supporting the FHA, the Rural Housing Service, and Ginnie Mae and do what they do best: find ways to improve so that we can better serve current and potential homeowners and help restore a robust housing market. I look forward to the testimony, and I thank the chairwoman for calling the hearing. Chairwoman Biggert. And I thank the ranking member for his comments. I think that is why we are here today to look at these potential drafts so that we can have a dialogue and really come up with the right process so that we can all find common ground there. I recognize Mr. Miller for 1 minute. Mr. Miller of California. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. There is no question we need to bring private capital back into the marketplace. When this happens, the role of FHA will be reduced automatically. We have seen this historically, that FHA plays a countercylical partner role. But the worst thing we can do today to create a lack of stability in the marketplace is to reduce those loan limits in this marketplace. Some of the best loans they are making are in high-cost areas. Conforming and high-cost GSEs and FHA are providing 92 percent of all the liquidity in the marketplace. If the private sector dollar was there today to backfill that, that is an argument some could make. But it is not there. To say it is, you would have to show me where it is at, because it is not. And if you want to create more instability in the marketplace, start modifying the loan limits that we have downwardly, and it will have a tremendously negative impact. I am glad this is just a discussion draft. We need to be very, very cautious in what we are doing. If you want to hurt buyers and sellers, who are taxpayers in this country, you will start messing with the system we have today that is doing nothing but trying to stabilize a very distressed marketplace. If you don't understand how distressed it is, talk to builders, REALTORS, mortgage brokers, and bankers, and they will tell you how bad it is. Talk to the people out there in the marketplace who have lost tremendous amounts of equity in their home. And when you have a lesser amount of liquidity in the marketplace and fewer lenders willing to make loans and you want to sell a house, the value of your house is going to drop dramatically. So I am glad this is a discussion draft. We need to move very cautiously and very carefully. We have a tremendously impacted marketplace. Let's not do something knee-jerk that is going to make it more difficult. I yield back. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. Chairwoman Biggert. The gentlelady from California, Ms. Waters, is recognized for 2 minutes. Ms. Waters. Thank you very much. Madam Chairwoman, I would like to thank you for holding this hearing on the future of FHA, the Rural Housing Service, and Ginnie Mae. FHA's role has grown more significant in the years following the financial crisis of 2008, providing a crucial backdrop in our mortgage market and ensuring continued access to safe and affordable products while the private market constricted. Of course, with this increased role, it is appropriate to increase oversight and scrutiny of FHA. That is why FHA was one of my top priorities when I chaired the Housing and Community Opportunity Subcommittee during the last Congress. In order to continue my work from the 111th Congress, yesterday I reintroduced the FHA Reform Act. Last year, I was able to work well with then-Ranking Member Capito on an FHA bill that overwhelmingly passed the House on a bipartisan basis. I hope that I can work with Chairwoman Biggert in a similar fashion in the 112th Congress. I would like to note, however, a few concerns with the FHA discussion draft that we are considering at this hearing today. This discussion draft would increase downpayments, a move that was overwhelmingly rejected in committee markup last year on a bipartisan basis. The rationale for this rejection was because FHA data demonstrated that increasing downpayments across-the- board would do little to improve FHA's reserves, while also restricting credit to qualified borrowers. I think that allowing FHA to manage risk in a flexible manner is the best way to continue to protect their reserves. Additionally, I strongly oppose the rapid reduction in FHA loan limits proposed in this bill, as I believe that decrease would have an absolutely chilling impact on our economic recovery. And unfortunately, because of the elimination of the nationwide loan limit floor, this impact would likely be felt the hardest in places where home prices are already low. Finally, I think there are major problems with moving rural housing programs to HUD. And I am very interested to hear the testimony from the rural advocates here today. So Madam Chairwoman, I think there are some areas for agreement. I hope we can work together in the coming months, but I remain very concerned about several of the provisions in this bill. Thank you, and I yield back the balance of my time. Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you very much. And I am sure we can find some common ground. The gentlelady from West Virginia, Mrs. Capito, is recognized for 1 minute. Mrs. Capito. Thank you. I would like to thank Chairwoman Biggert and the ranking member for having the hearing. I would like to thank the witnesses as well. As we have heard, we know this is of critical importance for us to restore our overall housing market, and I am particularly interested in hearing about the proposals that are set forth in the draft legislation. As has been discussed many times previously, we worked on FHA reform last year, and got it all the way through the House on a bipartisan basis. We know that FHA will play an important role in the housing market by providing stability and liquidity. This has not been the case for the last several years, however. As mortgage defaults begin to mount when the Federal Government insured and guaranteed 9 out of every 10 new mortgages, FHA lost some of its financial footing. Capital reserves fell well below federally mandated levels and I think that has the possibility of putting our taxpayers at risk, which is what this hearing is about today. So I know fundamental reforms have already been moving forward, and I am pleased about that, but I believe we still have obstacles remaining where we can't get the private market in, as Congressman Miller was talking about. I look forward to hearing from our witnesses on the advantages and disadvantages of the discussion draft. And I am also interested on the RHS, moving RHS out of the Department of Agriculture. And with that, I yield back the time I don't have. Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you very much. The gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Garrett, is recognized for 1 minute. Mr. Garrett. I thank the Chair for all your hard work, for your thoughtful work on this legislative draft that we have before us, because reforming the FHA is of critical importance and should be a top priority of this committee. And the draft before us, as indicated, has a number of good proposals in it that should add to the safety and soundness of the FHA, and also protect taxpayers in possible future losses. And one provision that I believe is in fact a positive is the downpayment increase from 3\1/2\ to 5 percent. A lot of you know I sponsored legislation in the past Congress to do exactly that. I believe it is significant, but really just a modest step in the right direction to ensure borrowers have what we have been talking about, real skin in the game. LTV, loan to value ratio, is an important component. It is not the only one. But going to 5 percent is a far cry from what the QRM is talking about in that area of around 20 percent in their draft rules. Today, the FHA insures roughly 50 percent of new originations in the United States. This is really an astronomical number compared to pre-crisis stage, and as we begin to reduce the footprint of them, of FHA and the government more broadly, we have to get the private market back into the game. And with that, I too yield back the time that I do not have. Chairwoman Biggert. I thank the gentleman. At this time, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Texas, Mr. Green, a member of the full Financial Services Committee, be allowed to participate in the hearing. He is recognized for 1 minute. Mr. Green. Thank you very much. Madam Chairwoman, and thank you, Mr. Ranking Member, for allowing me the opportunity to speak for just a moment. I am concerned about the increase of the downpayment from 3.5 percent to 5 percent for many persons, not all, but many persons, who have never had a home; for many persons, not all, who have never had a home. The home itself is skin in the game. They finally get a place to call home. That is skin in the game. Keeping that home, for them, is keeping something that is a dream come true. That is skin in the game for them; for many people, not all. So my hope is that we will understand that there are plenty of people out there, good, hardworking American citizens, who can afford a monthly payment, who will consider the home skin in the game, who can't afford a downpayment as high as we might move it to. Commissioner Stevens has indicated that this might cause as many as 300,000 fewer homes to get financed. So my hope is that we will strike a balance, that we will make sure that those who can afford rent that would be higher than a mortgage payment can get the mortgage payment and have skin in the game; namely, a place to call home. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. Chairwoman Biggert. I thank the gentleman. I would now like to again welcome the witnesses. And, without objection, your written statements will be made a part of the record. You will each be recognized for a 5-minute summary of your testimony. Let me just introduce you all. First, we have Ms. Katherine Alitz, senior vice president, Boston Capital, on behalf of the Council for Affordable and Rural Housing. Next, is Mr. Michael D. Berman, chairman, Mortgage Bankers Association, followed by Dr. Mark A Calabria, director of financial regulation studies, Cato Institute, Washington, D.C. I don't think we have ever had a panel this big. There are a lot of names here. Mr. Peter Carey, president and CEO, Self-Help Enterprises, on behalf of the Housing Assistance Council and the National Rural Housing Coalition; Mr. Brian Chappelle, partner, Potomac Partners; Mr. Peter W. Evans, partner, Moran and Company, on behalf of the National Multi Housing Council and the National Apartment Association; Mr. Basil Petrou, managing partner, Federal Financial Analytics, Inc.; Mr. Ron Phipps, broker, Phipps Realty, on behalf of the National Association of REALTORS; and Mr. Barry Rutenberg, first vice chairman, National Association of Home Builders. Welcome, all of you. Now, we will recognize each of you for 5 minutes. And we will start with Ms. Alitz. You may begin. STATEMENT OF KATHERINE M. ALITZ, SENIOR VICE PRESIDENT, BOSTON CAPITAL, ON BEHALF OF THE COUNCIL FOR AFFORDABLE AND RURAL HOUSING (CARH) Ms. Alitz. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. I am the president of the Council for Affordable and Rural Housing, and on behalf of myself and CARH, I want to thank the committee for the opportunity today to testify about the importance of Federal rural housing programs, the need to support these programs, and to address the draft legislation. CARH members house hundreds of thousands of low-income, elderly, and disabled residents in rural America. CARH has sought to promote the development and preservation of affordable rural housing throughout its 30-year history as an association of for-profit companies, nonprofit companies, and public agencies that together build, own, manage, and invest in rural affordable housing. My comments will address the later portions of the draft legislation which concern rural housing. CARH is very much focused on saving from elimination the Section 538 Guaranteed Rural Rental Housing Program. Section 14 of the draft legislation proposes a fee-based system to continue the 538 program. We hope the much-needed 538 program provisions move forward with all due speed, as many development projects and the housing and jobs they create are waiting to proceed. CARH also appreciates the interest in streamlining Federal housing program administration. At the same time, the different housing agencies did not develop arbitrarily, but rather in response to different housing needs. Any consolidation of functions must address these different constituencies. CARH members continue to review the issue because there are pros and cons. The notion of moving some parts of rural development to HUD has been a topic of discussion in the past. However, the draft legislation circulated in advance of this hearing is the first serious legislative proposal we can recall regarding this issue. Before moving forward, we believe it merits further discussion among the housing industry and the affected authorizing and appropriating committees. It is important to ensure that whatever the context, certain programs continue and budget support remains for these programs. In rural America, the key rental housing programs have been and remain the rural development multi-family programs. The Administration's Fiscal Year 2012 budget request is notable in that it eliminates the Section 538 programs, even though the 538 program is one of the most successful and low-cost programs currently used by rural development. CARH strongly supports maintaining a program level of $129 million. Further, we believe the 538 program can be rendered revenue-neutral, or virtually so, by allowing for a fee to be charged. The Section 538 statute already provides USDA with the discretion to charge a fee, but appropriations language has prohibited rural development from charging fees. CARH strongly supports Section 14 of the draft legislation. By incorporating fees, this section would restore financial balance to the program, while saving Federal appropriations. The Section 521 Rental Assistance Program is a lifeline for extremely low-income rural residents. Section 521 is similar to HUD's Section 8 program. The Administration's Fiscal Year 2012 budget reduces rental assistance funding to $907 million. This is an unsustainable reduction which may result in the loss of housing for residents living in several hundred apartment complexes in rural America. Rural development has openly discussed how it anticipates achieving this by reducing the number of our rental assistance recipients through foreclosure of certain targeted Section 515 loans, or by pressing for the payment of other 515 loans. To avoid the dislocation of residents, CARH urges full funding of rental assistance for Fiscal Year 2012 at the Fiscal Year 2010 level of $971 million. To the extent that Congress looks to pass rental assistance funding levels, we believe it is important to explain that rental assistance budgets have not increased in any real sense, although the budget amount has increased. For approximately the past 5 years, Congress has sought to convert rental assistance contracts from multi-year allocations to single-year allocations because this creates a short-term budget savings. Since Fiscal Year 2009, rental assistance contracts between rural development and property owners have been for 1-year terms. So, for example, if Congress decides to look back to Fiscal Year 2008 funding levels without adjusting for these budget changes, it may unwittingly dislocate over 100,000 residents. Time constraints permit me from talking about every topic included in our written testimony, so I refer the committee to that testimony for more on the Section 515 program and the elimination of the MPR program in the Fiscal Year 2012 budget. We appreciate the committee's efforts to balance the needs of rural America's elderly, disabled, and working poor with our ongoing budget issues. The rural programs have been and remain our most efficient Federal housing, Federal rental housing programs, and are a resource that rural America cannot afford to lose. Thank you. [The prepared statement of Ms. Alitz can be found on page 44 of the appendix.] Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you very much-- Mr. Berman, you are recognized for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF MICHAEL D. BERMAN, CMB, CHAIRMAN, MORTGAGE BANKERS ASSOCIATION (MBA) Mr. Berman. Thank you, Chairwoman Biggert. FHA is at an important crossroads today, and this hearing occurring in the midst of efforts to reshape our housing financial system is especially timely. A few years ago, a growing number of voices were asking whether there was still a need for FHA or if the private market could fully absorb its functions. MBA never wavered in its support for the critical mission FHA performs, and the last few years have underscored that point many times over. Today, FHA is performing its traditional countercylical role, increasing its market share from 3 to 30 percent, and providing necessary liquidity to our otherwise frozen housing finance sector. In doing so, it is ensuring access to safe mortgage products, helping homeowners to refinance into more affordable interest rates, and supporting the growing need for decent, affordable rental housing. We should all be grateful FHA is here today, and this subcommittee deserves recognition for the bipartisan focus it has put on FHA. Recent Congresses have made important changes to loan limits, given FHA more flexibility to set insurance premiums, and eliminated the failed, seller-funded downpayment assistance program, and provided FHA with additional staffing and technology upgrades. Thanks to your efforts, FHA is not only serving an expanded segment of the market during this economic downturn, but doing so while remaining in the black, an amazing feat, considering the impacts the foreclosure crisis has had on other market participants. While MBA's full recommendations are in our submitted statement, I would like to highlight the effect of two pending proposals on FHA. First, MBA members are deeply concerned with the proposed risk retention rule, its narrowly written competition for qualified residential mortgages and the ultimate effect it would have on FHA. The proposed QRM definition appears to conflict directly with the Obama Administration's preference for shrinking FHA from its current role of financing nearly one-third of all mortgages. It is not at all clear whether regulators reflected on the relationship between the proposed QRM definition and FHA's eligibility requirements in light of FHA's exemption from risk retention. By making it even more difficult for private capital to reenter the housing finance market, the QRM rule would lead FHA to being flooded with even more, not fewer, loans. And while FHA has an important role to play, MBA firmly believes that it is not in the public interest for a government insurance program to dominate the market. One of our primary concerns about the proposed QRM rule is the overemphasis on downpayment as an indicator of a risky loan. Likewise, we have similar apprehension about the legislation to raise FHA's minimum downpayment to 5 percent. We should not be placing such a high emphasis on just one factor in determining a loan product's overall risk. While downpayment has an important impact on default, other factors, including full documentation of income and borrower credit, can mitigate this risk. In fact, it is FHA's requirement for full documentation of all loans and its limited product options that helped insulate it from experiencing a more devastating default rate during the height of the housing crisis. MBA's most recent national delinquency survey, which we just released last week, drives this point home. The data found that for the first quarter of 2011, the FHA delinquency rate is down a full percentage point relative to last year, and the foreclosure start rate is down about 50 basis points. Policymakers need to carefully weigh their desire to decrease risk by raising minimum downpayments versus the certain and dramatic negative impact such a change would have on the availability of loans to low- to moderate-income, first-time, and minority home buyers. I would also like to touch on the proposals to lower FHA loan limits. Intense focus has been placed on the narrow slice of loans at the high end of the spectrum. MBA understands that those maximum loan limits are likely to go down to $625,000 on October 1st, but we think it would also be a mistake, and a mistake to also lower the limits in low-cost areas where FHA does most of its business. The average new FHA loan is about $190,000. In places like Texas, Georgia, and North Carolina, reducing or eliminating FHA's floor of $271,000 would drastically deny access to credit for many otherwise qualified lower- and middle-income borrowers. We need to be very cautious in enacting these proposals, given the continued weak state of the housing market. Finally, as a multi-family lender, I would like to note that FHA's statutory limits for multi-family housing are severely restricting the ability of rental property owners in urban markets to use FHA insurance programs. These limits can have an especially adverse effect on seniors, and should be addressed by Congress. Further, given the backlog of loans in the FHA multi-family arena, it is important that Congress encourage FHA to create operational efficiencies without political constraints. Madam Chairwoman, thank you for the opportunity to testify today. [The prepared statement of Mr. Berman can be found on page 50 of the appendix.] Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you very much, Mr. Berman. And now, Mr. Calabria for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF MARK A. CALABRIA, Ph.D., DIRECTOR OF FINANCIAL REGULATION STUDIES, CATO INSTITUTE, WASHINGTON, D.C. Mr. Calabria. Since the end of 2007, FHA reserves have declined from $22 billion to currently around $3.5 billion. While of course some decline is to be expected, given the bursting of the housing bubble and the continued weakness in the labor market, further declines could easily erode the remaining reserves and require a direct appropriation to cover future claims. The potential for a bailout of FHA remains not a remote possibility. According to the 2010 Actuarial Review, the net present value of future cash flows from FHA's current book of business is a negative $25.4 billion. The Actuarial Review projects a positive value for FHA on the basis of assuming that future business will generate revenue sufficient to cover embedded losses. In order for that assumption to turn out correct and to protect us from a bailout of FHA, credit quality of FHA lending standards must improve considerably. The estimated positive value of FHA's single-family business is also predicated upon stability in house prices. The most recent actuarial review from which the current positive values derive also gives a 40 percent chance that the true value of the fund is negative. We are essentially at the point of tossing a coin to determine the value of FHA, whether it is negative or positive. To improve the stability of FHA, I think we need to take a number of recommendations. Prior to giving those recommendations, however, I think we should start from maybe what I think is the most important observation of the financial crisis, which is, if lenders, borrowers, investors and governments do not face the actual cost of their decisions, those decisions are likely to have negative consequences. For at least three reasons, FHA's current premiums do not reflect its true cost. First among those is FHA's administrative costs are not covered by premiums but are covered by direct appropriations. A program can hardly claim to pay for itself when a very large portion of its costs are directly appropriated by the taxpayers. Going forward, I urge that premiums be structured in a way to cover FHA's administrative costs. Since FHA's premiums do not reflect any market risk, that risk is also not accounted for. CBO estimates that this admission distorts FHA's true costs by billions annually. Just as Congress, this body, required TARP to reflect market risk, FHA should reflect market risk and should be estimated on a fair-value basis. Lastly, FHA has a poor track record in estimating its own subsidies, even under the flawed framework of the Credit Reform Act. Over the last decade, FHA subsidy estimates were off by a net total of $44 billion, turning all of the supposed negative subsidies into actual subsidies over the last decade. These errors have always been biased in the direction of underestimating cost and must be addressed in order for both Congress and FHA to appropriately manage FHA's risks. Going forward, I think we need to make a variety of changes. First and foremost, I believe we need to change the incentive of FHA-participating lenders. The incentive for diligent and thorough underwriting is in my opinion simply too weak under existing procedures. First of all, we should immediately reduce FHA's coverage from 100 percent of the loan to 80 percent of the loan. Any mortgage that goes 100 percent bad is likely to involve fraud or negligence. Private mortgage insurance rarely covers more than 30 percent of the value of the loan. Other Federal guarantee programs, such as those under SBA, function quite well without covering 100 percent of the risk. As the lender is in the best position to monitor risk, the lender should also be required to maintain a portion of that risk under FHA. FHA should also put back to the lender any loan that defaults within 6 months of origination. Mortgages that go sour so quickly also are likely to have involved fraud or negligence. FHA should also end the practice of letting the lender choose the appraisal. We should go back to the practice that was prior to the mid-1990s where you had an appraisal practice that ensured appraisal independence. Changing lender incentives, while vital, will not be sufficient, in my opinion, to reduce continued losses in FHA. Significant changes to borrower eligibility must be implemented. As I document in my written testimony, the worst losses in FHA, as well as mortgage lending in general, come from a combination of poor credit history and loan downpayment. You could manage either manageably, but you cannot combine the two without resulting in significant losses. To manage this risk, I recommend that FHA immediately require an all-cash downpayment of at least 5 percent from all borrowers. We also know that high debt burdens can contribute to default. FHA should accordingly guarantee loans with only reasonable debt-to-income ratios. It should tell us something that you can get a new FHA loan today and be immediately eligible for a modification under HAMP. Other programs, for instance, such as 31 percent is deemed a reasonable debt-to- income under HAMP, then it strikes me as a reasonable debt-to- income for FHA. Borrower eligibility income should also be changed so that FHA mirrors the Rural Housing Service, and that borrowers with incomes at or below 115 percent with AMI are eligible for FHA guarantees. I would go as far as to say we should just simply scrap the whole loan limit framework and base FHA on income, as we do in the rural housing program. With that, I will wrap up my statements and look forward to questions. [The prepared statement of Dr. Calabria can be found on page 63 of the appendix.] Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you very much, Mr. Calabria. I am trying to get these names. Mr. Calabria. You are doing quite well. Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you. Mr. Carey, you are recognized for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF PETER CAREY, PRESIDENT AND CEO, SELF-HELP ENTERPRISES, ON BEHALF OF THE HOUSING ASSISTANCE COUNCIL (HAC) AND THE NATIONAL RURAL HOUSING COALITION (NRHC) Mr. Carey. Thank you, Chairwoman Biggert. I appreciate the opportunity to be here today to testify specifically on the proposed transfer of rural housing programs to HUD. I am Peter Carey, president of Self-Help Enterprises, a regional and nonprofit housing development organization serving California's agricultural San Joaquin Valley. And I am representing the Housing Assistance Council and the National Rural Housing Coalition. The draft bill before the subcommittee would move the entire lock, stock, and barrel housing programs of Rural Housing Services to the Department of Housing and Urban Development with the intent of improving service delivery to rural America. Four decades of hands-on rural housing experience at the three organizations I represent are confident such a move would not improve the administration of rural housing programs, would not help accomplish the mission Congress established them to deliver, and would make it more difficult for USDA to deliver its comprehensive rural development programs effectively. There is no time to go into the details today, but suffice it to say that Rural Housing Services is a remarkably successful, long-term mortgage provider, both for rental housing and for homeownership in rural America. Most of RHS' service goes to small communities, primarily communities under 10,000 in population. The Rural Housing Service is certainly not perfect, and USDA's attention to housing could certainly be improved, but moving the rural housing programs from one department to another would not address those problems and would create significant additional challenges for service delivery. While there are concerns about USDA's attention to housing, we have equally grave concerns that HUD's structure is not set up to deliver Title 5 programs. HUD has limited experience in administering programs directed exclusively to rural areas. Most of HUD's programs can be used in rural areas, because their lack of context are delivered through State agencies, and the HUD Department structure is primarily urban-based. And historically, statistics show that home, CDBG, and FHA have spent a lower proportion of their funds in rural areas than the populations living there. HUD has never had a direct homeownership lending program like the Section 502 direct loan program and does not make direct loans to rental developers. HUD's experience, frankly, is in delivering block grants, guarantees, rental subsidies, not mortgage loans. It works through local, State, and tribal governments; developers; banks; intermediaries; and public housing authorities. In short, while the loans and grants offered by the Title 5 rural housing programs are really retail items, HUD is a wholesaler, not a retailer. HUD's office infrastructure is not well suited to rural delivery. In my own State of California, there are six metropolitan HUD offices, where USDA has 18 local offices. I can get to discuss programs with a rural development staff person within about 10 minutes. It is a 250-mile drive to San Francisco or Los Angeles to have the same conversation with HUD, and the same is true for rural borrowers and others. The difference is even more dramatic in States with fewer large urban centers. In Illinois, for instance, HUD has 2 offices, while Rural Development has 12 offices. The retail nature of Title 5 programs would require HUD to shift dramatically the way it does business. It is much more likely that the rural housing programs would be force-fit into the HUD delivery system. That would change the ability of those programs to reach rural communities. The dollar amount is not significant enough. It would represent about 5 percent of HUD's budget, and would not be significant enough to change the way HUD could deliver those programs. At USDA, it is important to realize that housing programs are interwoven with other mission areas, rural community facilities, rural businesses and cooperatives, rural utilities. They represent all facets of rural development in California and other rural areas. Removing those programs would complicate USDA's ability to deliver those rural development programs. And in many cases, those offices are co-located with Farm Service Administration, Soil Conversation, and others, creating a very comprehensive presence in rural America that is unmatched, even by State governments. The cost in money and human capital to make such a move is mind-boggling. Six hundred people and the attached infrastructure would be moved to HUD with, we believe, little to gain. There is no doubt that HRS can and should do better. There is also no doubt in our minds that HUD lacks the administrative system to deliver effective rural programs. Its programs, constituency, and interests lie elsewhere. Self-Help Enterprises, the Housing Assistance Council, and the National Rural Housing Coalition and hundreds of other rural housing organizations around the country would be happy to work with this committee and the subcommittee to identify less expensive, more effective ways to address RHS' shortcomings and maximize its capabilities. Thank you. [The prepared statement of Mr. Carey can be found on page 72 of the appendix.] Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you very much, Mr. Carey. And Mr. Chappelle, you are recognized for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF BRIAN CHAPPELLE, PARTNER, POTOMAC PARTNERS LLC Mr. Chappelle. Thank you, Chairwoman Biggert, Ranking Member Gutierrez, and members of the subcommittee. I am Brian Chappelle. I would first like to review FHA's key tenets and current performance. FHA, at its core, is an insurance program, and like any successful insurance program it needs to spread its risk. Just like an auto insurer could not be limited to drivers under the age of 25, FHA cannot be targeted only to high-risk borrowers. FHA has an even more daunting task, however, than your typical insurer. Its mission is to serve borrowers not adequately served by the private sector and still operate at no expense to the American taxpayer. As if those goals weren't enough, FHA is asked to accomplish them without encroaching on the private sector. Finally, it was asked to increase its role in 2007 when others were running away from the market. So how is FHA doing? First and foremost, we are 4 years removed from the collapse of the housing market, and FHA hasn't needed any taxpayer assistance. In fact, according to Secretary Donovan's testimony last month, its cash reserves were at a historical high in 2009, and grew again in 2010. At the hearing, Secretary Donovan also said that they expect FHA to make substantially more money for the taxpayer this year than their actuary predicted. This means that FHA's net worth, including expenses, should more than double in Fiscal Year 2011 to over $11 billion. In MBA's latest delinquency survey, FHA was the only market segment that saw its total delinquency rate fall in the first quarter of 2011. It is now at the lowest level in 5 years. Its credit quality is the best in decades, as about 60 percent of its borrowers have credit scores higher than 680, and only 3 percent have credit scores below 620. Not surprisingly, the loans that FHA has insured in the last 2\1/2\ years have very low rates of delinquency. A couple of statistics to underscore this point: The early default rates in the FHA program have declined 85 percent from 2007 to 2010. Of the 1.4 million loans that FHA made last year, only 5,000 of 1.4 million loans are currently in default. Clearly, fraud and poor underwriting are being rooted out of the FHA program. In the wake of the housing crisis, FHA has helped millions of families from all walks of life. Still, FHA has maintained its core role of helping the underserved. According to 2009 HMDA data, the government insured 65 percent of the loans made to low- and moderate-income families and 75 percent of the loans made to minority home buyers. So how is FHA doing it? The Congress eliminated seller-funded downpayments in 2008. Without these loans, FHA would be over the 2 percent capital ratio today. Secretary Donovan and his team moved quickly on a variety of fronts to ensure FHA's long-term solvency, including strong enforcement actions that have reverberated throughout the industry. While it may not be popular to give lenders any credit in this process, it is a fact that starting in 2008, lenders implemented their own underwriting restrictions on top of FHA requirements. With these credit overlays, as they are called, lenders in effect are saying they are unwilling to originate certain loans that meet government criteria because of the contingent liability. Why would lenders do this when there is 100 percent government backing of these loans? Mortgage lenders have skin in the game and in the FHA program. They have financial risk, have enforcement risk, and probably most importantly, have reputation risk. Lenders are using credit overlays to manage these risks. Finally, I have comments on two of the proposals. I would support raising downpayments if it were necessary to protect the fund. However, the performance data does not support it and it would hurt the very people who need FHA the most. Regarding the reduction in the mortgage limits, I oppose this provision since it would jeopardize FHA's financial strength. It has been a cornerstone of the FHA program that higher-balance loans perform better than lower-balance ones. This point has been made in every recent audit, including the Fiscal Year 2010 audit. In conclusion, any additional targeting in the FHA program will increase premiums to FHA borrowers and increase risk to the American taxpayer. Thank you, and I would be glad to answer any questions. [The prepared statement of Mr. Chappelle can be found on page 78 of the appendix.] Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you, Mr. Chappelle. Mr. Evans from Illinois, you are recognized for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF PETER W. EVANS, PARTNER, MORAN & COMPANY, ON BEHALF OF THE NATIONAL MULTI HOUSING COUNCIL (NMHC) AND THE NATIONAL APARTMENT ASSOCIATION (NAA) Mr. Evans. Thank you, Chairwoman Biggert, Ranking Member Gutierrez, and members of the subcommittee. On behalf of this Nation's 17 million households who call an apartment their home, thank you for the opportunity to testify on the role of FHA and Ginnie Mae in the multi-family industry. I am Peter Evans, a partner at Moran & Company. We specialize in developing, acquiring, and financing apartments, and we use FHA's multi-family mortgage insurance programs to finance both conventional and affordable rental housing. I am testifying on behalf of the National Multi Housing Council and the National Apartment Association. NMHC and NAA work together to represent the full spectrum of the Nation's apartment industry. Before I offer my comments on FHA and Ginnie Mae, I want to first give some perspective on the growing importance of rental housing in our society. The United States is truly on the cusp of a fundamental change in our housing dynamics. For demographic, financial, and lifestyle reasons, rental demand is surging. In this decade, renters can make up half of all new households. I want to reiterate that point: Half of all new households, for a total of more than seven million new households. But supply is falling short of demand. We need to build 300,000 units a year to meet demand, yet we will start fewer than half of that this year. That demand and our industry's capacity to meet it is why today's hearing on FHA is so important. FHA has always been an important capital provider for the industry, admirably filling a specific market. But during the financial crisis, it became one of the few remaining sources of liquidity for our industry. Demand for FHA financing has increased more than fivefold. Applications have increased from 2 billion to 10 billion, and HUD anticipates that demand will continue for the next couple of years. FHA has had a hard time keeping up with this demand, unfortunately. Loan processing times can now exceed 18 to 24 months, and many borrowers have no idea where in the pipeline their applications are. This has resulted in an enormous backlog that is preventing our industry from meeting the Nation's growing demand for rental housing. We strongly support FHA's efforts to maintain sound credit and underwriting policies, but the resulting bottleneck is jeopardizing the thousands of jobs created by the multi-family construction, not to mention the net revenues and profits the Agency's multi- family program generates for the Federal Government. We offer the following recommendations to improve FHA's ability to serve the multi-family marketplace, which includes some items that HUD and FHA have already identified: Follow the multi-family accelerated process guide to ensure loans are processed efficiently and adhere to the time lines within that guide: Seek a more efficient means to address credit concerns. For instance, FHA requires all loans over $15 million to be processed by a national loan committee instead of the field office. Instead of using a dollar limit, FHA should only require centralized review of the loans that exceed the program's terms and requirements. FHA should also establish a special underwriting team for large atypical loans, expediting the process of more standard transactions. Provide greater oversight over market assessment data information. Better manage multi-family resources with no additional costs such as exempting high-performing offices from having the national loan committee review certain types of transactions that present little risk to the taxpayer. The committee has asked us to comment on its discussion draft of FHA reform legislation. While the bill is primarily focused on single-family and rural housing, there are two very important multi-family issues that we would like to address. We would urge you to add a provision to the bill raising the FHA loan limits for high-rise elevator properties, because the current limits are too low to allow FHA financing to be used in urban areas where affordable and work force housing shortages are often most severe. Last year the House passed bipartisan legislation to do just that. We also appreciate the committee's efforts to improve the long-term viability of the FHA multi-family programs by implementing a risk-based capital reserve. We oppose, however, increasing the mortgage insurance premium for lower-risk loan programs to subsidize higher-risk FHA insurance activities. Raising multi-family premiums to subsidize losses in other programs could have a chilling effect on rental housing production. And finally, I would like to address suggestions that FHA replace or take over Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac's multi-family programs. We strongly oppose such efforts. As we have noted, FHA is unprepared to assume a larger role. In addition to the capacity issues identified, it is important to understand that FHA serves a specific niche within the market. It is simply not capable of providing a full range of unique and complex loans required by the apartment sector. NMHC and NAA look forward to working with you on reforming our housing financial system in a way that ensures a robust and uninterrupted supply of capital is available to ensure our Nation's work force housing needs are met. Thank you again for the opportunity to testify. [The prepared statement of Mr. Evans can be found on page 99 of the appendix.] Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you, Mr. Evans. And, Mr. Petrou, you are recognized for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF BASIL N. PETROU, MANAGING PARTNER, FEDERAL FINANCIAL ANALYTICS, INC. Mr. Petrou. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. I commend the subcommittee for its attention to the important question of FHA and Ginnie Mae reform, but this legislation must be seen in the larger context of both ensuring the return of private capital to the U.S. mortgage finance system and balancing reform of FHA and Ginnie Mae with the reform of the GSEs. I want to second the concern that has been raised this morning with the qualified residential mortgage definition as it is being proposed by the banking agency. Because the law exempts FHA, and the proposed rule would impose stringent risk retention requirements on all mortgages with downpayments of less than 20 percent, low downpayment lending will flow to FHA, unnecessarily increasing taxpayer risk. Congress and the Administration are correct in focusing on winding down the GSEs in concert with changes to the FHA so that the U.S. residential mortgage secondary market does not become the sole province of entities backed directly or indirectly by the taxpayer. The draft legislation considered today is a vital first step towards a newly rebalanced policy in mortgage finance. Key provisions in it that I support include: First, the increase in the minimum borrower downpayment to 5 percent which, when combined with a prohibition against the financing of closing costs, will increase the skin in the game contributed by borrowers. In a world of unstable house prices, beginning ownership with the bare minimum 3\1/2\ percent equity interest in a house means that the borrower is vulnerable to even relatively slight house price reductions. If house prices fall, first-time buyers will see their equity wiped out very quickly. This is highly problematic for borrowers, their communities, and the solvency of the U.S. mortgage finance system. Second, the revised approach to setting area loan limit amounts and, in particular, elimination of the FHA national loan limit floor. Home prices have fallen across most of the country in the past few years. And the current FHA national loan limit floor is at least 60 percent higher than the national median existing house price. This undermines FHA's missions of targeting low- and moderate-income borrowers, permitting the United States to back borrowers with the highest incomes in their local areas. Third, the establishment of minimum FHA mortgage insurance premiums is essential to rebuilding the solvency of the FHA, and thus to reducing taxpayer risk. Finally, I support improvements in the powers of the FHA to terminate or discipline lenders and to require indemnification from them. As long as FHA continues its current structure of direct endorsement lending and 100 percent Federal guarantee, the MMI fund will be faced with a misalignment of incentives for FHA lenders. The measures proposed in this legislation will help protect the U.S. taxpayer. I would like to suggest to the committee additional legislative changes which would allow FHA to initiate pilot programs to test the best way to alter its future activities to serve borrowers while protecting taxpayers. First, instead of targeting house prices, the FHA should be allowed to target borrower income as it relates to the median family income in an area. This approach would limit gaming of the FHA loan limits in future years as median family income fluctuates far less than median house price over time. Second, FHA should insure less than 100 percent of the loan amount. The MMI fund would be far healthier over time if lenders were required to have more skin in the game. The current VA program is an example where less than 100 percent coverage is currently implemented with Ginnie Mae. Congress could have FHA insure 30 percent of a loan amount in areas where there is already a high homeownership rate and where borrower incomes are sufficient to meet housing needs. But where homeownership is low and house prices are uncertain, FHA could insure 85 percent of the loan amount to provide lenders with an incentive to advance funding. Finally, FHA should experiment with risk-sharing programs with private capital. For example, FHA has the authority to enter into a risk-share pilot program with private insurers, but this authority should be amended to allow risk-sharing where the private insurer takes a first-loss position and the FHA assumes a second-loss one. This approach would significantly reduce taxpayer risk due to the direct risk absorption provided by private capital and through the benefit of an independent second underwriting of the loan. I want to commend the subcommittee for this important reform bill. Thank you. [The prepared statement of Mr. Petrou can be found on page 114 of the appendix.] Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you. Mr. Phipps, you are recognized for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF RON PHIPPS, BROKER, PHIPPS REALTY, AND PRESIDENT, NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REALTORS (NAR) Mr. Phipps. Good morning, Madam Chairwoman, Ranking Member Gutierrez, and members of the subcommittee. My name is Ron Phipps, and I am the 2011 President of the National Association of REALTORS. I am also an active part of a four-generation, family-owned residential real estate business in Rhode Island, and I am proud to testify today on behalf of the 1 million REALTORS, the 75 million Americans who own homes, and the 310 million Americans who require shelter. Thank you for the opportunity to present our views on the importance of FHA. There is a common misconception that exists that FHA was intended only to benefit low-income borrowers who could not afford large downpayments on a new home. The truth is that FHA was intended to provide safe, affordable mortgage financing to all Americans in all markets, high- and low-cost. To that end, FHA has been a critical part of the Nation's economic recovery, especially in the last few years when the private lenders have left. The program has outperformed all expectations in providing safe, affordable mortgage financing to home buyers in all markets during these economic conditions. The fact that FHA has successfully operated for 77 years as a self-sufficient entity, without expense to American taxpayers, speaks to the value of the program and its management. During the past year, the FHA has taken a number of steps to mitigate risks that have resulted in greater improvements in the loan performance package in the MMIF. These include increasing mortgage insurance premiums, raising downpayments on riskier borrowers, and increasing lender enforcement. So while there has been much made of the fact that the FHA audit showed capital reserves falling below 2 percent, the fact is that FHA loans are outperforming the private market. Loans originated in Fiscal Year 2010 are the highest-quality FHA book of business has ever had. The current average credit score for FHA borrowers is up to 703. FHA's seriously delinquent rate continues to decline, and the FHA foreclosure rate is lower than the rate for prime conventional loans. In fact, FHA's recent audit shows that if FHA makes no changes in the way that they do business today, the reserves will go back above the 2 percent threshold in the next several years. What we need now, what we really need now is for markets to heal, to self-correct, and to stabilize. The more you manipulate the markets, the more you magnify the problems. Specifically, we strongly oppose the proposal to further increase FHA downpayments. Increasing FHA downpayments would not add a penny to FHA reserves. The housing prices demonstrated that the key to reducing foreclosures and defaults is underwriting, not downpayments. And this is evidenced by the fact that FHA loans and VA loans have lower foreclosure ratios than prime conventional mortgages. We also strongly oppose provisions to decrease loan limits. Instead, we urge support for H.R. 1754, the bill introduced by Representatives Miller and Sherman, to make the current limits for FHA and GSEs permanent. Decreasing the loan limits would impact 3,049 counties in every State in the Nation and reduce the availability of mortgage loans for millions of home buyers. The decline would have a dramatic impact on the housing recovery and, we think, would halt it. In my own market area, the change would go from 475 to 241, almost in half. That said, we strongly support the provisions of the discussion draft that provide FHA with increased tools for oversight and enforcement. We believe that FHA has shown tremendous strength in the current crisis. Due to solid underwriting requirements and responsible lending practices, FHA has avoided the brunt of defaults and foreclosures facing the private mortgage lending industry. To be clear: one, we oppose any increase to the downpayment; and two, we oppose any reduction in the loan limits. What our economy needs is less government interference and more market activity. Thank you. [The prepared statement of Mr. Phipps can be found on page 128 of the appendix.] Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you, Mr. Phipps. Mr. Rutenberg, you are recognized for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF BARRY RUTENBERG, FIRST VICE CHAIRMAN, NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF HOME BUILDERS (NAHB) Mr. Rutenberg. Chairwoman Biggert, Ranking Member Gutierrez, and members of the subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to testify. My name is Barry Rutenberg, and I am a home builder from Gainesville, Florida, as well as first vice chairman of the board for the National Association of Home Builders. NAHB represents over 160,000 members, many of whom rely on HUD programs and FHA to help provide decent, safe, and affordable housing to many of our fellow citizens. We commend the subcommittee for working to reform FHA, Ginnie Mae, and Rural Housing, yet we urge reform to be approached with caution. Changes to these programs cannot be separated from reform of the complex housing finance system, including future reforms to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. The Federal Government, through FHA and Fannie and Freddie, currently accounts for nearly all the credit volume to home buyers and rental properties. Even with this, fewer mortgage products are being offered and loans are underwritten on much more stringent terms adversely affecting home builders and buyers alike. As changes to the housing finance system are discussed, NAHB believes that it is crucial that there be a permanent Federal backstop to ensure a reliable and adequate flow of affordable housing credit. NAHB has been very supportive of FHA's changes to ensure that the mutual mortgage insurance fund is sustainable. We understand FHA has a disproportionate share of the mortgage market, and current levels are neither desirable nor sustainable. The subcommittee has proposed changes, including: increasing the downpayment to 5 percent; prohibition on financing certain closing costs; potentially higher mortgage insurance premiums; and lowering mortgage limits. NAHB believes these changes will restrict access to FHA credit and we have strong concerns about the impact of the proposed reforms on FHA's ability to maintain its critical mission of supporting home buyers during a tenuous juncture in the economy. NAHB believes that increasing the downpayment from 3.5 percent to 5 percent will create a substantial burden for home buyers, especially younger buyers and those with strong credit profiles but not enough available funds to make the increased downpayment. Not often considered is the impact on homeowners looking to move up who cannot do so because of the reduced number of qualified buyers. NAHB appreciates the continued focus on strengthening the FHA's risk management practices. However, we are concerned that removing the ceiling on the annual MIP presently at 1.5 percent to result in a higher annual MIP. Increasing insurance premiums puts additional financial strains on home buyers who potentially could be buying excess housing inventory. NAHB has concerns for the proposal which would calculate the FHA loan limit based on 125 percent of median home price by county with no floor and a ceiling equal to that established in 2008 under HERA. Eliminating the floor for FHA loans would reduce the loan limits for significant parts of the country, including large numbers of first-time buyers without a key source of mortgage financing. In my hometown in Alachua County, Florida, we would go from $270,000 to $190,000, a drop of 30 percent. NAHB supports making permanent the current loan limits for FHA and GSEs and strongly supports H.R. 1754, the Preserving Equal Access to Mortgage Finance Programs Act, introduced by Representatives Gary Miller and Brad Sherman. Turning to multi-family, there are a few alternative sources of financing for multi-family rental housing. FHA, Fannie Mae, and Freddie Mac have provided the vast majority of financing for multi-family rental housing during this economic crisis and will continue to do so for the foreseeable future. The discussion bill proposes to establish capital ratios for the GI/SRI funds. While NAHB applauds the strengthening of FHA's risk management practices, we strongly urge the subcommittee to conduct an in-depth study to determine the appropriate levels and timeframe in which to implement them. With regards to rural housing, we are also opposed to the proposed transfer of the rural housing programs at HUD. NAHB believes that the rural housing programs are uniquely structured to address low- and moderate-income persons in rural areas. NAHB fears that it will be more difficult for persons living in rural areas to obtain an affordable mortgage and considerably more difficult to finance small properties in rural areas. We appreciate the key role FHA has played in keeping our housing market liquid, stable, and affordable. Looking at ways to improve the housing market is not an easy task. NAHB has some serious concerns on how to move forward, but we would like to continue working with you as you progress. Thank you for your time and this opportunity to testify. [The prepared statement of Mr. Rutenberg can be found on page 148 of the appendix.] Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you, Mr. Rutenberg. We will now turn to questions from members. And I will recognize members for 5 minutes each to ask their questions, and we will try to keep to that. I will yield myself 5 minutes for questions. Mr. Phipps, in a FOX News article that was published yesterday, it says that, ``The National Association of REALTORS,'' citing Obama Administration estimates from last year, said that, ``if the required payment rose to 5 percent, more than 300,000 creditworthy buyers would be locked out.'' Do you know how that figure was determined? Mr. Phipps. I believe actually that is from the FHA, and I can verify that and provide that in a written statement. Madam Chairwoman, one other thing that I think needs to be brought to the conversation is when you are a buyer, you have to come up with more than 3.5 percent. And I think what has been lost in the conversation is that there is an insurance premium with FHA and there are other closing costs. So that, in terms of the hard money the buyer has to come up with, often it is from 7 percent to 10 percent, even though the downpayment is only 3.5 percent. So I want to make sure that piece is introduced. We will provide the documentation as to the source of the 300,000. Chairwoman Biggert. The problem with the 300,000 was, how was it determined? I know that it was the Administration, but I wondered if they explained to you how they reached that number? Mr. Phipps. Go ahead, Brian. Mr. Chappelle. It was in testimony last March, FHA Commissioner Dave Stevens had it in testimony last March that talked about the 40 percent decline in borrowers and 300,000. Chairwoman Biggert. I do have the testimony. Thank you. I just wondered if any of you had asked him how that was determined? Mr. Calabria? Mr. Calabria. I haven't asked him. But if you look at the overall distribution of FHA's business in 2009, then his assumption must be that everybody who paid in that range simply cannot. So his assumption is based on that, you would never have any more money to put in as a downpayment. So Commissioner Stevens' assumption is simply that everything above 95 percent goes away, which I think is a pretty strong assumption. Chairwoman Biggert. Okay. Thank you. I guess then that there was no definite on that. It was assumptions. This year, the same Administration has proposed a QRM rule that would require borrowers to have a 20 percent downpayment. Can anyone comment on the discrepancies between the Administration's opposition to a 5 percent downpayment last year and his proposal for a 20 percent downpayment this year? Does anybody have any comments on that? Mr. Berman? Mr. Berman. Chairwoman Biggert, it would appear that the right hand and the left hand aren't taking a holistic view of the impact on the market. Clearly a 20 percent downpayment, as suggested in the current QRM, would have a dramatic impact on bringing private capital back into the sector, which is something that clearly the Obama Administration and I think all of us feel is necessary. So we would hope that the entire QRM proposal would be reconsidered. Chairwoman Biggert. Okay. Then instead of increasing the downpayment for FHA, let's look at the alternatives. Decreasing the downpayment. Would a zero downpayment stoke the housing market? Would that get it going more? And if Congress approved such a change and FHA implemented that change, what would happen to the FHA fund? Would taxpayers be at greater risk and need to bail out FHA? Would anybody care to comment on that? Let's try Mr. Petrou. Mr. Petrou. I think that what is important to think is not just the downpayment isolated, but also interconnected with the amount of insurance coverage on the loan. So that, for example, the VA program has a zero downpayment, but they only cover, at most, 50 percent insurance coverage on the loan and the insurance coverage falls as the loan amount goes up. And so most VA loans are looking at 25 percent insurance coverage. When you have a restructured system that looks at all of the factors in underwriting, you can, in fact, make a zero downpayment program and have the underwriter basically look at the loan from the perspective of what his own risk is going to be. And that, I think, is the key. Just picking one little part out and saying, let's change this and not look at everything else ends up with a problem. Chairwoman Biggert. Okay. Mr. Calabria, I think you had, in your testimony, talked about the loan performance in correlation with the downpayment. Mr. Calabria. That is absolutely a very important part. Let me say, for starters, and go back to the QRM. I think the QRM is probably beyond repair and Congress should seriously consider just repealing it outright. It is probably beyond fixing, in my opinion. An important thing to keep in mind about a downpayment is it is one of many factors. And if you change the other factors, what concerns me when I suggest we need to raise the downpayment is I hear zero discussion of changing the other factors, such as credit score. If you give people with a very bad credit a very low downpayment loan, you will see a high default. If we want to move FHA towards setting higher minimum credit scores, then you wouldn't have to worry about the downpayment. So again, it is the pieces moving together. And if you are not mentioning the other pieces, you need to focus on the downpayment. If you are going to change the other pieces, then you don't have to change the downpayment. Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you. My time has expired. It goes very fast. The gentlelady from California, Ms. Waters, is recognized for 5 minutes. Ms. Waters. Thank you very much, Madam Chairwoman. I have identified some of my concerns when you gave me the opportunity to have an opening statement. And I would like to follow up on some of that. First, let me ask Mr. Calabria, I see that you have a tremendous background in public policy. You have worked here on the Hill. You have worked at HUD. You have done research. Have you ever been involved directly, like boots on the ground, with real estate sales or anything like that? Mr. Calabria. I will start with-- Ms. Waters. No, no, no, no. You don't have to go back to all that. We have read it already. Mr. Calabria. I was going to start with my own experiences buying a home and also in addition to the policy experience that is listed there, I spent a tremendous amount of time with constituents, as I know many of us have in trying to make-- Ms. Waters. I am going to cut you off because I don't want to take up my time with the history. We all buy homes. I am looking for real hands-on experience. Let me go to the REALTORS. Mr. Phipps, are you heading an association because you have some experience or background in public policy or doing--as an analyst or a consultant? Or have you been on the ground talking to people and writing loans and mortgages? Mr. Phipps. Yes. Yesterday morning, I was showing clients houses. Ms. Waters. Okay. Then you are the one I want to talk to. Can you react to the claim in Mr. Petrou's testimony that increasing downpayment requirements will not adversely affect first-time or low- and moderate-income home buyers? I want to get a better understanding of this downpayment debate. Mr. Phipps. Our experience would suggest that is just simply not true. In my own personal experience, I work with a significant number of buyers who do not have 20 percent down. Most recently, the couple that I was working with yesterday did not have 20 percent down. They will have enough for 5 to 7 percent. They are looked at and preapproved on a very comprehensive basis. And one of the things that we have learned from the experience of 5 years ago is how to look at holistic approvals. We think it is too rigorous now. But if you increase the amount down, you really take a lot of people who should be able to buy who will be responsible, sustainable homeowners out of the marketplace. And that amplifies the problem for value. You are not absorbing the inventory then. Ms. Waters. So would you be referring to, for example, a young couple, both working, renting property, pay their bills on time and are saving some portion of their income--as much as they possibly can with average salaries--who want to get into a home and perhaps can get, like you said, 3 to 5 percent down. But 20 percent, 10 percent would be a real reach for them. Mr. Phipps. It is real. It really is real. Last year, I worked with a couple. He was a Narragansett police officer, and she was a schoolteacher. If they needed more than 3.5 percent down, they would not have been able to buy the home. And they bought in Apponaug, they bought in Warwick. That is real. Ms. Waters. These are not deadbeats, are they? Mr. Phipps. No. A police officer and a schoolteacher. When we come here, what is very frustrating is there is a lack of appreciation--we are talking individual families. And the families really, their skin in the game truly is ownership. They know that long term, it is important for them to be homeowners. But if it takes the average family 14 years to come up with 20 percent, you postpone their ability to own for a long time. Plus, it doesn't make a lot of sense. And we think the facts--and we can provide you with lots of documents--but please remember that each statistic is a family, a family who wants to own and understands the value of homeownership. Ms. Waters. These are people that you see in your business and the REALTORS interact with and they know who we are talking about and what we are trying to do and the average American that we are trying to assist in the American Dream, is that right? Mr. Phipps. Yes, ma'am. In all 50 States, in every town and city in this country. Ms. Waters. I yield back the balance of my time. Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you, Ms. Waters. Mr. Hurt, you are recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. Hurt. Thank you. And I thank each of you for your testimony this morning on a very important subject. I guess I kind of come at this subject with a couple of things in mind. Number one is, obviously, we want to I think in this country encourage responsible homeownership everywhere wherever we can. But I think also we have to remember that these programs and with the backstop offered by the government, these things propose a risk to the taxpayer. And I think that we see examples of that, that we are not dealing with in other bills. I also think philosophically that, to the extent that the free market can address the issues and address these issues on its own without government intervention, I think that that is what we should work toward. So I was interested to hear Mr. Phipps talking about wanting more market activity, which I think we would all agree with. We want to see more market activity. But also talking about less government intrusion. I guess for my part philosophically, I think that a government backstop encourages behavior that perhaps could not be sustained if the system was totally within the private sector. And I guess my question--I would love to hear from Mr. Phipps and Mr. Rutenberg whether or not you believe it is legitimate to want to have the private sector come more into the mortgage market or not because it seems to me that by increasing the downpayments very modestly and by reducing the loan limits modestly, while it may have an immediate effect in the long term, it would encourage the private sector to come in. So I would like to just hear you say--do you think that the private sector should come into this market more and FHA has too much? Or do you think we should just leave it the way it is? And if we do take these actions, increasing the downpayment--this is the second part of the question--if we do take these actions, will the private sector come in? And if maybe Mr. Phipps and Mr. Rutenberg can address that individually. Thank you. Mr. Phipps. The short answer is, we would like to see more private activity in general. We think the reliance on FHA is probably unnecessarily large. But they are filling a void that the private sector has not stepped into. As a practical matter, when you talk to the GSEs and you look at the fact that their credit scores have gone from 720 now to 760, there is a good portion of the market that should be able to have access to the market that do not. That is a major problem. Our fear, our genuine fear is that when you look at the limited amount of private activity in the marketplace right now that there is no entity to step in and fill that. And this industry relies on the flow of capital. So for the immediate present, we need what we have in place and more so that transactions can happen. But we don't see anybody else ready to step into the market and fill the void that we need across-the- board. Mr. Hurt. But if you support the idea that the private sector should come in, then let me ask you this: How would you do it? We have to make that decision. I know you are not sitting up here. We are sitting up here. But how do you do that if you support that philosophically? Mr. Phipps. The short answer is, and your comment about interference, we would like the system that FHA has in place right now to stay in place. The improvements for enforcements, etc., are fine. On the GSE piece, ultimately we believe we need a government guarantee. At the end of the day, we believe that is what we need and we need that. And then you can have more flow and reliable floor. We really believe, at the end of the day, you will need a government guarantee. Mr. Hurt. Thank you. Mr. Rutenberg, if you don't mind? Mr. Rutenberg. I am a home builder. I talk with clients. I haven't talked to one since about 9:40 this morning. The market is healing. It is taking a while. It has taken longer than we would want. I think that when we talk about one thing at a time, what we miss is how interactive all the pieces are to our buyers. When we sell a house, we no longer tell them they are going to have a mortgage application. We now tell them they are going to have a mortgage inquisition. The amount of data, the amount of the depth that has been gone into is setting a base for a much healthier future. You can look at the numbers that many people on this panel have talked about, how things are improving. It has not improved enough yet to where a lot of private money is coming in. The major lenders are still straightening out some of the things that have happened in the past. They have not yet quite seen their profit potential. But as the market comes back, they will come back and they will participate more. It won't be exactly as you probably would want it without you having to motivate them. There is so much potential that is out there that they will come back. But they have lost so much money over time that their eagerness is not there yet. And they will put their toe in and they will gradually come back. We don't think that we should have Fannie and Freddie and the FHA at the current levels. But at the moment, if you did not keep them here where they are, we would see further problems in financing. You would see further declines in the house prices that would further erode consumer confidence. You can play the economics out of in your head. Chairwoman Biggert. The gentleman's time has expired. The gentleman from California is recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. Sherman. Thank you. To hear the philosophical comments from the Cato Institute, from the gentleman from Illinois, I would remind you that whatever the philosophy is for some perfect world or where we might want to be 20 years from now, right now, the patient has suffered a heart attack and is on the gurney. And even if you believe fervently in exercise, usually a triathlon should take place more than a few weeks after the heart attack. This bill gives us a chance to experience a double-dip recession. The best way to have a double-dip recession is to see another dip in housing prices. I particularly would like to focus attention on those areas where you have high-cost housing. And this bill would take the FHA from $729,000 down to $537,000 in Los Angeles County. Mr. Phipps, what effect would that have on home prices, not only of the homes that sell for $800,000. But if they drop by a couple hundred thousand dollars, what is going to happen to the home that traditionally sells for a couple hundred thousand dollars less than that? Mr. Phipps. The short answer, Congressman, is the entire market is linked. So as the upper bracket gets pressure on prices, downward pressure because financing becomes harder, it has a ripple effect in both directions. So the bottom line is you are going to see a huge loss of equity. And candidly, what is frustrating about the proposal is it is done by county rather than metropolitan area. So it de facto becomes a redlining. You are going to have certain counties that are much more negatively impacted because you are not allowing for the whole presence of the metropolitan area. So it has a huge negative impact on value. Mr. Sherman. And it is that county rather than the metropolitan area that would be responsible for the drop to about $537,000 in L.A. County, really a $200,000 drop. A recent report showed that three banks are closing half the mortgages. And now this bill would cause an awful lot more mortgages to have to be held in part or in full by--in the portfolios of banks rather than sold as securities. That means the banks that would benefit with those would be the lowest cost to funds and those are the banks that are too-big-to-fail and enjoy an implicit Federal guarantee. What impact does it have on the market to have 3 banks controlling 56 percent of the market? And what impact would it have for those loans over, say, $537,000 where you might see 70 or 80 percent in the control of these 3 banks? Mr. Phipps. There is less competition. So that, in fact, the cost of the money would be more expensive. You will have fewer options. When I started in the business 30 years ago, the top 5 lenders represented less than 25 percent of the market. We have such a concentration now that it is unlikely--you can't shop the mortgage the way you used to. And the underwriting criteria universally is the same. So there are real constraints as to what you would have available. Mr. Sherman. I would also point out, you understand the pain from the home buyers' perspective. In this room, the greatest pain was when we had to consider the TARP bill. Some voted one way, some voted the other. But if these institutions are able to add to their portfolios 56 percent--huge percentages of mortgages in addition to their other assets, they become really, really too-big-to-fail. And so you may see pain here as well as with your customers. And they also become concentrated in real estate. If you want to respond? Mr. Phipps. Congressman, if I may make one other point. One of the challenges right now, if you are self-employed, if you are a 1099 person, your ability to get financing is extremely difficult because the large lenders really prefer people with W-2s. So there is a huge piece of the market that is having trouble being placed. It would actually be in the market right now. And that is indicative of the lack of flexibility and competition. Mr. Sherman. As an old tax collector, I would say I would only want those with the 1099 income, reporting all that income. And I am sure that is the kind of person you had in mind. Including a recently announced increase, FHA increased premiums 3 times last year. How does this affect home buyers? Mr. Phipps. It has actually reduced the number of people who are able to finance and the people who are being approved now are much more creditworthy. It just seems to me, we are trying to fix a problem again that we have already addressed. If we let the market absorb the changes that are in place now, that is better for us. Mr. Sherman. Thank you. Chairwoman Biggert. The gentleman's time has expired. The gentlelady from West Virginia, Mrs. Capito, is recognized for 5 minutes. Mrs. Capito. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. I thank all of you. I want to talk about two things, I hope I have time for them. First of all, I want to talk about USDA Rural Housing Service proposal to move it within HUD. The folks--I believe it was Ms. Alitz and Mr. Carey talked a lot about this. We are looking for efficiencies in government obviously and we have the $14 trillion debt that we all know about. There was a report that came out maybe a month or 6 weeks ago--and I can't remember exactly what is the title of it--but it talked about duplicative housing programs across all the different government agencies. And certainly, I represent a very rural area. You know when I hear loan limits of--our housing price is probably $120,000. So it just boggles my mind that $700,000 to move down to $500,000 is going to be so painful because in my area, that is somebody living on the hill, big. So I want to know, you have both said that you think this is not a good idea because you think it would dilute the ability to reach the population that this program is designed for, which are the very low-income rural areas. Do you think if the expertise was transferred from USDA into--I am talking about staffing and infrastructure--into HUD within the umbrella there, I am looking for efficiencies here. Do you still think that if it was not done precisely and carefully that HUD couldn't retool into this market and be just as effective as the USDA has been? Ms. Alitz. We actually said that we think there are pros and cons to the plan. We just don't know enough about it right now. And we have to, I think, take a stronger look at it. That is one of the cons. We think if the whole thing was transferred to HUD, it would be shoved in a back room somewhere and it wouldn't get the attention that it deserves. And currently, what I hear from most of my membership is those that deal with rural development on a daily basis, they have a pretty good line of communications and they have good relationships and they are afraid of losing those. But we do think that there are some pros to looking at moving to HUD. And those are mostly related to funding. We have had problems with the current Administration's budget and we wonder about the USDA's commitment to its rural housing portfolio. Mrs. Capito. Right. We had the issue in April where we had to keep moving. Ms. Alitz. Right. So we think that their funding sources-- this portfolio really needs to be conserved because it is aging. Most of it is over 20 years old. We think for funding purposes we may be better off at HUD. Mrs. Capito. Mr. Carey? Mr. Carey. I think the important element of the USDA delivery system is the infrastructure that is in rural communities. They have a presence. They are community members. Sort of like community bankers, like we used to have. So they are there. And their delivery system typically collocates and combines farm service programs, soil conservation, wastewater and water assistance, community facilities funding and homeownership and rental housing. And my first experience was in Buffalo Creek rural housing. When a borrower for USDA loan wants to apply for a loan, they go to the local office and they are dealing with local people. And if you take the housing out of that system, you will still have that same system there but nothing to replace it from HUD because HUD--if a homeowner in a local community in Farmersville, California, wants to borrow from HUD, if HUD was direct lending, they would go to San Francisco, not the same as going to somewhere 10 miles away. Mrs. Capito. The other way--and I only have a minute left-- is on the QRM. I have heard from several folks who think it needs to be thrown out, retooled. It is going to be ineffective. It seems to me what I am hearing baseline--and correct me if I am wrong--is that this creation of the QRM is just going to bloat FHA even more. I see a lot of nodding heads. Does somebody want to comment on that? I will go with Mr. Berman and then Mr. Rutenberg. Mr. Berman. Sure. So if the concept is that we are trying to bring private capital back into the market--and I think we all agree on that--and yet we are going to put these significant constraints on private capital, we are going to have-- Mrs. Capito. Have adverse effects. Mr. Berman. Exactly. An adverse effect. Mrs. Capito. Mr. Rutenberg? Mr. Rutenberg. The QRMs are probably flawed. Hopefully, they will not go in as they are. But if it does go in, it will put a lot more pressure on FHA to do more lending, no question. Mrs. Capito. Thank you. Chairwoman Biggert. The gentlelady's time has expired. The gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr. Capuano. Mr. Capuano. Thank you. Madam Chairwoman, I don't know where to start. I just have a couple of questions. Mr. Phipps, did I hear you say you are from Rhode Island? Mr. Phipps. Yes, Congressman. Mr. Capuano. Have you done any work in the greater Boston area? Mr. Phipps. I am licensed in Massachusetts and Vermont. Mr. Capuano. Great. I represent, Boston, Somerville, Cambridge, and Chelsea. Do you know any place in my district where I can get a reasonable house for less than $500,000? Mr. Phipps. The short answer is, it is challenging. Mr. Capuano. It is challenging? Mr. Phipps. With a good REALTOR, yes, I think that you can. But $500,000 is-- Mr. Capuano. A really good REALTOR. The reason I am amazed is when you say increasing a downpayment from 3.5 to 5 percent, that doesn't sound like much. That sounds reasonable. But when you put it down on a $500,000 home, that is $7,500 in cash. Which I know that there is probably nobody here at this table who has a problem coming up with $7,500 in cash, but a lot of my constituents do. And that means that they will never own a home. Has anybody had any discussions yet about maybe a sliding scale? I understand that more people can afford certain things. That is fair. Have there been any proposals for a sliding scale downpayment? Mr. Phipps. Not that I know of. Mr. Capuano. Does anyone else know of any proposals? Mr. Chappelle. FHA used to have a sliding scale historically. Mr. Capuano. Yes, I know. Mr. Chappelle. They switched in 1998, I think, to make it simpler so people could understand what the downpayment was so it would be a flat percentage of all loan amounts. Mr. Capuano. You do realize that most people who go in to get an affordable mortgage don't understand much. They just want to get a mortgage. And if you tell them what they are going to put down, they are going to say, yes, I can afford it, or no, I can't. Mr. Chappelle. The only thing I would add, Congressman, is that the performance of the FHA Fund today demonstrates that low downpayment loans perform very well. So I don't think there is a need from a statistical performance perspective. Mr. Capuano. I am fine with having no need. I am painfully trying to be reasonable which is tough for me, but I am trying. Mr. Calabria. If I could comment, FHA actually does have a little bit of a sliding scale now in that if you are below a certain credit score they require you to do the 10 percent. So there is a sliding scale in mind. And I think if you are going to base it that way, again, we know it is the interaction between the credit score--as Ms. Waters said, people paying their bills on time versus downpayment. So you could do a sliding scale on credit and FHA has actually proposed-- Mr. Capuano. Bringing up FICO scores is a whole different issue which is another little bit of a problem. Conceptually, I don't disagree. But we have to get FICO scores right first. I guess the other question--I want to just thank the Majority staffer who wrote the little memo for today because they made my point. Prior to the creation of the FHA, home mortgages did not exceed 50 percent of the home value and did not extend past the 5th year. The rates were about the same rates as we have today, give or take 5 or 7 percent. But 5 or 7 percent over 5 years versus 30 years, does anybody have any clue how much that is? Because I do. I think the official answer is, way too much money for anybody to afford which is why people didn't have homes. I guess I am sitting here today--there is no argument that--look, the private market has a role to play in this. But somebody needs to tell me why right now we are having a hard time getting people into homeownership when the home builders are building nothing, for all intents and purposes, because there are no buyers out there. We can't move this part of the market around. Why in the world would we want to, overnight, simply just shut down one of the few escape valves we have had, other than for some holy sacred cow that we want to light candles at? Mr. Calabria. Since I sort of feel this coming my way, I guess I will-- Mr. Capuano. It is not personal. Mr. Calabria. Exactly. I don't take it that way. First of all, I think certainly myself--I know that it has been clear-- that any sort of transition should be over time. For instance, I don't propose getting rid of Freddie or Fannie tomorrow. I think it needs a 5- or 6-year period. I see these changes that have been proposed in FHA as quite modest. Mr. Capuano. So you want to do them all together? Mr. Calabria. Absolutely. Mr. Capuano. That is fine. You just made my point. So you think it is okay to go back to--or you think somehow the miraculous market that didn't exist before Fannie and Freddie will somehow exist now. The goodness and the graciousness of the private market will get rid of those 5-year mortgages. Mr. Calabria. I think if you go back and you actually look at the data on homeownership rates--I would be happy to come in and show you some time-- Mr. Capuano. Oh, please do. Mr. Calabria. --in the 1950s and 1960s, when Freddie and Fannie's market share was essentially zero, homeownership--look at the data. Mr. Capuano. I have looked at the data. Take a look at the homeownership rates prior to the 1930s. Mr. Calabria. The homeownership rates prior to the 1930s was about 45 percent. Homeownership was not limited to the wealthy prior to the New Deal. Mr. Capuano. And you think that is a good idea? Mr. Calabria. I think that you would have it any other way. You have had income growth. You had a lot of other reasons-- Mr. Capuano. It is okay to think it is a good idea. I just seriously disagree with you. Mr. Calabria. First of all, I think it is absolutely the wrong idea to target the homeownership rate as a matter of policy. I think that is one of the reasons we are in the mess we are today. I think homeownership rates would be upper 50s, low 60s if we had no Federal support. And I am absolutely convinced of that and I think there is significant data to support that. So it is not simply some sort of philosophical choice. Mr. Capuano. See, here is where we have a basic philosophical difference. When my ancestors came over, they didn't come over with a satchel full of cash. Mr. Calabria. Neither did mine. Mine came from nothing. Mr. Capuano. I appreciate that. And guess what got them into the middle class, homeownership. Mr. Calabria. You know what got mine into the middle class? Working. Mr. Capuano. Oh, that is good for you. Because my family never worked. We were on the dole. That is very good. Chairwoman Biggert. The gentleman's time has expired, fortunately. Mr. Capuano. Does anybody want to yield? Chairwoman Biggert. And I would say to the gentleman that you missed the beginning of this. Mr. Capuano. Oh, no. I watched it on TV. Chairwoman Biggert. We have several drafts that we are looking at, and to have this kind of dialogue so that we can really do no harm. Ms. Waters. Madam Chairwoman, since we have so few members on this other side, can I make a unanimous consent request to give the gentleman 1 more minute? Chairwoman Biggert. Must I? The gentleman is recognized for 1 more minute. Mr. Capuano. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. Mr. Garrett. If the panel gets another 30 seconds to respond. Mr. Capuano. I would love this. It is amazing to me that your family was the only one who worked in all of America, that none of us did. See, the difference between people who think that homeownership should be left to the private market and people like me who think the government has a role to play to ensure that the middle class can afford homes because nobody else has ever done it in the history of the world except when government got involved, that is the only time it has ever happened. The reason I think that is because people like me would never have gotten into the middle class. We would still be driving trucks for vegetable farms that don't exist anymore. And I know that is fine. That would have served your purposes just fine. But most of my constituents would never have owned a home. And I personally think that is what has made America great. That is how my kids went to college, remortgaging the house. Now I know that many people in the financial services world don't have to do that. Many people, most people do. And that is why I came today. I am not opposed to trying to narrow some of these things down. Nobody wants bad mortgages given out to bad people or people who can't afford it. That is ridiculous. It kills the whole system. But to sit here and pretend or argue-- Chairwoman Biggert. The gentleman's time has expired. Mr. Calabria. The panel's time perhaps? Mr. Garrett. I seek unanimous consent to give 30 seconds to Mr. Calabria to respond. Chairwoman Biggert. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. Calabria. I very much appreciate the point. I think if you go back, and again, you look at the historical data when people actually had equity in their homes--for instance, in 1980, the typical equity in a home was 70 percent. So the question is whether debt creates homeownership. If we want to subsidize homeownership, why don't we subsidize home equity rather than home debt? Getting people leveraged over their head is, in my opinion, not a way to create the middle class. And again, the middle class has to pay taxes too. There is another side of this. Do you want to know what my experience is? My experience as a taxpayer is, and I think a lot of people out there, the more you pay in taxes, the less you actually have to spend towards your mortgage, toward the other necessities of life. So all of these pieces fit together. And I think it is important ultimately to ask at the end of the day, do we get much for the money that we spend in our mortgage finance system? I think the answer is absolutely not. I think the bill in front of us contains very minor changes that do not gut the system to any extent of the imagination. Chairwoman Biggert. Thank you. The gentleman's time has expired. The gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Garrett, is recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. Garrett. Let's just try this from another tact. So is there anybody on the panel who does not believe that there is risk in the marketplace today? No. Does anybody believe that we should be pricing for that risk in the marketplace today? We all agree that we should be pricing for that risk. Does anybody disagree that we, as far as the accounting methodology that the FHA uses, that accounting should be transparent and show that pricing risk as well? Does anybody disagree with that? You disagree with that. We should not show that. Yes? Mr. Chappelle. Are you referring to the CBO study on fair value accounting? Mr. Garrett. Sure. Mr. Chappelle. The only trouble with fair value accounting, as I see it, Congressman, is that the value is an estimate. It is a projection. And the projection that the CBO used was based on Fannie and Freddie's fees and the private mortgage insurance fees. So you are comparing government, which is hard to compare because you can't find something comparable. Mr. Garrett. So what fees are used right now? Only FHA. GSEs doesn't do this, right? The FHA uses the valuation of what, treasuries as basically accounting. Mr. Chappelle. Right. Mr. Garrett. Does anyone on the panel believe that the current pricing of treasuries is what we are going to see 3 years from now, 10 years or 15 years? Or are we going to stay at these historically low levels? So everyone agrees that the treasuries are going to go up. Does anyone believe that they might go up significantly? A lot of nodding heads. So is it fair, then, that we are using that as the basis for the valuation? No. Okay. So if that is not the correct valuation for valuing, then perhaps the CBO score is. So do you use fair value? Or some variation of a fair value accounting. Mr. Chappelle. If I could answer, Congressman. The concern I have with the fair value is it is based off of Fannie, Freddie, and MI fees. The MI fees are comparable to FHA fees. If the Fannie and Freddie fees were not so high, the private mortgage insurance business would be back in business today. But because of those fees that Fannie and Freddie charge, which they are set because they are trying to--I understand why they set them where they set them--but they are trying to preserve capital for the taxpayer which is an altruistic reason. But the upshot is, it is making the private sector less competitive. The point is, FHA has raised its fees 4 times in the last 3 years. They have raised them 60 percent. They have gone up to the highest fees in FHA's history. Mr. Garrett. So what you are saying is that the CBO score evaluation is wrong? Mr. Chappelle. No, it is not wrong. Excuse me, Congressman. It is not wrong. It is just that by using Fannie/Freddie data, FHA is doing fine. I wouldn't say FHA is charging too little. I would say Freddie and Fannie are charging too much. Mr. Garrett. It looked like you had a comment. Mr. Calabria. I will make a couple of quick points. Along fair value, absolutely when you were transferring risk from the private sector to the government, there is market risk involved. This is not charged. So if the government is giving something to the private sector, that should be priced appropriately. We did that in the TARP. And I think it makes sense in this context. And I want to reiterate a point I made in my written testimony. FHA does not charge to cover its administrative expenses. I don't know what business, if it didn't pay its employees, would actually claim to be profitable. Mr. Garrett. So we are in agreement that we need more transparency. We are in agreement on the panel that the current methodology, which is using Treasury rates for discounting, is showing at--because of the law as having no cost to the government for the risk-based in there. And it seemed to be correct. So we should be on agreement then on this panel, then, that we need to move away for proper accounting methodology from what we are currently using to something else. Perhaps not to the CBO score methodology for that reason, but to some-- although I don't know what else we should be going by here in this committee and on the Budget Committee because that is what we go by in this House. And if the panel's recommendation is we go askew from that, but we should move away from what we have right now to include risk assessment. Do I see any objection? I don't. I only have 55 seconds left. Let me just change a topic there. Default rates. Quickly, can someone just tell me what the current default rate is now at FHA? Mr. Chappelle. The total default rate, their 90-day delinquency is about 8.7 percent. That is the total portfolio. Mr. Garrett. So it is around 9 percent. Okay. Do we have a target where we want to be on our default rate, FHA? Mr. Chappelle. It is a balancing act, Congressman, between the premiums charged and the number of defaults and claims. Mr. Garrett. That is a good question. Do premiums currently adequately cover the default rate? Mr. Chappelle. Yes. Because that is what the actuarial review determines. Mr. Garrett. Wait, how can you say that when just a minute ago, you all agreed that the current valuation was not correct because it is based on treasuries, not assuming any market rate. And that is how you came up with around a $4.4 billion savings. You would actually have a $3.2 billion cost under the CBO score. So you really can't say that the premiums are-- Mr. Chappelle. Congressman, the determination that its shortfall is $3 billion is predicated on the fact of the fees Fannie, Freddie, and the MIs are charging. Mr. Garrett. But you all already agreed that the current methodology is not adequate, so we need to go away from the current methodology based upon the Treasury rates, basically no discount rate involved there. So if you all agreed on that, then you really can't say that the premiums are currently are based correctly because you-- Mr. Chappelle. Congressman, I am no expert on accounting. Chairwoman Biggert. The gentleman's time has expired. I can't get a word in edgewise, you talk so fast. The gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Stivers, is recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. Stivers. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. The first question I want to ask the panel is just about the current status of the multi-family market. Can anybody give me kind of an update of the role of private capital in the multi-family market today and how much private capital is engaged in the multi-family market today and how this asset class have performed through the crisis? Mr. Berman? Mr. Berman. Congressman, the multi-family market is one of the few areas where liquidity has started to return. Having said that, last year, between Fannie, Freddie, and FHA, it still represented at over 80 percent, close to 90 percent market share. We have seen private capital come back into the sector over the last 6 months. But it is really a tale of two worlds. Most of that capital has come in at the luxury end of the market, and then what I call the gateway cities. If you go to secondary markets or even primary markets that don't happen to be Los Angeles, New York, San Francisco, Boston, or Washington, the capital has not been anywhere near as available as it was, and there is a heavy reliance on FHA, Freddie, and Fannie still for all the other markets. Mr. Stivers. Great. Thank you. Somebody earlier was talking a little bit about--I think it may have been Mr. Calabria. The current FHA downpayment, obviously, it varies depending on your credit score. I think if your credit score is below 580, you have to pay 10 percent down. Mr. Calabria. That is correct. Mr. Stivers. I am trying to remember off the top of my head that number. But in the discussion draft, I believe we raised the minimum downpayment to 5 percent regardless of your credit score. And it kind of brings me to the similarity of the QRM too. They have all these stand-alone factors in the QRM, but they don't look at the interplay. They kind of look at as, each of them as hurdles. But they just see if you clear them. And if you clear, for example, the credit score much higher than where the hurdle is, or if you clear the payment ratios higher than where the minimum is, you get no credit for that. I guess my comment is to the discussion draft. Should we look at a way to provide a sliding scale so that if your coverage ratio of payment, ability to make your payment and your credit score is higher that we consider sliding the downpayment. Mr. Calabria. I think absolutely. Let me preface with, I am very uncomfortable with thinking of putting the phrase ``FICO'' in the statute. There are problems with it. But beyond that, having some interaction between the credit history, debt to income and downpayment, how all those fit together, you should be able to trade off. And again, I favor a 5 percent because quite simply, I don't think FHA has done a very good job about that trade-off in the past and I think that trade-off is often difficult to get statute. But if you can do that, then again, you lessen the hit. Mr. Stivers. I guess my point is, government doesn't do a very good job of pricing risk. But if we could allow that trade-off--and underwriters do it every day, and I see some other folks want to make comments. And we will just go down the line until we have time out because this is really what I would like to spend most of my time on. Mr. Chappelle and then Mr. Petrou and then if anybody down at the end wants to comment. Mr. Chappelle. Thank you, Congressman. What you have described is basically what underwriting is. If you are going to put more requirements in the statute to shoehorn what is allowed and what isn't allowed, it will just create more complexity, more hurdles, more everything. A good underwriter can make that decision. And then you can evaluate the performance of the lender. And FHA has a database that is public that lets people see how each company is performing. And that is why a lot of them appeared in the papers recently for poor performance. So I think there are enough sticks and carrots and sticks to do it without having to put things in the statute about underwriting requirements because otherwise you are never going to get a loan approved. Mr. Stivers. And one of you called for the actual ultimate credit officer who approved the loans for the database to go that far down. Was that your testimony? Mr. Chappelle. It was the loan originator. Mr. Stivers. The loan originator. So that the loan originator, by individual, you could actually track whose loans were performing and whose weren't. I think that is a great idea. Does that require a congressional change or can they do it through a rule? Mr. Chappelle. They could do it regulatorily. Mr. Stivers. That is a great idea. I would like to keep moving down. Mr. Petrou. I would like to note that historically, FHA actually did have a sliding scale downpayment. If you go back to the glory days of the 1970s, as you increase the borrowed amount, the percentage of the loan that was required to be put down increased. So by the time you got to the top of the FHA limit back in the 1970s, you ended up with having well above a 5 percent minimum downpayment. FHA, as a 3 percent downpayment program, did not exist in the 1970s. Mr. Stivers. I am out of time. But how do we do this without giving so much discretion that essentially we have nothing anymore? Mr. Petrou. I think that the key here is to mix downpayment with coverage level. I don't think FHA should be insuring 100 percent of every loan that it buys. Chairwoman Biggert. The gentleman's time has expired. Mr. Stivers. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. Chairwoman Biggert. The gentleman from Wisconsin, Mr. Duffy, is recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. Duffy. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. I will yield my time to Mr. Garrett. Mr. Garrett. I thank the gentleman. And just to close on the other point, I look forward to working with the Chair on the last point that we were discussing, if we can address a way to find out how we can have better transparency and accuracy in the accounting to move from where we are right now to go in a direction maybe not as far as what CBO, is but whatever that correct assessment is. So I look forward to going in that direction. Secondly, to Mr. Evans a question, your testimony goes on to say that HUD anticipates that demand for FHA multi-family has increased more than fivefold, and the estimates point to a high demand for these programs for the next several years. Can you say how FHA meets this increased demand without sacrificing credit requirements and underwriting that would further expose it to taxpayers? Mr. Evans. I am sorry. I missed the question. Mr. Garrett. The last part of it, how can FHA meet these increased demands for multi-family without sacrificing credit requirements and underwriting that would further expose all of us to the taxpayers? How can you do that and to meet the demand for multi-family housing increases? Because we are hearing that is where it is working out there. Mr. Evans. Exactly. And we are fully behind credit policy. What we are concerned about is really the process. And some of the things that have been implemented, they have taken control out of the local offices and centralized it. One of the points that I brought up in my testimony was that if you have a loan that is over $15 million, the home office has to approve this loan. So giving more authority to the local offices would speed up the process. Also giving more reliance to the multi-family accelerated processing guide, which was implemented in order to speed up the process, a lot of these guidelines' timeframes are no longer adhered to, where you have maximum review periods, 60 days for a 223(f) loan and 90 days for a 221(d)(4) loan, those time frames have been thrown away. So people really don't know where they are at in their application process. Giving more authority to the map lenders and giving more authority to the local offices. Mr. Garrett. I appreciate that. Let me just switch gears to something that the Administration had said on another note. Back when the Administration rolled out their GSE proposals, one thing they said--and I think we all agree on this--is that we have to do something with regard to GSEs to make sure that some segment goes back to the private market and that the huge amount that is over the GSEs goes down, and the huge amount that is over the FHA goes down as well. We are all in agreement on that point. The rub comes though with Dodd-Frank legislation. And what does that do? That goes into the whole issue of risk retention, right, which is one issue. But in the risk retention issue, what does it do? It gives an exemption, right, to the GSEs and to FHA. So some of the people who have sat at this panel say, when you do that, what happens? Basically by giving the exemption over here to GSEs and FHA, you are going to create a disincentive in the private market. Why? Because if you still have the risk retention over in the private sector, they have to do what? They have to hold capital on their books. And that is a disincentive--not only disincentive, it is a higher cost for them. So where do the loans go? When they are coming to you to get a loan, or people who are going through real estate, going through you to get loans, where do they go? They don't go there because it is more expensive. They are going to continue to flow into the FHA, into the GSEs. That is the argument. Is there any basis to that argument? Mr. Chappelle. Congressman, I think from reading the Administration's White Paper, they make it pretty clear. They want to raise the FHA and GSE requirements so that the private sector is competitive. I personally don't agree with that. But that is what the White Paper says. Mr. Garrett. But not in this area. Not on the risk retention area. On the risk retention area, they make an exemption and they make it different. Mr. Chappelle. They make an exemption in the short term. But it is pretty clear from reading the White Paper, they say, establish a timeline for raising fees, increasing downpayments, and lowering maximum mortgage amounts. So they are on the same page. Mr. Garrett. That is interesting. So your reading of that is, create this exemption for today while you have this deal problem. And then maybe phase out that risk retention? Mr. Chappelle. Right. Mr. Garrett. Okay. That is your understanding. Mr. Calabria. While I rarely find myself in defense of the Administration-- Mr. Garrett. We will mark this down. Mr. Calabria. --in terms of the QRM, I think they are largely following the direction that Congress has given them, which is why I believe you ultimately need to either impose those same restrictions on FHA or Congress needs to outright repeal the QRM. This will drive business in the FHA and the GSEs, which certainly conflicts with the White Paper. Chairwoman Biggert. The gentleman's time has expired. Mr. Garrett. Thanks, everybody. Chairwoman Biggert. The gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Dold, is recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. Dold. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. I appreciate that. And thank you all for taking your time to be with us today. I certainly appreciate that. Mr. Calabria, if I can just continue with you just for a minute. Are there policies or regulations in place currently that are hindering the return of private capital into the mortgage market? Mr. Calabria. I think there are a tremendous number of things that are hindering a return in the private. Obviously, the QRM I think is keeping capital out of the market. I think we need to get some resolution to the foreclosure crisis. Right now, it is not clear. Let me put it this way: I don't know anybody who would rationally want to invest their money in the mortgage market. Would you want mortgage money now, given the risk that is inherent in it? So I do think we need to get a set set of rules on servicing, on foreclosures, and on what the deal is going to be going forward. Even if you buy GSE debt today, you have no guarantee that essentially you are going to get paid. So there is a tremendous amount of uncertainty. And I think we need to start removing that uncertainty sooner rather than later. Mr. Dold. Okay. What do you envision as the proper role of private capital in a functioning market for mortgage lending? Mr. Calabria. I think, ultimately, the principle we should follow is those who get the upside take the potential for the downside. And the biggest underlying problem in our mortgage market I think is the mortgage industry essentially--with all due respect to my friends in the mortgage industry--get to gamble on the upside and the taxpayer takes the downside. I think that risk needs to be aligned in a way so that, again, you take the upside risk, you take the downside risk. Mr. Dold. I recognize taking the downside risk. Should there be any safety net in any way, shape or form? Do you think it should just be a strict up or down? Mr. Calabria. I would rather have a strict up or down. I do think we need to recognize something that absolutely seems there is no chance of changing in my mind, which is the Federal Reserve has set a precedent of buying $1 trillion-plus in mortgage-backed securities in a crisis. They seem like they are going to do that next time as well, so you already have a catastrophic backstop in place that nobody seems to be talking about getting rid of, and we should recognize that as part of the debate. Mr. Dold. Yes, sir, Mr. Berman? Mr. Berman. Thank you, Congressman. With respect to the upside/downside discussion, I think we need to step back from this. Clearly--and as Mr. Calabria pointed out--there is a lack of confidence in the market, and a lack of confidence in the market is a very broad-based concern. Doing anything that would constrain the ability today to deliver financing to potential homeowners, first-time home buyers and so on, changing the downpayment limits, making it more difficult for people to get FHA financing, I think would be something that would be ill- advised given the fragility. In other words, if we want to bring private capital back to the market, the first thing we have to do is get confidence. We can't legislate confidence. What we need to do is create a base to re-establish homeownership, to make sure that FHA, Fannie, and Freddie can continue to deliver what they have been delivering. As the economy stabilizes and grows and as homeownership and home values stabilize, private capital will come in. It will come back. FHA had, as has been discussed, a 3 percent market share not that many years ago. Those same kinds of structures can exist. So the key is to not do anything that would have the unintended consequences of upsetting, re- establishing a base today. Mr. Dold. Let me just jump down because I know you have had an opportunity. Yes, sir? Mr. Chappelle. The trouble in the market today is it is widespread. It is not just the government gobbling up the private sector. The government is not doing enough loans either. Combined, Fannie, Freddie, and FHA only did 1.9 million purchase loans last year. And we don't have enough private sector involvement because of that, because all FHA has done-- FHA's volume right now is running behind, from a purchase market activity, below what it did in 2000. So it is not like FHA is exploding anymore. Because of the changes the Administration made, raising the premium, their business is falling back, too. But we are just not doing enough loans of any kind, much less whether it is private or public. Mr. Dold. If I may just follow up on that comment, why is the private sector not loaning as much? You say they are not loaning as much right now. Why is that? I have heard from others who are saying that the regulators are coming in preventing that, or preventing a more robust loaning environment. Can you tell me your thoughts in terms of that? Mr. Chappelle. To me, the market has been predominantly a government market for the last--since the Great Depression, because it was portfolio lending by banks which have deposit insurance, so it has always been a government-based market. What is happening today is lenders, in addition to the rules that are out there, lenders are establishing their own rules on government loans because they are afraid of the risks. So we are getting a glimpse of a private mortgage market today because lenders are even establishing their own rules when they theoretically have 100 percent government insurance. Mr. Dold. I appreciate that. I know, I just have one last question if I may, Madam Chairwoman. And back to you, Mr. Berman. You and other stakeholders have raised the importance of reforming the GSEs in concert with changes-- Chairwoman Biggert. I am sorry, Mr. Dold. Your time has expired. You can submit that in writing, and I am sure they will be happy to answer you. The gentleman from North Carolina, Mr. McHenry, is recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. McHenry. I thank the Chair. Mr. Calabria, it looked like you wanted to respond to that previous question. Mr. Calabria. Yes, there were a number of pieces of that. And I would say foremost, FHA is not capacity-constrained. If there was more demand for the product, people would be able to meet more of it. What I am getting at is the ultimate driver here is that buyers are sitting on the sidelines because they are massively uncertain about what is going to happen next in the housing market. And part of my concern that we have had very low downpayments in FHA over the last couple of years is, it is fair to say that probably 30, 40 percent of the FHA book of business in 2008, 2009 is underwater today. And if we see continued declines in prices, I think it is reasonable that we will see at a national level another 5 percent, 6 percent decline in prices. So a tremendous amount of FHA going business, we are creating essentially foreclosures of tomorrow, and that is what greatly concerns me. I want to follow up on Michael's point about yes, I think as we go forward, FHA's business will decline once the market starts to heal. But the way that that is going to decline is for a prime borrower--the price of an FHA is simply not that attractive. And I am concerned that the decline will become in the better-quality borrowers and will go back to an FHA that looks like 2005 where predominantly 60 percent of the business for FHA in 2005 were subprime borrowers. And I fear we are going to get back to that world unless we start making changes today. Mr. McHenry. To a greater point here, on the QRM. As I see it, without a role for private mortgage insurance, you are basically forcing this market to maintain a more government- dominated role. Mr. Calabria. That is absolutely the case. Mr. McHenry. And I would open it up to the panel, but you can kick it off, Mr. Calabria, and anyone else who would like to comment. I am very concerned that without private mortgage insurance being a part of the QRM, that we are going to crowd people out. Mr. Chappelle. Absolutely, Congressman. I agree with you. And the point I would make is we are seeing how low downpayment loans can perform well today. I know some of us disagree on this panel, but the FHA performance has been very good since loans originated in 2008 onward are doing remarkably well. I think private mortgage insurance could do equally well, if not better. So I think hopefully, when we can see the performance of the FHA loans, the private mortgage insurance industry should be able to do the same things FHA does. Mr. McHenry. Mr. Rutenberg? And then we will come to you, Mr. Petrou, next. Mr. Rutenberg. The QRMs, if they come into effect as they are now, have unintended consequences that are going to skew the market terribly. There is not only the 20 percent. They have the PITI at 28 percent, total loan at 36 percent. If you missed any credit card payment in the last 2 years, you are not eligible. We have to have a different way of doing it. Members of the Senate who were involved in this tell me that what we have now is not exactly what they thought they were going to get. And I hope that it is seriously looked at it, and it evolves or does not come forward as it is. Mr. McHenry. So too much rigidity and more prescriptive than it should be, without any sort of level of-- Mr. Rutenberg. I have seen estimates that 50 to 60 percent of the people who qualified for a mortgage last year could not qualify under QRM in that type of market. Mr. McHenry. Mr. Petrou? Mr. Petrou. I agree the QRM is a real problem. I do think that private mortgage insurance on loans with downpayments below 20 percent should definitely be part of any kind of QRM. I think the private mortgage insurance will come back, but it doesn't have to wait for the FHA or anything else. The problem they have at this stage is the loan level fees that Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are charging over and above the private mortgage insurance premiums, which in essence push people into the FHA as a consequence of that. I think, really, as I indicated in my testimony, these are many multiple moving parts that have to be thought and worked together. And I commend the committee for doing this bill because it is very critical that FHA be changed along with the GSEs so that when the final product is put together, we have a new view of what the role of government in the market is, and people will understand that, as opposed to little spot changes which can be very destructive. Mr. McHenry. Mr. Berman? Mr. Berman. Thank you, Congressman. The concept of responsible lending and risk, skin in the game by lenders is certainly one that has merit. But having said that, I think that for us to not take into account the private mortgage insurance as having skin in the game who have that overlay of underwriting is a mistake. I think that we should clearly view them as being part of the equation, and the overly prescriptive QRM approach clearly does not give the kind of credence that we have to the multiple factors that go into a responsible underwriting of a loan. Mr. McHenry. Thank you. Chairwoman Biggert. The gentleman yields back. I would ask unanimous consent that the following letters and written testimony be inserted into the written hearing record: May 24, 2011, the National Council of State Housing Agencies letter; May 25, 2011, the National Housing Law Project statement for the record; and May 25, 2011, the Securities Industry and Financial Markets Association statement. And I would like to thank the members and the witnesses for starting the dialogue on potential reforms to help shape a stronger framework for the future of housing finance. We have had a robust discussion today, with not too many sparks. So I will anticipate that we will have additional subcommittee hearings on reform proposals. With that, the Chair notes that some members may have additional questions for this panel which they may wish to submit in writing. The hearing record will remain open for 30 days for members to submit written questions to these witnesses, and to place their responses in the record. I would also encourage any of you who really didn't have-- it was too late to really include more about the proposals in your statements. If you wish to submit further testimony, we would be very happy to receive that. I think it has been very helpful so far and we are going to continue to work on this. So appreciate your being here. And with that, this hearing is adjourned. [Whereupon, at 12:09 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] A P P E N D I X May 25, 2011
![]()