[Senate Hearing 113-720]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 113-720
NOMINATIONS OF THE 113TH
CONGRESS_SECOND SESSION
=======================================================================
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED THIRTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
JANUARY 16 THROUGH DECEMBER 2, 2014
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
113th CONGRESS--SECOND SESSION
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman
BARBARA BOXER, California BOB CORKER, Tennessee
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
ROBERT P. CASEY, Jr., Pennsylvania MARCO RUBIO, Florida
\1\ RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire JEFF FLAKE, Arizona
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware JOHN McCAIN, Arizona
RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
TOM UDALL, New Mexico RAND PAUL, Kentucky
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut
TIM KAINE, Virginia
EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts \2\
Daniel E. O'Brien, Democratic Staff Director
Lester E. Munson III, Republican Staff Director
--------
\1\ Senator Casey served on the committee until July 16, 2013.
\2\ Senator Markey joined the committee on July 16, 2013.
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
----------
[Any additional material relating to these nominees may be found
at the end of the applicable day's hearing.]
----------
Page
Thursday, January 16, 2014....................................... 1
Robert C. Barber, of Massachusetts, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Iceland............................................ 4
George James Tsunis, of New York to be Ambassador to the Kingdom
of Norway...................................................... 9
Colleen Bradley Bell, of the District of Columbia, to be
Ambassador to Hungary.......................................... 12
------
Tuesday, January 28, 2014........................................ 27
Hon. Max Baucus, of Montana, to be Ambassador to China........... 30
Hon. Arnold Chacon, of Virginia, to be Director General of the
Foreign Service................................................ 54
Hon. Daniel Bennett Smith, of Virginia, to be Assistant Secretary
of State for Intelligence and Research......................... 59
------
Tuesday, February 4, 2014........................................ 93
Bathsheba Nell Crocker, of the District of Columbia, to be
Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization
Affairs........................................................ 95
Michael Anderson Lawson, of California, for the rank of
Ambassador during his tenure of service as Representative on
the Council of the International Civilian Aviation Organization 102
Robert A. Wood, of New York, for the rank of Ambassador during
his tenure of service as U.S. Representative to the Conference
on Disarmament................................................. 105
------
Thursday, February 6, 2014....................................... 119
Luis G. Moreno, of Texas, to be Ambassador to Jamaica............ 121
John L. Estrada, of Florida, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Trinidad and Tobago............................................ 124
Noah Bryson Mamet, of California, to be Ambassador to the
Argentine Republic............................................. 127
------
Thursday, February 13, 2014...................................... 159
Matthew Tueller, of Utah, to be Ambassador of the Republic of
Yemen.......................................................... 164
Douglas Alan Silliman, of Texas, to be Ambassador to the State of
Kuwait......................................................... 168
Mark Gilbert, of Florida, to be Ambassador to New Zealand and to
serve concurrently as Ambassador to Samoa...................... 171
Joseph William Westphal, of New York, to be Ambassador to the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia........................................ 174
(iii)
Thursday, March 6, 2014.......................................... 199
Deborah L. Birx, of Maryland, to be Ambassador at Large and
Coordinator of United States Government Activities to Combat
HIV/AIDS Globally.............................................. 201
Suzan G. LeVine, of Washington, to be Ambassador to the Swiss
Confederation, and to serve concurrently and without additional
compensation as Ambassador to the Principality of Liechtenstein 206
Maureen Elizabeth Cormack, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to
Bosnia and Herzegovina......................................... 210
Peter A. Selfridge, of Minnesota, to be Chief of Protocol, and to
have the rank of Ambassador during his tenure of service....... 217
------
Tuesday, May 13, 2014............................................ 239
Paige Eve Alexander, of Virginia, to be Assistant Administrator,
Bureau for the Middle East, United States Agency for
International Development...................................... 240
Alice G. Wells, of Washington, to be Ambassador to the Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan.............................................. 245
Thomas P. Kelly III, of California, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Djibouti........................................... 249
Cassandra Q. Butts, of the District of Columbia, to be Ambassador
to the Commonwealth of The Bahamas............................. 252
------
Wednesday, May 14, 2014.......................................... 271
Mark Sobel, of Virginia, to be United States Executive Director
of the International Monetary Fund for a term of two years..... 274
Sunil Sabharwal, of California, to be United States Alternate
Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund for a
term of two years.............................................. 276
Matthew T. McGuire, of the District of Columbia, to be United
States Executive Director of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development for a term of two years......... 290
Mileydi Guilarte, of the District of Columbia, to be United
States Alternate Director of the Inter-American Development
Bank........................................................... 294
------
Thursday, May 15, 2014........................................... 315
Andrew H. Schapiro, of Illinois, to be Ambassador to the Czech
Republic....................................................... 318
Nina Hachigian, of California, to be Representative to the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations, with the rank and
status of Ambassador........................................... 322
------
Wednesday, June 11, 2014......................................... 337
Hon. Robert Stephen Beecroft, of California, to be Ambassador to
the Arab Republic of Egypt..................................... 340
Hon. Stuart E. Jones, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Iraq............................................... 342
Dana Shell Smith, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the State of
Qatar.......................................................... 346
James D. Nealon, of New Hampshire, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Honduras........................................... 365
Gentry O. Smith, of North Carolina, to be Director of the Office
of Foreign Missions............................................ 368
------
Tuesday, June 17, 2014........................................... 403
Mark William Lippert, of Ohio, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Korea....................................................... 406
Jonathan Nicholas Stivers, of the District of Columbia, to be an
Assistant Administrator of the Bureau for Asia, United States
Agency for International Development........................... 409
Theodore G. Osius III, of Maryland, to be Ambassador to the
Socialist Republic of Vietnam.................................. 413
Joan A. Polaschik, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the People's
Democratic Republic of Algeria................................. 416
Thursday, June 26, 2014.......................................... 437
Hon. Alfonso E. Lenhardt, of New York, to be Deputy Administrator
of the United States Agency for International Development...... 438
Marcia Denise Occomy, of the District of Columbia, to be United
States Director of the African Development Bank for a term of 5
years.......................................................... 443
------
Thursday, July 10, 2014.......................................... 465
Todd D. Robinson, of New Jersey, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Guatemala................................................... 467
Leslie Ann Bassett, of California, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Paraguay........................................... 470
------
Tuesday, July 15, 2014........................................... 485
Jane D. Hartley, of New York, to be Ambassador to the French
Republic and to serve concurrently and without additional
compensation as Ambassador to the Principality of Monaco....... 490
Hon. John R. Bass, of New York, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Turkey...................................................... 493
Kevin F. O'Malley, of Missouri, to be Ambassador to Ireland...... 497
Brent Robert Hartley, of Oregon, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Slovenia.................................................... 512
James D. Pettit, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Moldova........................................................ 515
------
Thursday, July 17, 2014.......................................... 533
Erica J. Barks Ruggles, of Minnesota, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Rwanda............................................. 535
Hon. George Albert Krol, of New Jersey, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Kazakhstan......................................... 539
Allan P. Mustard, of Washington, to be Ambassador of the United
States of America to Turkmenistan.............................. 542
David Pressman, of New York, to be Alternate Representative for
Special Political Affairs in the United Nations, with the rank
of Ambassador; Alternate Representative to the Sessions of the
General Assembly of the United Nations, during his tenure of
service as Alternate Representative for Special Political
Affairs in the United Nations.................................. 545
Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat, of New Jersey, to be
Ambassador to the People's Republic of Bangladesh.............. 547
------
Tuesday, July 29, 2014........................................... 577
Hon. John Francis Tefft, of Virginia, to be Ambassador of the
United States to the Russian Federation........................ 580
Donald L. Heflin, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Cabo Verde.................................................. 592
Earl Robert Miller, of Michigan, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Botswana.................................................... 594
Craig B. Allen, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to Brunei
Darussalam..................................................... 597
Michele Jeanne Sison, of Maryland, to be the Deputy
Representative to the United Nations, with the rank of
Ambassador, and Deputy Representative in the Security Council
of the United Nations; and to be Representative to the Sessions
of the General Assembly of the United Nations during her tenure
of service as Deputy Representative to the United Nations...... 606
Stafford Fitzgerald Haney, of New Jersey, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Costa Rica......................................... 609
Charles C. Adams, Jr., of Maryland, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Finland............................................ 612
Wednesday, September 10, 2014.................................... 631
William V. Roebuck, of North Carolina, to be Ambassador to the
Kingdom of Bahrain............................................. 633
Judith Beth Cefkin, of Colorado, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Fiji, and to serve concurrently and without additional
compensation as Ambassador to the Republic of Kiribati, the
republic of Nauru, the Kingdom of Tonga, and Tuvalu............ 636
Barbara A. Leaf, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the United Arab
Emirates....................................................... 639
Pamela Leora Spratlen, of California, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Uzbekistan......................................... 644
------
Thursday, September 11, 2014..................................... 675
James Peter Zumwalt, of California, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Senegal and to serve concurrently and without
additional compensation as Ambassador to the Republic of
Guinea-Bissau.................................................. 677
Robert T. Yamate, of California, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Madagascar, and to serve concurrently and without additional
compensation as Ambassador to the Union of the Comoros......... 680
Virginia E. Palmer, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Malawi...................................................... 682
Rabbi David Nathan Saperstein, of the District of Columbia, to be
Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom........ 685
------
Wednesday, September 17, 2014.................................... 697
Robert Francis Cekuta, of New York, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Azerbaijan......................................... 700
Richard M. Mills, Jr., of Texas, to be Ambassador of the United
States to the Republic of Armenia.............................. 703
Jess Lippincott Baily, of Ohio, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Macedonia................................................... 707
Margaret Ann Uyehara, of Ohio, to be Ambassador to Montenegro.... 710
------
Wednesday, November 19, 2014..................................... 737
Antony John Blinken, of New York, to be Deputy Secretary of State 739
------
Tuesday, December 2, 2014........................................ 817
Peter Michael McKinley, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the
Islamic Republic of Afghanistan................................ 820
Isobel Coleman, of New York, to be Representative to the United
Nations for U.N. Management and Reform, with the rank of
Ambassador; and as an Alternate Representative to the Sessions
of the General Assembly of the United Nations during her tenure
of service as Representative to the United Nations for U.N.
Management and Reform.......................................... 824
Richard Rahul Verma, of Maryland, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of India.............................................. 827
NOMINATIONS OF ROBERT BARBER,
GEORGE TSUNIS, COLLEEN BELL
----------
THURSDAY, JANUARY 16, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Robert C. Barber, of Massachusetts, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Iceland
George James Tsunis, of New York, to be Ambassador to the
Kingdom of Norway
Colleen Bradley Bell, of the District of Columbia, to be
Ambassador to Hungary
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:34 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Chris Murphy
presiding.
Present: Senators Murphy, Cardin, Kaine, Markey, Johnson,
and McCain.
Also Present: Senator Charles E. Schumer.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS MURPHY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT
Senator Murphy. Good afternoon, everyone. This hearing of
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee will now come to order.
Today, the committee is considering three nominations--
George Tsunis, to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Norway;
Robert Barber, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Iceland; and
Colleen Bell, to be Ambassador to Hungary.
Let me begin this afternoon by welcoming our nominees and
welcoming your families. I will let you introduce any family
members that may be here.
I am going to give some brief opening remarks, followed by
Senator Johnson, our ranking member. I will introduce you. I
understand that Senator Schumer is likely going to be here to
introduce you, Mr. Tsunis. So if he is not here yet when we are
done with our opening remarks, I will introduce Ms. Bell and
Mr. Barber, and they might begin. And then when Senator Schumer
comes here, he can introduce you, Mr. Tsunis. But we are glad
to welcome Senator Schumer when he can arrive.
I want to congratulate all of you on your nominations. If
confirmed, you are going to be called upon to serve and advance
the interests of the American people in your respective
missions. And I thank you and your families for your
willingness to serve this country in this important capacity.
The moment is unique in the sense that we have a number of
irons in the fire with our European partners. You are going to
be there at a very important time to talk about our communal
mission to promote global security, whether it be as NATO
partners or in our joint efforts to combat terrorism. You are
going to be there at a really important time for the growing
economic partnership between the United States and Europe, a
moment at which we hope during your tenure we will negotiate
and perhaps enter into a new trade agreement, now referred to
as the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership.
And we know that there is going to be continued interest in
our very complicated, but very necessary intelligence
relationship. I and a few members of the House were just in
Europe over the holidays, talking about the importance of both
clarifying our intelligence relationship going forward, but
also preserving it because we have a communal interest to
prevent grievous attacks against both the United States and
Europe.
Mr. Tsunis, let me begin with a few words about Norway. The
United States and Norway enjoy a long tradition of friendly
relationships based on democratic values. We also share an
increase in addressing the problems posed by climate change,
particularly with respect to the Arctic and building a
cooperation in the region through the Arctic Council.
On the security side, Norway, as you know, is a founding
member of NATO, has been a partner with us in Afghanistan,
Libya, the Balkans, and in counterterrorism. In her visit to
Washington earlier this month, Norway's Defense Minister
emphasized the importance of European nations stepping up to
the plate at a larger scale to take a share of global political
and economic burdens.
Norway is also the world's seventh-largest petroleum
exporter, and the Norwegian economy has enjoyed some pretty
impressive growth in recent years. so we look forward to
hearing your thoughts on how to continue these very important
partnerships with Norway, particularly in the lead-up to next
year's NATO summit.
Mr. Barber, another nation that is very important to this
committee is Iceland. The United States is one of Iceland's
main foreign investors and trading partners. We were the first
country to recognize Iceland's independence in 1944, following
Danish rule.
It is another founding member of NATO. And although we no
longer have U.S. military forces permanently stationed in
Iceland, Iceland and the United States have worked closely
again on missions in Afghanistan and Lebanon and the Balkans.
And as we talked about privately, the Icelandic economy has
been a success story for much of the past two decades, although
it encountered deep financial problems in 2008. The collapse of
these major banks, coupled with the global financial crisis, it
had a ripple effect throughout Iceland's economy, and we look
forward to your thoughts on how the United States can continue
to allow Iceland to recover.
And finally, Ms. Bell, let me turn to Hungary. Since the
fall of communism in Central and Eastern Europe, the United
States and Hungary have maintained strong bilateral ties,
particularly in security matters through NATO. Hungary is a
member of the European Union. It has successfully transitioned
from a centrally planned economy to a market-based one since
the fall of communism. Like the other countries represented
here, the United States is among the top foreign investors in
Hungary.
But notwithstanding our close cooperation on economic and
security matters, there have been some legislative and
constitutional changes in Hungary since 2010 that have prompted
concerns from the United States and included controversial
legislation granting citizenship to ethnic Hungarians living
outside the country's borders, changes that could reduce the
independence of Hungary's central bank, and restrictions on the
constitutional court.
The United States has shared these concerns that have been
expressed also by the Council of Europe, and we look forward to
a discussion with you about how we can continue to work with
Hungary on promoting democratic ideals.
We thank you all for being here today to share with us your
thoughts. We look forward to your swift confirmation.
And let me now turn to our ranking member, Senator Johnson.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. RON JOHNSON,
U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I would like to join you in welcoming our nominees and also
thanking you and your families for your willingness to serve. I
appreciate the fact that you all took time to meet with me in
my office, and as we discussed, these positions of
ambassadorships is extremely important to not only convey to
the countries that you are going to represent us Americans'
exceptionalism, our values, but then also you report back to us
the concerns that those countries have in terms of U.S.
actions.
And so, incredibly important posts. I truly appreciate your
willingness to serve, and I will look forward to your
testimony.
Thank you.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Johnson.
Why do we not do this? I will introduce briefly Mr. Barber
and Ms. Bell, and you can begin testimony. And when Senator
Schumer gets here, he can introduce Mr. Tsunis.
Robert Barber is our nominee to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Iceland. Mr. Barber, a leading attorney and
litigator, has been a partner at Looney & Grossman in Boston,
MA, since 1985. Known for his legal acumen and community
service, he specializes in the needs of startup businesses,
small and medium-sized companies, and commercial litigation,
serving many companies in the role of outside general counsel.
He is also an expert in the formation and early development of
business ventures.
A proven and experienced leader, Mr. Barber will bring
essential skills to the task of furthering bilateral economic
relations with the Government of Iceland. Mr. Barber previously
practiced law in a variety of other roles, including as an
assistant district attorney in the New York County District
Attorney's Office, and he has served in a number of community
positions, as a trustee of the Phillips Brooks House
Association of Harvard College, as a treasurer and trustee of
the Social Law Library in Boston, MA, and director of the
Abbott Academy Association in Andover, MA.
He attended Harvard College and Boston University School of
Law, and he even holds an MCRP from the Harvard Graduate School
of Design.
Welcome, Mr. Barber.
Ms. Bell, we are pleased to have you here today. Ms. Bell
is a producer at Bell-Phillip Productions in Los Angeles, CA,
has a strong history of accomplishment in the television
industry. Known for her successful leadership of high-profile
and influential social service, environmental, and arts
organizations, she has a wealth of experience in a wide range
of fields from the economy to human rights and the
environmental, foreign policy, public health, and education.
Ms. Bell will bring essential skills to the task of furthering
our relationship with the Government of Hungary, who is a key
U.S. ally in NATO and the EU.
Previously, Ms. Bell worked for Bell-Phillip Television
Productions as an associate producer. She also serves on,
again, a number of institutions. She has been on the board of
the JFK Center for the Performing Arts, the President's
Advisory Committee on the Arts, the Los Angeles County Museum
of Art, the Children's Institute, the Music Center, and the
National Academy of Television Arts and Sciences, just to name
a few.
Senator Murphy. With that, why do we not do this? We will
go to Mr. Barber for your opening remarks, then to Ms. Bell,
and then we will have Senator Schumer here to introduce Mr.
Tsunis.
STATEMENT OF ROBERT C. BARBER, OF MASSACHUSETTS,
TO BE THE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF ICELAND
Mr. Barber. Chairman Murphy and Senator Johnson, it is a
great privilege for me to appear before you today as President
Obama's nominee for Ambassador to Iceland.
I am truly honored by this nomination and very grateful to
the President and to Secretary Kerry for their trust in me. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with each of you and with
your colleagues in Congress to further U.S. interests in
Iceland.
My oldest son, Nicholas, is with me today, representing his
brothers, Ben and Alexander, and my wife and his mom, Bonnie.
And if you would permit me, I would like to introduce Nick to
you.
Senator Murphy. Welcome.
Mr. Barber. I am also delighted that two members of the
Icelandic Embassy are present today, and I very much appreciate
their appearance today. I am pleased to meet them, and if
confirmed, I certainly would look forward to working with them.
I am very thankful for and appreciate the support of my
family and my friends.
The opportunity to serve the United States, if confirmed,
means quite a lot to me. Both my father and my maternal
grandfather were career Army officers. In fact, I was born at
Fort Benning, GA.
I grew up in Charleston, SC, where the greatest influence
on my life was my mother, Kathleen. A teacher, after having
gone back to college while raising four kids, she guided
gently, making sure I was aware of opportunities that were
available to me and trusting me to make good decisions.
I feel as though I have been lucky all my life, being able
to attain great schools on scholarships, which opened up even
more wonderful opportunities. So knowing how lucky I have been,
I look forward--I look for chances to help out, to pay back,
and indeed to pay forward. And I believe that if I am
confirmed, representing my country as the U.S. Ambassador to
Iceland would be the ultimate opportunity for service.
I am hopeful, too, as the chairman mentioned, that my
experience in leading organizations, including my law firm and
as well as political and nonprofit groups, will enable me
effectively to represent the United States. By nature, I am a
team player, a firm believer in team development, for it is
through collaborative effort that the most productive and, I
believe, the most fulfilling outcomes are achieved.
As well, my years acting as outside general counsel to
entrepreneurs and their companies, from startups to mid-sized
firms, have helped me develop an ability to find solutions and
to connect parties with common interests and complementary
capacities.
The United States and Iceland have long enjoyed a strong
bilateral relationship. When Iceland declared its independence
on June 17, 1944, the United States, as you mentioned, was the
first country to recognize it. In the last decade, this
friendship has evolved from one dominated by political-military
issues to a broader partnership that reflects our shared global
agenda.
Iceland is a stalwart ally and friend of the United States.
As a charter member of NATO, Iceland has made contributions to
peacekeeping operations around the world. And although the
Keflavik Naval Air Station closed in 2006, NATO continues to
operate an important radar defense system in Iceland,
highlighting that country's continuing contribution to our
overall security.
A close partner on law enforcement issues, Iceland has
recently helped break up the illegal narcotics network known as
Silk Road and actively engages with the United States in
antitrafficking in persons efforts. Iceland is also a staunch
supporter of humanitarian causes, as its search and rescue
teams provided lifesaving services following earthquakes around
the world.
So following its banking sector crisis of 2008, Iceland is
reemerging with a stable economy. While it is still recovering,
Iceland has made through a series of confidence-building
measures steady progress in putting its economy on sounder
footing.
Our business relations with Iceland are strong and growing.
The reinvigorated American-Icelandic Chamber of Commerce is now
up and running, working on behalf of American companies in
Iceland. Raw materials and renewable energy are just some of
the promising new horizons in our trade and investment
relationship.
As businesses are looking to invest in Icelandic renewable
energy, the United States and Iceland are cooperating to
develop the technology we need for a green, sustainable future.
And Iceland is also growing in importance as a potential
strategic partner in the development of Arctic natural
resources.
Iceland is a world leader in the use of geothermal and
hydroenergy for electric power and heat generation, presents a
great opportunity for energy diplomacy in the years ahead. If
confirmed, I shall look for ways the United States can
strengthen connections among the energy industry, the Icelandic
Government, and relevant U.S. institutions, and I shall
diligently pursue all opportunities for collaboration.
In sum, Senators, the United States-Icelandic relationship
yields benefits to both countries in security, in energy, trade
and investment, the environment, and humanitarian causes. If
confirmed, I will work to broaden our cooperation in these
areas and to protect and further U.S. interests and safeguard
American citizens.
Thank you again for the privilege of appearing before you
today. I look forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Barber follows:]
Prepared Statement of Robert C. Barber
Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Johnson, and distinguished members
of the committee, it is a privilege to appear before you today as
President Obama's nominee for Ambassador to Iceland. I am honored by
this nomination, and very grateful to the President and to Secretary
Kerry for their trust in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working
with you and your colleagues in Congress to further U.S. interests in
Iceland.
My oldest son, Nicholas, is with me today, representing his
brothers, Ben and Alexander and his mother and my wife Bonnie Neilan,
and if you would permit me, I introduce Nick to you.
The opportunity to serve the United States, if confirmed, means
quite a lot to me. Both my father and my maternal grandfather were
career Army officers; in fact I was born at Fort Benning, GA. I grew up
in Charleston, SC, where the greatest influence in my life was my
mother, Kathleen. A teacher, after having gone back to college while
raising four kids, she guided gently, making sure I was aware of
opportunities available to me, and trusting me to make good decisions.
I feel I have been lucky all my life, being able to attend great
schools on scholarships, which opened up more wonderful opportunities.
So, knowing how lucky I have been, I look for chances to help out, to
give back, to pay forward. I believe that, if I am confirmed,
representing my country as the United States Ambassador to Iceland
would be the ultimate opportunity for service.
I am hopeful that my experience in leading organizations, including
my law firm, as well as political and nonprofit groups, will enable me
to effectively represent the United States. I am a team player, a firm
believer in team development, for it is through collaborative effort
that the most productive, and fulfilling, outcomes are achieved. As
well, my years acting as outside general counsel to entrepreneurs and
their companies, from startups to midsize firms, have helped me develop
an ability to find solutions and to connect parties with common
interests and complementary capacities.
The United States and Iceland have long enjoyed a strong bilateral
relationship. When Iceland declared its independence on June 17, 1944,
the United States was the first country to recognize it. In the last
decade, this friendship has evolved from one dominated by political-
military issues to a broad partnership that reflects our shared global
agenda.
Iceland is a stalwart ally and friend of the United States. As a
charter member of NATO, Iceland has made contributions to peacekeeping
operations around the world. Although the Keflavik Naval Air Station
closed in 2006, NATO continues to operate an important radar defense
system there, highlighting Iceland's continuing contribution to our
overall security.
A close partner on law enforcement issues, Iceland most recently
helped break up the illegal narcotics network known as Silk Road and
actively engages with the United States on antitrafficking in persons
efforts. It also works closely with the U.S. Coast Guard to improve
port security for vessels transiting to the United States.
Iceland is a staunch supporter of humanitarian causes. Icelandic
Search and Rescue teams have provided life-saving services following
earthquakes around the world. Most recently, Iceland has provided
monetary assistance through the U.N. to help Syrian refugees in Jordan,
Iraq, and Lebanon.
Following its banking sector crisis of 2008, Iceland is reemerging
with a stable economy. While it is still recovering, Iceland has made,
through a series of confidence-building measures, steady progress in
putting its economy on sounder footing.
Our business relations with Iceland are strong and growing. The
American-Icelandic Chamber of Commerce is now up and running, working
on behalf of American businesses in Iceland. Raw materials and
renewable energy are just some of the promising new horizons in our
trade and investment relationship.
As businesses are looking to invest in Icelandic renewable energy,
the United States and Iceland are cooperating to develop the technology
we need for a green, sustainable future. Iceland is also growing in
importance as a potential strategic partner in the development of
Arctic natural resources. A world leader in the use of geothermal and
hydroenergy for electric power and heat generation, Iceland presents a
great opportunity for ``energy diplomacy'' in the years ahead.
If confirmed, I shall look for ways the United States can
strengthen connections among the energy industry, the Icelandic
Government, and relevant U.S. institutions, and I shall diligently
pursue all opportunities for collaboration.
Mr. Chairman, the U.S.-Icelandic relationship yields benefits to
both countries in security, energy, trade and investment, the
environment, and humanitarian causes. If confirmed, I will work to
broaden our cooperation in these areas and to protect and further U.S.
interests and safeguard American citizens.
Thank you again for the privilege of appearing before you today. I
look forward to answering your questions.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Barber.
Let me now welcome Senator Schumer here. So pleased to have
you to introduce Mr. Tsunis. I know your time is limited. So we
will allow you to introduce our next witness.
STATEMENT OF HON. CHARLES E. SCHUMER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW YORK
Senator Schumer. Thank you, Chairman Murphy and Ranking
Member Johnson, Senator Markey.
And first, Mr. Chairman, it was not too long ago in this
body that you would wait years and maybe even decades to become
chairman of the European Affairs Subcommittee, and here you
are, one of our brightest, most capable freshmen, chairing it
already. Progress is being made, I would say to the public.
It is a privilege for me to introduce George Tsunis, the
nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to Norway. Mr.
Tsunis is a lifelong New Yorker, born and raised on Long
Island. He currently lives in Cold Spring Harbor, and he has
had a long and distinguished career in both public service and
the private sector.
And that leaves no doubt he is well qualified to take on
this great task that awaits him if he is confirmed as the next
United States Ambassador to Norway. His career and commitment
to the community is an exemplary one, and I believe that New
Yorkers, and particularly those on Long Island, have greatly
benefited from Mr. Tsunis' intelligence, his generosity, and
his philanthropic pursuits. So he is an outstanding choice to
be Ambassador to Norway, where he is going to represent the
United States, should he be confirmed, in a country that values
democracy and is a strong ally.
Mr. Tsunis is a lifelong Long Islander, raised in Commack.
He attended Commack High School. I have given many a graduation
speech there. He then earned his undergraduate degree at NYU,
his juris doctor at St. Johns University.
He is born to parents who emigrated from Greece. He is like
so many New Yorkers, comes from overseas and just in one
generation becomes an American and contributes so much to this
great country of ours.
He is a true tale of the American dream. He has never
forgotten his roots. He is very active in the Greek American
community. He is an archon of the Ecumenical Patriarchic in the
Greek Orthodox Church, the highest lay honor, serves as the
national counsel of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America.
And he and I are the grand marshals of the Greek Independence
Day Parade in New York City in March. Yiasou.
A highly successful entrepreneur and philanthropist, Mr.
Tsunis first started out as an attorney where he rose through
the ranks to become a partner in Long Island's largest law
firm. He has also had an illustrious career in public service
as an attorney. He was a legislative attorney on the New York
City Council, special counsel to the town of Huntington's
Environmental and Open Space Committee, and counsel to the Dix
Hills Water District.
Today, he is chairman and CEO of Chartwell Hotels, which
owns, develops, and manages Hilton, Marriott, Intercontinental
Hotels across the Northeast and Mid-Atlantic United States, and
he has also been very active in foreign policy issues. He is a
member of Brookings Institution's Foreign Policy Leadership
Committee and its Metropolitan Leadership Council and is a
director of Business Executives for National Security.
So he has been extremely successful in the hotel and real
estate businesses, but what is most impressive about Mr. Tsunis
is the time, investment, and commitment he has shown to the
people of New York, people of Long Island particularly, who
suffered tremendously as a result of Superstorm Sandy.
His philanthropic efforts and humanitarian causes have had
a tremendous impact. As a result, he has received a number of
well-deserved honors from groups as diverse as Dowling College,
Long Island Cares, WLIW Channel 21, the Long Island Children's
Museum. The Cyprus Federation's Justice for Cyprus Award he
received, presented personally by President of Cyprus
Christofias.
He has made generous contributions to Stony Brook for the
creation of the George and Olga Tsunis Center in Hellenic
Studies and the James and Eleni Tsunis Chair in Hellenic
Studies. The latter are in honor of his parents.
In short, he is just a perfect candidate for Ambassador. He
is smart. He is successful. He is practical. He has a knowledge
of foreign affairs. He has a generous heart.
I know him. I know George a long time. We are good friends,
and I can tell you that all of these nice things that it says
in his biography do not equal the goodness of the man. He is
just a decent, honorable, caring person.
And that matters a lot when you are Ambassador. Because
when the people of a country, particularly a relatively small
country like Norway, see who you are, they are going to
understand and have a special appreciation. So I think he is
going to be a great Ambassador to a very important
relationship, that between United States and Norway.
We work closely as NATO allies, trading partners. U.S.
companies invest in Norway in critical products. And so, this
is a great nomination, and I would urge the committee to
approve him with alacrity and with unanimity.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Schumer. Thank
you for being here.
And with that ringing introduction, Mr. Tsunis, the floor
is yours.
STATEMENT OF GEORGE JAMES TSUNIS, OF NEW YORK,
TO BE THE AMBASSADOR TO THE KINGDOM OF NORWAY
Mr. Tsunis. Thank you, Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member
Johnson----
Thank you, Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Johnson, and
esteemed members of the committee.
Let me first thank Senator Schumer, who has been a mentor.
I thank him for his support, his guidance, his imprimatur. It
has been very meaningful to me.
I am both honored and humbled to appear before you today as
President Obama's nominee to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of
Norway. I thank the President for his trust and confidence in
me, and I am grateful to this committee for considering my
nomination.
I am also grateful for this opportunity to serve our
country, and I would be remiss in not acknowledging a few of
the many people who have made this journey possible.
First, my parents, who emigrated to this country of
opportunity and meritocracy, seeking to build a better life for
their family. My parents sacrificed a lot to give my sisters
and I the opportunities they never had. So it is with gratitude
that I acknowledge my mom today. I would have loved to
introduce her, but she had recently been in the hospital. My
mom, Eleni, who had the foresight and determination to ensure
that my sisters and I received a sound education and a
reservoir of love.
Today, I would also like to remember my father, James, who
passed away 12 years ago. My dad was the embodiment of the
American dream, starting out as a busboy at the Roosevelt Hotel
in New York City, eventually opening his own small coffee shop
and then a landmark restaurant that we still operate 43 years
later.
He has embraced our country with open arms, teaching my
sisters, Anastasia and Vicki, both who are public school
teachers, the importance of hard work, the value of a good
education, which is America's great equalizer.
Most importantly, I would like to thank my wife, Olga, and
our three children, James, Eleni, and Yanna, who are behind me,
this afternoon. They are my bedrock of support and living
reminders of the legacy my parents started here in the United
States.
After attending law school, I worked in government, as an
associate in a small law firm, and then as a partner in a large
law firm until I founded Chartwell Hotels. During my tenure as
CEO, Chartwell not only weathered this great recession, but
experienced unprecedented growth. It taught me how to operate
in a stressful environment.
My company's success was not the result of one person's
effort. Whether public or private, a successful organization is
built through teamwork and a collaborative sense of mission. If
confirmed, I will draw on this experience to make the best case
for my country, cognizant that I will be working with a
terrific American and Norwegian team at Embassy Oslo.
Throughout my career, I have maintained a strong interest
in foreign and economic affairs. I have had the pleasure of
contributing to public policy as a member of the Brookings
Institution Foreign Policy Leadership Committee and as a
trustee of Business Executives for National Security. If
confirmed, I look forward to putting these experiences to work
for the American people.
We share strong bilateral ties with Norway, steeped in
shared values, such as commitment to promoting human rights,
democracy, and freedom throughout the world. Norway is a
proactive global peace builder. Its influence and reputation in
the international community far exceed its size.
The most notable of these efforts are, of course, the Oslo
Accords, although Norway has mediated a number of prominent
conflicts. Norway is a strong supporter of the current
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, which I
believe reflects Norway's strong desire to contribute to world
peace and its reputation as an honest arbiter.
As a cofounder of NATO, Norway is a reliable and fully
engaged ally. American and Norwegian soldiers fought together
and have stood together in Afghanistan to support its
transformation into a sovereign and secure nation.
During NATO's operations in Libya, Norwegian F-16s were
amongst the alliance's most effective air assets. Norway will
further deepen its commitment to military readiness and
interoperability with U.S. forces through its plan to purchase
52 Joint Strike Fighters from Lockheed Martin, something I deem
of great importance.
Norway is an important business partner of the United
States, and if confirmed, I will seek to expand the U.S.
economic export opportunities and create American jobs. I will
also work to deepen people-to-people ties between Norway and
the United States through public diplomacy efforts. If
confirmed, I will also seek to strengthen what is already a
very strong relationship between our two countries and maintain
the Embassy's proud tradition.
As I mentioned at the start, at my core, I am grateful for
this opportunity to serve my country. I have an obligation to
give back, and I look forward to answering any questions you
have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Tsunis follows:]
Prepared Statement of George J. Tsunis
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Johnson, and esteemed members of the
committee, I am both honored and humbled to appear before you today as
President Obama's nominee to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Norway. I
thank the President for his trust and confidence in me, and I am
grateful to this committee for considering my nomination. I am also
grateful for this opportunity to serve our country, and I would be
remiss in not acknowledging a few of the many people who have made this
journey possible. First my parents, who immigrated to this country of
opportunity and meritocracy, seeking to build a better life for their
family. My parents sacrificed a lot to give my two sisters and me the
opportunities they never had. So it is with gratitude that I introduce
my mother, Eleni, who had the foresight and determination to ensure
that my sisters and I received a sound education and a reservoir of
love.
Today I would also like to remember my father, James, who passed
away 12 years ago. My dad was the embodiment of the American dream,
starting out as a busboy at the Roosevelt Hotel in New York City,
eventually opening his own small coffee shop and then a landmark
restaurant that is still open today, 42 years later. He embraced our
country with open arms, teaching his children the importance of hard
work, family, and the value of a good education. These are not lessons
that I or my sisters, Anastasia and Vicki, took lightly. My sisters
took that lesson one step further and became public school teachers.
Most importantly, I would like to thank my wife, Olga, and our three
children James, Eleni, and Yanna, who are my bedrock of support and
living reminders of the legacy my parents started here in the United
States.
After attending law school, I worked in government, as an associate
in a small law firm, and then as a partner in a large firm, until I
followed my father into the world of business and entrepreneurship when
I founded Chartwell Hotels. During my tenure as CEO, Chartwell not only
weathered the recession but experienced unprecedented growth. Having
personally witnessed the strength and resiliency of U.S. business and
its success in the international marketplace, I feel I understand the
importance of expanding our global business and trade.
My company's success was not the result of one person's effort.
Whether public or private, a successful organization is built through
teamwork and a collaborative sense of mission. If I am confirmed, I
will draw on this experience to make the best case for my country,
cognizant that I will be working with a terrific American and Norwegian
team at Embassy Oslo.
Throughout my career, I have maintained a strong interest in
foreign and economic affairs, and I've had the pleasure of contributing
to public policy as a member of the Brookings Institution's Foreign
Policy Leadership Committee and as a trustee with the Business
Executives for National Security. If confirmed, I look forward to
putting this experience to work for the American people.
We share strong bilateral ties with Norway, in large part because
we share a commitment to promoting human rights, democracy, and freedom
throughout the world. Norway is a proactive, global peace-builder and
for a country of just 5 million people, its influence and reputation in
the international community far surpasses its size. The most notable of
these efforts is the Oslo Accords, although Norway has mediated a
number of prominent conflicts, including those in Sri Lanka and
Colombia. Norway is a strong supporter of the current negotiations
between Israel and the Palestinians. This reflects Norway's strong
desire to contribute to world peace, and its reputation as an honest
arbitrator.
In addition to peace and reconciliation efforts, Norway is a
generous contributor to international development and humanitarian
relief efforts. Norway is a strong partner on environmental matters,
and a leader in the area of global climate change. With our common
strategic interest in the Arctic, Norway is a natural partner in these
fields. If confirmed, I will work to preserve and expand this
invaluable partnership with Norway.
A cofounder of NATO, Norway is a reliable ally. American and
Norwegian soldiers and civilians have stood together in Afghanistan to
support its transformation to a safe, sovereign, and secure nation.
During NATO operations in Libya in 2011, Norwegian F-16s were among the
alliance's most effective air assets. Norway will further deepen its
commitment to military readiness and interoperability with U.S. forces
through its plans to purchase 52 Joint Strike Fighters from Lockheed
Martin.
Norway is an important business partner of the United States. We
are Norway's sixth-largest trading partner and our trade relationship
is free of major disputes. My focus, if I am confirmed, will be
expanding economic development opportunities both for U.S. companies in
Norway, and encouraging Norwegian firms' investments in the United
States. The energy sector is at the heart of the U.S.-Norwegian
economic relationship, and it is expected that U.S. energy companies
will expand their interests in the Norwegian oil and gas sector,
creating new export opportunities and jobs for American businesses.
With the Senate's confirmation, I will work to expand European
support for the transatlantic relationship to deepen people-to-people
ties between Norway and the United States. I will give my full support
to public diplomacy efforts to reach out to people throughout Norway
and to provide educational exchange opportunities for Norwegians to
study in the United States, and expand these opportunities wherever
possible. There is no better way to build understanding than to expose
someone directly to life in America and direct engagement with the
American people.
If confirmed, I will work side by side with my outstanding Embassy
team to strengthen this already strong relationship between our two
countries and maintain the Embassy's proud tradition, serving U.S.
interests. As I mentioned at the start, at my core I am grateful for
this opportunity to serve my country--I have an obligation to give
back--and I look forward to answering any questions you have.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Tsunis.
Now finally, Ms. Bell, welcome.
STATEMENT OF COLLEEN BRADLEY BELL, OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
TO BE THE AMBASSADOR TO HUNGARY
Ms. Bell. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Johnson, and
distinguished members of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee.
It is an honor for me to appear before you as President
Obama's nominee to be the United States Ambassador to Hungary.
I am deeply grateful for the confidence and trust that
President Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me. I am
humbled by this opportunity, and if confirmed, I will proudly
represent our country abroad.
With the chairman's permission, I would like to acknowledge
some of my family members. I would particularly like to thank
my husband, Bradley, and our four children--Chasen, Caroline,
Charlotte, and Oliver--for their steadfast and unwavering
support in this new endeavor.
I would also like to thank my father, who is here with me
today. A former United States Marine, he instilled in me the
importance of hard work and integrity in achieving my goals. My
passion for public service is driven by our shared hopes for a
better world for our next generation, a world that we build
with the friendship and cooperation of our partners and allies.
Hungary is a strong ally of the United States. We enjoy a
close partnership embedded in our common commitment to two
bedrock Transatlantic organizations, the OSCE and NATO.
Inspired by shared interests and common values, Hungary has
been a generous and reliable contributor to the International
Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan. Hungary also
contributes peacekeeping troops to the international mission in
Kosovo and to EU operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Hungary has been an active and constructive supporter of
U.S. efforts to broker a peace agreement between Israel and the
Palestine Authority and of the ongoing international program to
disarm the Syrian chemical weapons program. Police and civilian
security cooperation has been excellent, as exemplified by the
presence of the U.S.-sponsored International Law Enforcement
Academy in Budapest.
Last year marked the 90th anniversary of the United States-
Hungarian diplomatic relations. That anniversary gave us an
opportunity to celebrate and reflect on our partnership, a
relationship which extends beyond our common interest in
security as NATO allies, and is anchored by deep economic ties
and common values shared by the citizens of our two nations.
At the same time, we have been open over the last 2 years
about our concerns about the state of checks and balances in
Hungary and the independence of some key institutions. Many
argue that sweeping legislative and constitutional changes have
hurt the international investment climate, undermined property
rights, weakened the judiciary, and centralized power in the
hands of the executive.
The United States has not been alone in this regard. The
perceived erosion of democratic checks and balances has
garnered scrutiny from various bodies within the European
Union. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to uphold American
and European democratic values, to express our concerns where
appropriate, and to urge our Hungarian partners to work
collaboratively with international partners and civil society
on these issues.
The idea of pluralism is integral to our understanding of
what it means to be a democracy. Democracies recognize that no
one entity, no state, no political party, no leader will ever
have all the answers to the challenges we face. And depending
on their circumstances and traditions, people need the latitude
to work toward and select their own solutions.
Our democracies do not and should not look the same.
Governments by the people, for the people, and of the people
will reflect the people they represent. But we all recognize
the reality and importance of these differences. Pluralism
flows from these differences.
The United States has also expressed concern about the rise
of extremism, which, unfortunately, is a trend not unique to
Hungary. However, the rise in Hungary of extremist parties is
of particular concern. If confirmed, protecting and promoting a
climate of tolerance will be one of my key priorities.
The Hungarian Government has undertaken a series of steps
to address lingering hatred and the legacy of the Holocaust to
include planned events in 2014 to commemorate the 70th
anniversary of the large-scale deportation to Auschwitz and the
2015 assumption of the presidency of the International
Holocaust Remembrance Alliance. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with government organizations, civic and religious
groups, and other stakeholders to confront and to beat
prejudice and hatred in all of its forms.
We have enjoyed and benefited from our close relationship
with Hungary for over 90 years. Just as we continue to work
together in Afghanistan and around the world to uphold freedom
and democracy, so, too, will we work to maintain an open and at
times difficult dialogue on the importance of upholding our
shared values at home.
I bring to the table two decades of experience as a
businesswoman, executive manager, and leader in the nonprofit
arena. As a producer, I have been an integral part in
developing a U.S. product that we export to more than 100
countries for the daily consumption of over 40 million viewers.
The demands of producing a daily show have honed my
managerial skills and required me to carefully coordinate the
diverse activities of a very large staff. My work in the
nonprofit sector has left me with a deep appreciation for the
role and the importance of civil society in a healthy
democracy.
If confirmed, I will give the highest priority to ensuring
the well-being of U.S. citizens living, working, and traveling
in Hungary, and I will also seek opportunities to enhance our
cooperation on international security issues and to expand
commercial opportunities for American firms while also firmly
promoting and protecting our shared values and principles.
If confirmed, I pledge to do my best in advancing America's
interests and values. I look forward to working with this
committee and Congress in that effort.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you
today. I would be happy to answer any questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Bell follows:]
Prepared Statement of Colleen Bradley Bell
Thank you Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Johnson, and distinguished
members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
It is an honor for me to appear before you as President Obama's
nominee to be the United States Ambassador to Hungary.
I am deeply grateful for the confidence and trust that President
Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me. I am humbled by this
opportunity, and if confirmed, I will proudly represent our country
abroad.
With the Chairman's permission, I would like to acknowledge the
presence of some of my family members who were able to join me here
today. I would particularly like to thank my husband, Bradley, for his
steadfast and unwavering support in this new endeavor. I would also
like to thank my father. A former United States Marine, he instilled in
me the importance of hard work and integrity in achieving my goals. My
passion for public service is driven by our shared hopes for a better
world for our next generation, a world that we build with the
friendship and cooperation of our partners and allies.
Hungary is a strong ally of the United States. We enjoy a close
partnership embedded in our common commitment to two bedrock
transatlantic organizations--the OSCE and NATO. Inspired by shared
interests and common values, Hungary has been a generous and reliable
contributor to the International Security Assistance Force in
Afghanistan. Hungary also contributes peacekeeping troops to the
international mission in Kosovo and to EU operations in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. Hungary has been an active and constructive supporter of
U.S. efforts to broker a peace agreement between Israel and the
Palestine Authority and of the ongoing international program to disarm
the Syrian chemical weapons program. Police and civilian security
cooperation has been excellent, as exemplified by the presence of the
U.S.-sponsored International Law Enforcement Academy (ILEA) in
Budapest.
Last year marked the 90th anniversary of U.S.-Hungarian diplomatic
relations. That anniversary gave us an opportunity to celebrate and
reflect on our partnership--a relationship which extends beyond our
common interest in security as NATO allies and is anchored by deep
economic ties and common values shared by the citizens of our two
nations.
At the same time, we have been open over the last 2 years about our
concerns about the state of checks and balances in Hungary and the
independence of some key institutions. Many argue that sweeping
legislative and constitutional changes have hurt the international
investment climate, undermined property rights, weakened the judiciary,
and centralized power in the hands of the executive. The United States
has not been alone in this regard. The perceived erosion of democratic
checks and balances has garnered scrutiny from various bodies within
the European Union. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to uphold
American and European democratic values, to express our concerns where
appropriate, and to urge our Hungarian partners to work collaboratively
with international partners and civil society on these issues.
The idea of pluralism is integral to our understanding of what it
means to be a democracy. Democracies recognize that no one entity--no
state, no political party, no leader--will ever have all the answers to
the challenges we face. And, depending on their circumstances and
traditions, people need the latitude to work toward and select their
own solutions. Our democracies do not, and should not, look the same.
Governments by the people, for the people, and of the people will
reflect the people they represent. But we all recognize the reality and
importance of these differences. Pluralism flows from these
differences.
The United States has also expressed concern about the rise of
extremism which unfortunately is a trend not unique to Hungary.
However, the rise in Hungary of extremist parties is of particular
concern. If confirmed, protecting and promoting a climate of tolerance
will be one of my key priorities.
The Hungarian Government has undertaken a series of steps to
address lingering hatred and the legacy of the Holocaust, to include
planned events in 2014 to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the large
scale deportations to Auschwitz, and the 2015 assumption of the
presidency of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with government organizations,
civic and religious groups, and other stakeholders to confront and
defeat prejudice and hatred in all of its forms.
We have enjoyed and benefited from our close relationship with
Hungary for over 90 years. Just as we continue to work together in
Afghanistan and around the world to uphold freedom and democracy, so
too will we work to maintain an open--and at times difficult--dialogue
on the importance of upholding our shared values at home.
I bring to the table two decades of experience as a businesswoman,
executive manager, and leader in the nonprofit arena. As a producer I
have been an integral part in developing a U.S. product that we export
to more than 100 countries for daily consumption with more than 40
million viewers. The demands of producing a daily show have honed my
managerial skills and required me to carefully coordinate the diverse
activities of a very large staff. My work in the nonprofit sector has
left me with a deep appreciation for the role and the importance of
civil society in a healthy democracy.
If confirmed, I will give the highest priority to ensuring the
well-being of U.S. citizens living, working, and traveling in Hungary
and I will also seek opportunities to enhance our cooperation on
international security issues, and to expand commercial opportunities
for American firms while also firmly promoting and protecting our
shared values and principles.
If confirmed, I pledge to do my best in advancing America's
interests and values. I look forward to working with this committee and
Congress in that effort.
Thank you, again, for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
would be happy to answer any questions.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Ms. Bell.
Just to my colleagues, I told all of our nominees here not
to be disappointed if it was only Senator Johnson and I here
today, and I just want to assure you that this is not a
coordinated sneak attack on this panel to have five Senators.
[Laughter.]
Let me direct my first question to Mr. Tsunis and Mr.
Barber because two countries that you are going to be
representing us in have some common concerns in the Arctic
region, and given that Iceland has chosen not, for the time
being, to align themselves with the EU, they do that in part
because they see themselves as a gateway to the Arctic for a
variety of industries and resources.
Of course, Norway has had a connection, historic connection
to the Arctic. And as a neighbor of Russia, also wonder what
their views are on Russia's new $600 billion military
modernization and increased activity in the Arctic.
So I wonder if you might both talk a little bit about how
Norway and Iceland view the future of governance in the Arctic
and perhaps how the United States and both of these countries
can work together as we try to figure out a pathway forward?
Mr. Tsunis. Thank you for your question, Mr. Chairman.
Governance in the Arctic in Norway's view is through the
Arctic Council. It was established in 1996. Norway is one of
eight full-fledged members on the council. Actually, it was
very important to Norway that the permanent Secretariat to the
council be located in Tromso, which occurred last year.
The Arctic is a very important foreign policy priority for
both the United States and Norway. As oil and gas continue to
be found as we go further up the Norwegian Continental Shelf,
there are tremendous opportunities for both the United States,
Norway, and our respective companies in those fields. There are
also shipping lanes, which are now starting to open up, and
that could mean very significant trade opportunities for both
our countries.
As regarding Russia, Norway has always had a posture of
constructive engagement. I will tell you there is some concern
with problems in their civil society, problems in restricting
their media, an uneven business climate at times, and the
military buildup that you mentioned. But it continues to have
constructive engagement.
And last year, both former Presidents of Russia and Norway
entered into a cross-border cooperation, the Barents Euro
Cooperation Agreement. And I think that was a very positive
step.
So, clearly, if confirmed, I am going to look to continue
my engagement with Norway on all of these issues and to work
with them in constructive engagement with Russia.
Senator Murphy. Mr. Barber.
Mr. Barber. Senator, I will add just briefly to Mr. Tsunis'
comments and reinforce the comment that you, yourself, made, as
well as Mr. Tsunis, that the United States and Iceland share an
identity as Arctic nations, and they are two of the eight
Arctic Council members. The Arctic Council has a mission to
promote cooperation and coordination among its member states,
including the six others, and this is a forum in which the
United States believes it is important to engage not only with
Iceland, but the other Arctic nations on issues that are of
common importance to them.
Senator Murphy. Ms. Bell, you touched briefly on the same
subject that I talked about with respect to Hungary, which is
some of these concerning developments regarding the rollback of
certain democratic institutions and the relative independence
of the bank and of the court.
And I do not want to overstate the concern as you look at
each one of these issues individually, but when you roll them
all together, one of the worries is that it starts to create a
little bit of a dangerous precedent within the OSCE and within
NATO, as we are preaching to people who want to join these
associations as to the democratic reforms that they have to
undertake. It is a little bit difficult when you look at the
totality of what is happening in Hungary to continue to hold
that line.
So we do not normally get into the business of telling our
European partners through our embassies what they should be
doing with respect to internal and domestic policy. So what do
you think our levers are here? What is the appropriate
intervention, the appropriate push and pull that we can give
our partners in Hungary as they work through the future of some
of these issues?
Ms. Bell. Thank you, Senator.
If confirmed, one of the key priorities will be to build
upon the mutually beneficial economic, diplomatic, and security
partnership that we have with Hungary. At the same time, there
are governance issues that have been addressed over the past 2
years. And these have not come strictly from the United States,
but they have also been concerns that have been expressed by
the European Union.
As you mentioned, this erosion of checks and balances and
the centralization of executive authority and also the freedom
of and independence of the judiciary. And to name another would
be media freedom. I absolutely do think that given the fact
that Hungary is a strong and valued NATO ally of ours, a strong
ally means an ally who has strong democracy in existence.
So this is not always an easy conversation to have, but it
is a necessary one. And if confirmed, I will continue to
participate in a constructive and effective dialogue with our
Hungarian partners about the values necessary to maintain and
build a robust democracy.
Senator Murphy. Thank you.
Senator Johnson.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I guess I would just like to go down the table there and
just ask a question from your standpoint. What are the greatest
commercial opportunities we have with the country you are going
to be Ambassador to, if confirmed?
Mr. Barber, I will start with you.
Mr. Barber. Thank you, Senator Johnson.
I think that Iceland is a country remarkable, for one, in
its pioneering and innovation in the development of renewable
power, geothermal and hydropower. Indeed, 85 percent of all
energy used is sourced from renewables.
Iceland is fortunate that its geological location is such
that these resources are pretty readily available. But beyond
that, Iceland has utilized its own ingenuity and
resourcefulness of its peoples to develop these resources, to
develop the technology to exploit them.
And there are a number of both scientific collaborations
that are in place as we speak, as between our two countries,
our governments, and indeed between and among commercial
enterprises in both countries to develop this technology and to
employ it not only in Iceland, not only in the United States,
but actually in other places around the world. There is great
potential there, and that is just simply one area where I hope
that our countries can work together.
Senator Johnson. So there are opportunities for us to
import the advanced technology from Iceland or vice versa, that
they actually would be importing technology from the United
States?
Mr. Barber. I would say both, quite frankly, Senator. But
the Icelanders are out in front of the rest of the world in the
effort to exploit geothermal renewable energy power here.
Senator Johnson. Mr. Tsunis, you talked about obviously
Norway and oil. Are there other opportunities there between our
two countries?
Mr. Tsunis. Sure. Although the heart of our business ties
are in the energy field, there are--we have a $15 billion
annual trade partnership with Norway. It is very important to
them. We are their fifth-largest trading partner.
There are 300 businesses that are currently operating in
Norway. Sixty percent of our investments in Norway have to do
with energy, and there is a huge, huge American community in
Stavanger there.
But in this trade relationship, we have a slight deficit in
manufactured goods. We have a slight surplus in services, but
there are a lot of things that we will be getting to--there are
a lot of markets that will continue to open up.
Senator Johnson. Well, let me just ask, as Ambassador, how
would you promote those trade cooperations?
Mr. Tsunis. Thank you for that save, Senator Johnson.
There has--prior Ambassadors have been very, very engaged
in this issue. It is important that we continue--interesting.
Senator Johnson. Let me move on to Ms. Bell.
Mr. Tsunis. Please, thank you.
Senator Johnson. What are you looking at in terms of those
commercial opportunities between the United States and Hungary?
Ms. Bell. Thank you very much for the question.
The United States and Hungary have a strong commercial and
business relationship. Nine billion dollars of U.S. investment
are in Hungary right now. There will be opportunities to
increase our trade relationship. I look forward to advocating
for TTIP and ultimately using TTIP as a tool to promote the
trade relationship, which will ultimately grow U.S. jobs and
simultaneously improve the Hungarian economy.
I look to work--I think there are opportunities, business
and commercial opportunities in a variety of different business
sectors in Hungary. I will look to promote commercial
opportunities for U.S. businesses in manufacturing,
pharmaceuticals, health and welfare, and energy at some point.
Senator Johnson. Ms. Bell, you talked about in your
testimony the rise in Hungary of extremist parties, that that
was a particular concern. Can you just describe that in a
little more, greater detail?
Ms. Bell. Yes. Thank you very much, Senator, for the
opportunity to touch on this.
It is important for us to continue to confront bigotry and
intolerance at all times. There is an extremist group in
Hungary. They are the third-largest political party in Hungary,
and they hold 11 percent of the seats in Parliament. They are
responsible for a large percentage of the incidents of anti-
Semitism and the vitriolic language that is coming out of
Hungary.
The Hungarian Government has stated that they will not
cooperate with this party, Jobbik Party. Embassy Budapest and
the United States has clearly and consistently expressed to the
Hungarian Government the need to condemn these incidences
immediately.
I do believe and I hope that there is a chance that these--
with the improvement in the economy and an engaged citizenry
and effective diplomacy that we can reduce these rates.
Senator Johnson. OK. Well, thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Senator Cardin.
Senator Cardin. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And let me thank all three of our nominees for their
willingness to serve our country. It is not easy. It will
demand a lot of time and certainly family sacrifice. So I thank
you all, and I thank your families for your willingness.
In all three of the countries that you have been nominated
to represent the United States, they are all members of the
OSCE, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
I had the honor of chairing the U.S.-Helsinki Commission, which
is the U.S. participation in the OSCE.
The OSCE is the largest regional organization by number of
countries in the world. It includes both the United States and
Russia, which gives us a unique opportunity to advance the good
governance issues that Ms. Bell was talking about as it relates
to Hungary. I think it is fair to say that Norway and Iceland
are strong members that share the U.S. commitment in all those
areas and are our key allies.
In regards to Hungary, which is a key strategic U.S. ally,
as you point out--no question about that, a NATO partner--their
commitments to the Helsinki principles are somewhat of concern.
Ms. Bell, you mentioned in your statement the fact that
their constitutional and statutory changes are problematic. You
were a little diplomatic in your written statement. I think
much stronger in your response to our questions, which I
appreciate very much. Maybe you are learning diplomacy.
But let me point out that Hungary is a friend, and we have
an obligation to be pretty direct about this. And what is
happening in Hungary today is very concerning. You mentioned
the Jobbik Party, which is the third-largest party, as you
point out, in Hungary. And it is true that the government has
not embraced the Jobbik Party, but they have not condemned it.
They played politics with it locally.
So we have not seen the strong government action that we
would like to see. Instead, we see activities taking place in
Hungary that really raises major concern for us. They are now
setting up this museum to commemorate the German occupation of
Hungary. And quite frankly, there is major concern here because
it looks like it is trying to say that everything that happened
in Hungary during World War II was the responsibility of the
Germans, whereas we know there were many Hungarians that were
complicit as to what happened in Hungary during World War II.
And I mention that because, yes, we have seen, as you point
out in your statement, the rise of extremism. It is not just
Jews and Jewish community in Hungary. It is the Roma community,
which is being very much singled out.
And we have seen a rise of anti-Semitism and extremism, but
we found governments have stood up against it. And in Hungary,
we are concerned that we have not seen the strength in its
government to condemn those activities.
So if you are confirmed as our Ambassador, you have got to
be a strong voice on this. You cannot equivocate at all. And to
know that if the relationship between our two countries will
continue to grow stronger, we expect their government to take
action and not just to say one thing to the local constituency
in Hungary and another thing to our Ambassador.
So I will give you one more opportunity to respond on this.
I very much appreciate your responses to Senator Murphy and
Senator Johnson. I think they were right on. But I hope you
understand that you have a responsibility to be very direct
when a friend is not taking the right course.
Ms. Bell. Thank you very much, Senator Cardin.
I do understand this, and I appreciate the responsibility
that I will be taking, if confirmed. You have my word that I
will continue to maintain a very strong and constructive
dialogue with the Hungarian Government about the importance of
drowning out this hate speech and these incidences of anti-
Semitism.
And as I mentioned, the Government of Hungary did say that
they would not engage with Jobbik, and this is something that
we will hold them at their word.
Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
I hope also you will work closely with us in Congress and
keep us informed and be prepared to accept advice from us as
this issue unfolds because it is a major concern.
Mr. Tsunis, I have known of your record for a long time,
and I thank you for being willing to allow your talent to be
used to represent our country in Norway. It is a very important
country, and as you have pointed out, the opportunities between
our countries only can get stronger.
Mr. Barber, Iceland is a very interesting country and I
think maybe may lead the world in its ability to take care of
its energy needs with renewable sources. And it offers
incredible opportunity for us, and of course, it is pretty
close by. So it really is a country that we think can become a
much stronger ally.
We have had some difficulties on military facilities, but
it seems to me that there is a lot of promise for growth, and
we thank you very much for your willingness to step forward.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Cardin.
Senator McCain.
Senator McCain. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Barber, I take it you have been to Iceland?
Mr. Barber. Sir, I have not. I have not had the privilege
yet. I look forward to----
Senator McCain. Mr. Tsunis, have you been to Norway?
Mr. Tsunis. I have not.
Senator McCain. I guess, and Ms. Bell, have you been to
Hungary?
Ms. Bell. Yes, Senator, I have.
Senator McCain. When?
Ms. Bell. I was in Hungary in March.
Senator McCain. Good. Thank you.
Ms. Bell, do you think that United States-Hungarian
relations are in a good place?
Ms. Bell. Senator, thank you very much for this important
question.
I think that there are aspects of our bilateral
relationship that are very strong. We do have a strong military
cooperation. Law enforcement cooperation is also very strong.
Hungary works on a variety of different peacekeeping missions
in Kosovo and a long-term peacekeeping mission in the Balkans,
and also they have provided troops to Afghanistan and continue
to do so.
That being said, I do think that there is opportunity to
improve the bilateral relationship. I think that there are a
variety of ways of doing so and are not necessarily all
mutually exclusive.
If confirmed, I look----
Senator McCain. For example?
Ms. Bell. For example, to work to build the military
cooperation that we do have at this point and also promote
business opportunities for U.S. companies and also continue to
work these governance issues, discuss these governance issues.
Senator McCain. So what would you be doing differently from
your predecessor, who obviously had very rocky relations with
the present government?
Ms. Bell. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the
broad range of society----
Senator McCain. My question was what would you do
differently?
Ms. Bell. Senator, in terms of what I would do differently
from my predecessor----
Senator McCain. That was the question.
Ms. Bell [continuing]. Kounalakis, well, what I would like
to do, if confirmed, I would like to work toward engaging civil
society in a deeper, in a deeper----
Senator McCain. Obviously, you do not want to answer my
question. Do you think democracy is under threat in Hungary?
Ms. Bell. I think that there are absolutely signs of an
erosion of checks and balances in Hungary. I do think that. I
think that there is a centralization of executive authority
that has taken place. I do think that the media freedoms are
compromised.
Senator McCain. Do you think our--what are our strategic
interests in Hungary?
Ms. Bell. Well, we have--our strategic interests, in terms
of what are our key priorities in Hungary, I think our key
priorities are to improve upon, as I mentioned, the security
relationship and also the law enforcement and to promote
business opportunities, increase trade.
Senator McCain. I would like to ask again what our
strategic interests in Hungary are.
Ms. Bell. Our strategic interests are to work
collaboratively as NATO allies, to work to promote and protect
the security for both countries and for the world, to continue
working together on the cause of human rights around the world,
to build that side of our relationship while also maintaining
and pursuing some difficult conversations that might be
necessary in the coming years.
Senator McCain. Great answer.
Mr. Tsunis, following last year's parliamentary elections,
Norway's conservative party now had a center-right coalition,
as you know, that will include the anti-immigration party
called the Progress Party. What do you think the appeal of the
Progress Party was to the Norwegian voters?
Mr. Tsunis. Thank you, Senator. That is a very seminal
question.
Generally, Norway has and is very proud of being a very
open, transparent, and democratic parliamentary government. One
of the byproducts of being such an open society and placing
such a value on free speech is that you get some fringe
elements that have a microphone, that spew their hatred, and
although I will tell you Norway has been very quick to denounce
them, we are going to continue to work with Norway to make
sure----
Senator McCain. The government has denounced them? They are
part of the coalition of the government.
Mr. Tsunis. Well, I would say--you know what?
Senator McCain. I doubt seriously that they----
Mr. Tsunis. I stand corrected. I stand corrected. I stand
corrected and would like to leave my answer at they are--it is
a very, very open society and that most Norwegians, the
overwhelming amount of Norwegians and the overwhelming amount
of people in Parliament do not feel the same way.
Senator McCain. I have no more questions for this
incredibly highly qualified group of nominees.
Senator Murphy. Thank you.
Senator Kaine.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Barber, talk a little bit about--and I
am sorry that I missed your opening statement. But just talk a
little bit about the state of the Icelandic economy recovery
after the financial collapse. I know it affected Iceland in a
very significant way. So what is the current economic status in
the country?
Mr. Barber. Well, Senator, thanks for the question.
And I can tell you that from the depths of the fall of 2008
and the extreme difficulties that both the banks and the
country as a whole experienced as a result of the financial
collapse, Iceland has recovered thus far remarkably well. It
has now modest, though positive GDP growth, reduced
unemployment, and inflation is now in check.
All of those are parts of the problems that the country
experienced in 2008, 2009, and indeed into 2010. They have got
a ways to go, but as there are still some capital controls that
are in place, restrictions on money leaving the country, and
some credit issues still to be tackled on the commercial side,
on the home residential side. But they are making great
progress, and there are several indicators that are looking
very positive.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Barber, one of the things that, you
know, when I hear Americans talk about Iceland, most often
Iceland is in a sentence or paragraph dealing with a place to
go to see the effects of climate change, you know, if I talk to
colleagues in the United States. So I know in the United States
there is a significant awareness of climate issues in Iceland,
and Iceland is sort of an example.
Talk a little bit about, to the extent that you can, about
the sort of internal--is there a lot of internal environmental
activism in Iceland around climate issues? Because we are
grappling at the congressional level of moving from talking
about it to what the right policies are. I am kind of
interested into how big an issue is that inside Icelandic
society.
Mr. Barber. Well, I think it is. I think that Icelanders
and citizens of the United States share a great number of
values, and some of those are in the arena of the climate and
the changing nature of our climate.
There is a little bit of a pivot here. Well, I should say
certainly concern about climate in Iceland kind of goes hand-
in-hand with a desire for energy independence, and that, as I
mentioned earlier in response to a question from Senator
Johnson, that the Icelanders have done a great deal of work in
developing geothermal resources and are, indeed, in
collaboration with commercial enterprises in the United States
exporting that technology and know-how.
In fact, there is a joint Iceland-American company that has
just won a billion-dollar contract to build a geothermal
facility in Ethiopia. So, so there is awareness certainly of
climate change as an issue, but also a desire to help not just
within its own country and, indeed, in ours, but around the
world to help to combat some of those effects by developing
renewable resources where they are able to be developed.
Senator Kaine. And innovative strategies. Thank you, Mr.
Barber.
Mr. Tsunis, a thank you and then a question. So a thank you
to convey.
Norway has really been one of the great partners in the
world on humanitarian relief in Syria, both in terms of dollars
put into humanitarian effort, but also Norwegian personnel have
played a major role in the destruction of the chemical weapons
stockpile in Syria. And so, first, that is an important thing
to acknowledge to the country when you are there that we
recognize it. We appreciate them. We need more partners like
Norway in this humanitarian issue.
Increasingly, finding ways to make sure that humanitarian
aid gets delivered in Syria is occupying more and more of our
time, and Norway has been a good asset. So I hope you will
convey that.
And then the question that I wanted to ask you is, Norway
has also been a really good ally for us in NATO and U.N.
missions. So it is one thing to be a NATO member, but in terms
of putting people into the field for both NATO missions with
the United States or U.N. missions, whether they be in Libya or
Mali or elsewhere, Norway has been a strong ally.
Is your understanding that the Norwegian public remains
supportive of involvement with international institutions like
NATO and U.N. in these kinds of missions? Is there still
popular will to continue that?
Mr. Tsunis. Thank you for your question, Senator.
As you know, they are a founding member of NATO. They are
very, very engaged. NATO remains very popular in Norway, and it
is considered the cornerstone of their defense strategy.
In November, Foreign Minister Brende and just last week the
Defense Minister reiterated that at its core foreign policy and
defense strategy is its relationship with the United States and
with NATO. They have been a very effective ally. Some of the
most effective--some of the most effective air resources in the
Libyan conflict had been the Norwegian F-16s.
They are continuing their commitment to defense and NATO.
They are in the process of purchasing 52 F-35 Joint Strike
Fighters, which really shows their commitment to
interoperability. They have--also on the humanitarian effort
not only are they a very active participant in the Lifeline
Fund, which gives emergency funds to organizations that are
under stress in civil societies, they chair the ad hoc liaison
committee, which distributes humanitarian effort to the
Palestinian state.
And in Syria, Foreign Minister Brende just announced in
Kuwait an additional $75 million in humanitarian aid for the
people of Syria. That comes on top of $85 million for civil
society and two $43 million commitments for humanitarian
efforts that they previously have done.
They have written off $500 million in loans in Burma, and
throughout the world, they have shown themselves to be a very
active facilitator of conflict but have also been very generous
in humanitarian efforts, for development funds as well so these
societies they are helping can stand on their own.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Chair, with permission, could I ask one
question of Ms. Bell?
Ms. Bell, it strikes me that as I was hearing you chat
about some of the civil institutional challenge in Hungary,
particularly with the press, that you bring a really
interesting expertise to this, having a background in media and
press. You know, what better person to be able to speak to the
values of an open society from a press standpoint and the
reason to have a strong press climate than somebody who kind of
comes out of that world.
And so, I am just really going to offer you an opportunity
to just kind of comment upon that. I think some of the best
work we do are our Ambassadors individually, but also our
Nation as a nation is the example that we set. When we set the
right example, it speaks louder than any words we could say.
You have been part of an industry in the communications
side. You know what a free press, free and vigorous, robust,
contentious, you know, press environment is like here. I would
think that that would be something that in a diplomatic way you
could, you know, bring to the table in encouraging Hungary to
move more in that direction.
Ms. Bell. Thank you very much, Senator.
Yes, I do believe that freedom of the press is a core
democratic value, and it is one that we all have to work, you
know, to fight for the freedom of the press. If confirmed, I
look forward to engaging the full range of civil society on
this issue.
I know that in Hungary right now there are watchdog groups
and citizens who are working hard to bring back these freedoms
and promote that very important core value of media and free
press in Hungary.
Senator Kaine. And finally, the State Department also has
great assets and a special envoy that deals with anti-Semitism,
wherever it is to be found throughout the world. And so, that
is an asset also that you could draw on. Sadly, we see in too
many countries in Europe, but elsewhere as well, anti-Semitism
just still kind of a toxic brew that keeps stirring, and
possibly it gets more challenging when there are difficult
economic times. It seems to kind of spike.
But we see that throughout European countries as well as a
little bit in the anti-immigrant strain that was mentioned with
respect to some others. So I would just encourage you to use
those assets at State and your own personal assets in the
industry to help in making the case for progress.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
Senator Markey.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much.
Mr. Barber, you are from Massachusetts, and I know you
well, and I know you are going to do a great job as Ambassador.
And I know that you do a lot of work with start-ups, and
clearly, this is an opportunity to use your expertise in terms
of the business relationship between the United States and
Iceland.
And you just mentioned this partnership that we have for a
billion-dollar deal, and so maybe you could talk a little bit
about this incredible energy resource, which Iceland has. They
are 100 percent hydro or geothermal in terms of the production
of their electricity. So it is a 100-percent renewable country.
What can that mean for us in terms of partnerships from a
business perspective?
Mr. Barber. Thank you very much, Senator Markey, for your
kind words. I hope that if I am confirmed, I will prove to be
worthy of them.
I think that the--thus far what I have learned about the
collaboration between our two countries, both on the commercial
side as well as the research, educational components, there is
a great deal of collaboration happening, and I would hope, if
confirmed, to be witness to--indeed, aid as I am able--further
collaboration.
It is, indeed, a very exciting opportunity. There is a good
deal more that can be done. The efforts that are underway right
now are very exciting ones. The university exchanges are among
them.
And I think that one of the great opportunities that if I
am confirmed I would like to be a part of is to engage U.S.
manufacturing companies in the effort to apply this technology
to be the providers of some of the hard resources that get
utilized in the exploiting of the renewable resources not just
in our country, certainly in Iceland, but in other parts of the
world.
Senator Markey. Beautiful. Thank you.
You know what I would like to do? I would like to give each
one of you 1 minute to tell us what it is that you want to
achieve. Just a 1-minute summary. What is your goal when you
all left? What is it that you hope to have achieved as the
Ambassador to the country that you are going to be our
Ambassador?
So we will begin with you, Ms. Bell, and then we will go
right down, and we will finish up with Mr. Barber. So you have
1 minute. Just tell the committee what your goal is.
Ms. Bell. Thank you very much.
Hungary and the United States share many common values and
positions on foreign policy. As I mentioned earlier, they are a
strong and valued member of NATO. If confirmed, I look forward
to furthering our security cooperation. Hungary contributes
regularly to allied operations and peacekeeping missions.
I would also like to work to promote commercial
opportunities for U.S. businesses and advocate for TTIP and
ultimately use TTIP as a tool to increase our trade
relationship, which will ultimately grow jobs for the United
States and simultaneously improve the Hungarian economy.
I also think it is an important time to continue the
dialogue on energy security and the need for energy
diversification to provide the energy security.
Senator Markey. Thank you. One minute, that is great.
Mr. Tsunis.
Mr. Tsunis. Thank you, Senator, for your question.
We do not have the challenges in our bilateral relationship
with Norway that we do with some of the other countries, but
there are opportunities where we can do things that are better.
We have opportunities to grow trade, provide greater investment
opportunities for Norwegian companies in the United States,
which are beneficial to our companies and workers. Statoil has
a $27 billion investment with the United States.
We want to open up markets and continue to open up markets
in Norway for our American companies, which will also benefit
companies and workers. We want to continue our close
intelligence, military relationships with Norway because we
will counter threats together. We need to do this together,
which is very, very important.
And on the last point is just balancing energy security
with environmental concerns. Norway does it very, very well. We
need to continue to engage them to do that together.
Senator Markey. And finally, Mr. Barber.
Mr. Barber. Thank you, Senator.
I have got three--broadly stated, three priorities. One is
the protection of the interests of United States citizens in
Iceland, to build upon the very strong, already strong
bilateral relationship to promote security of the United States
and of Iceland.
The second is along the lines of what has been discussed
earlier, to promote those--seek out and promote those
opportunities for bilateral trade and investment. One of the
functions, I think, of an Ambassador is he or she gets to be a
convener, a facilitator, a matcher of resources with
opportunities.
That is a very exciting prospect for me. It is part of what
I have been doing in my life heretofore, and I look forward to
that as an opportunity, if confirmed as Ambassador to Iceland.
The third is, is to using the tools that are available, the
tools of public diplomacy, to engage audiences across Iceland
and to encourage the already-strong educational--Fulbright, for
example--educational and cultural exchanges because I think
this is good, in and of itself. But it broadens and deepens the
bilateral relationship.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Barber.
And thank each of you for your willingness to serve our
country. I am sure each of you is going to do an excellent job.
Thank you so much.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Markey.
What I love about this panel here today is that it
represents the best of what we hope our Ambassadors will be,
and that is representing the true diversity of the American
experience. We have people with diverse background in law, in
hospitality, in media, who have done philanthropic work in
about 10 times as many different fields.
We really appreciate you being willing to serve and
appearing before us today. We look forward to your quick
confirmation in this committee and then on the floor so you can
get to work.
We are going to leave the record open on this hearing until
Tuesday at 6 p.m. If there are any additional questions, we
hope that you will turn them around as quickly as possible to
this committee.
Senator Murphy. And with that, we are adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:50 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
NOMINATIONS OF MAX BAUCUS, ARNOLD CHACON, AND DANIEL SMITH
----------
TUESDAY, JANUARY 28, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Hon. Max Baucus, of Montana, to be Ambassador to China
Hon. Arnold Chacon, of Virginia, to be Director General of the
Foreign Service
Hon. Daniel Bennett Smith, of Virginia, to be Assistant
Secretary of State for Intelligence and Research
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:04 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
Menendez (chairman of the committee) presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez, Cardin, Coons, Durbin, Udall,
Murphy, Markey, Corker, Risch, Rubio, Johnson, McCain, and
Barrasso.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. Good morning.
Clearly one of the biggest opportunities before U.S.
foreign policy today is getting the relationship between the
United States and China, in the context of our rebalance to the
Asia-Pacific, right. And I can think of few individuals more
able and qualified at this important moment in history than our
friend and colleague, the Senator from Montana, to help provide
advice and guidance to the President and to Congress about how
to get that relationship right.
As you are well aware, China is likely to become the
world's largest economy and all of us need to embrace that
fact. Six of the world's 10-largest container ports are in
China, as are numbers 11 and 12 on that list, which presents
tremendous opportunities for American exporters. U.S. exports
to China have increased by almost $40 billion in the past 4
years alone, from $67 billion to $106 billion, creating and
sustaining millions of U.S. jobs in sectors across the board
from automobiles and power generation, machinery, aircraft, and
other vital industrial sectors.
Through the rest of the 21st century and beyond, much of
the strategic, political, and economic future of the world is
likely to be shaped by the decisions made in Washington and
Beijing and the capitals of Asia over the next 4 to 5 years.
The key challenge you will face as Ambassador, should you
be confirmed--and I am sure you will be confirmed--is how to
recognize the strategic and economic realities unfolding with
the rise of China. You will play an integral role in
reconceptualizing the problems we face and how to turn them
into opportunities. In my view, the strategic decision by the
Obama administration during its first term, described ``as a
Rebalance to Asia,'' was absolutely right. If confirmed, you
will be a central player in conveying a clear message to the
entire region that America is an Asia-Pacific player and will
be part of the region for the long haul, that we will continue
to extend the efforts to rebalance our foreign policy to the
Asia-Pacific, making sure the resources are there to work with
allies and partners to shape the broader regional environment
in the context of China's rise, that disagreements need not
lead to conflict, neither should any of us labor under any
false pretense that we are not going to safeguard and promote
our national interests, and that we need to work with China and
our other allies in the region to construct a new rules-based
order for the Asia-Pacific community built on open and
inclusive diplomatic, security, and economic mechanisms and
institutions.
And so we look forward to hearing from you, Senator Baucus,
shortly.
With that, let me introduce the distinguished ranking
member, Senator Corker, for his opening statement.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BOB CORKER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Corker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate the
way we work together, and I want to thank both of you for being
here today: Senator Tester for introducing and, obviously,
Senator Baucus for being willing to serve in this way. And I
appreciate the relationship we have had in my 7 years here in
the Senate. I appreciate the very frank conversation we had in
our office about this post that you are getting ready to
assume. And again, I thank you for your willingness to do it.
You know, probably the most important--I think you know
this--relationship we, as a nation will have over this next
decade, will be with China. And my guess is that it is not a
relationship that is not particularly well defined. So you will
be going to China in a period of time and in a position to
really shape that relationship.
Many Americans today wonder whether China is friend or foe,
and candidly, you are going to have a big impact on how that
outcome emerges. So I think it is an important relationship. I
think we should do everything we can to strive to make sure
that we complement each other's countries, and I think you are
going to really strive to do so. I know as the Finance
Committee chairman, you have worked on so many trade issues,
have been an advocate for free trade. And I know you are going
to continue to do that in this position, and yet we need to
shape it in such a way that the Western values that we care so
much about are front and center.
Stability in the region is very, very important, and that
is probably an area that you have spent less time on in your
post as head of Finance. And yet, with China doing what it is
doing right now in the South and East China Seas, there are a
lot of tensions that are being created and obviously new
tensions between Japan and China.
So we hope to see greater global integration take place. We
have opportunities right now to help shape that as a nation.
You will be leading those efforts. And again, I thank you for
your testimony, which will take place in just a moment, and
your willingness to serve in this way.
So I will stop, Mr. Chairman, and look forward to a very
productive session.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Corker.
We are pleased to welcome to the committee a friend and
colleague, the junior Senator, soon to be, possibly, the senior
Senator from Montana, Senator Tester.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN TESTER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MONTANA
Senator Tester. Thank you, Chairman Menendez and Ranking
Member Corker, Senator Murphy. It is my pleasure today to
introduce Max Baucus to the Foreign Relations Committee. Max is
a legend in Montana. His commitment and his passion for the
State is second to none. That is why Montana has trusted him to
represent that great State for nearly 40 years.
Max is also a legend in the U.S. Senate. As a longtime
leader of the Senate Finance Committee, Max knows the issues
affecting our relationship with China better than anyone. Max
has been to China eight times. He has led trade and
agricultural missions there. He has fought to normalize our
trade relations, and he knows the Chinese leadership well.
As chairman of the Finance Committee, Max also knows trade
issues inside and out, a skill that will serve him well as he
represents our interests to our second-leading trade partner.
Max's commitment to greater economic opportunity has paid
off for Montanans and Americans for literally decades. As
Ambassador, he will have the opportunity to take his passion,
his work ethic, and his knowledge to the next level. If Max is
confirmed as the next Ambassador to China, he will join a
fellow Montanan overseas. Our current Ambassador to Russia,
Michael McFall, also hails from the Big Sky State.
But it is really the footsteps of another Montana legend
that Max is prepared to walk in. After 24 years in the Senate,
including a record 16 as majority leader, Mike Mansfield became
America's Ambassador to China in 1977. As a teenager, Max
memorably met Senator Mansfield who became a lifelong mentor to
Max. With his deep knowledge of China, international trade, and
a work ethic that Senator Mansfield would be proud of, it is my
pleasure today to introduce you to Max Baucus.
Finally, I would just say this. It is with mixed emotions
today that I introduce to you Max Baucus. As a U.S. Senator,
Max has been a friend and a mentor of mine since I have gotten
here, since before I have gotten here, in fact. I remember when
I was thinking about running for the United States Senate. Max
Baucus was one of the first people that I went and visited here
in his office in Washington, DC. Max looked at me and said, do
you have the fire in the belly because if you do not have the
fire in the belly, do not do it.
I can tell you unequivocally here today Max Baucus has the
fire in the belly to be the next Chinese Ambassador, and he
will represent this country very well in that capacity.
With that, Mr. Chairman, I introduce to you, Senator Max
Baucus.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Tester. We know your
schedule, so you are welcome to leave when you feel you must.
Senator Tester. Thanks.
The Chairman. Now, Senator Baucus, the floor is yours. Your
full statement will be included in the record. Do not hesitate
to summarize it as you choose. And, of course, I see your
lovely wife is here. If you want to introduce her to the
committee as well and any other family or friends, you are
welcome to do so at this time.
STATEMENT OF HON. MAX BAUCUS, OF MONTANA,
TO BE AMBASSADOR TO CHINA
Senator Baucus. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First, I want to thank my colleague, John Tester. No one
could be more lucky than I to have such a good colleague and
such a good friend. He is an amazing man.
I would like to introduce my wife, Melodee, and my
daughter-in-law, Stephanie. Would you guys please stand so we
can see you? Melodee and Stephanie. Stephanie is my daughter-
in-law, Stephanie Baucus. And they are just wonderful,
wonderful. They are family and mean so much to me. Thank you.
The Chairman. Welcome to the committee and thank you for
your willingness as well. We understand that when our
ambassadors go abroad, it is also a commitment of their
families. So we appreciate that.
Senator Baucus. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Corker,
members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you
today as President Obama's nominee to serve as the next United
States Ambassador to the People's Republic of China.
I thank the President for his support and trust. He is a
true friend with whom I have been honored to get to know and
work with closely over the years. I also appreciate the support
and the confidence of Vice President Biden and Senator Kerry,
friends with whom I served here in the Senate for many, many
years.
I am also grateful to Ambassadors Jim Sasser, Jon Huntsman,
Gary Locke, for their friendship and counsel. These
distinguished statesmen, along with many others, have worked
hard to build a strong relationship between the United States
and China. I am humbled to have the opportunity to expand on
that foundation.
The United States-China relationship is one of the most
important bilateral relationships in the world. It will shape
global affairs for generations to come. We must get it right.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with members of this
committee and with other Members of Congress to achieve that
goal and strengthen ties between our two countries.
My fascination with China goes back 50 years to my days as
a college student at Stanford. I was a young man and grew up on
a ranch outside of Helena, MT, full of youthful idealism and
curiosity. So I packed a backpack and took a year off from my
studies, hitchhiked around the world. I set out to visit
countries I had only imagined: India, Japan, China, just to
name a few.
Before I departed, I had never thought about a life in
public service, but that trip opened my eyes. I realized how
people across the globe were interconnected, how we are all in
this together, basically the same values, the same wishes, put
food on the table, healthy lives, taking care of our kids. We
are all in this world together. We are all interconnected. I
saw the vital role America plays as leader on the world stage.
We are the leader. I returned to the States with a focus and
commitment to a career where I could improve the lives of my
fellow Montanans and my fellow Americans.
I came to Washington in 1973 with a goal of working with my
colleagues in Congress to address the challenges facing our
Nation. Throughout my career, I have tried my best to do just
that.
I am proud of the role I played spearheading environmental
protection, strengthening America's health and safety net
programs, and fighting for Montana. I am especially proud of
the work I have done to build ties and foster collaboration
between the United States and countries around the world.
In my capacity as Senate Finance Committee chair and
ranking member, I led the passage and enactment of free trade
agreements with 11 countries: Australia, Bahrain, Jordan,
Chile, Colombia, Morocco, Oman, Panama, Peru, Singapore, and
South Korea.
My position has also allowed me to travel to emerging and
established markets on behalf of the United States. And since
2010, I have been on the ground working to advance U.S. trade
interests in Germany, Spain, Belgium, Russia, Japan, New
Zealand, Brazil, Colombia, and China.
I have learned some core lessons along the way. One of the
most important, I have become a firm believer that a strong
geopolitical relationship can be born out of a strong economic
relationship, which often begins with trade.
In fact, America's relationship with China began with
trade. In 1784, a U.S. trade ship called the ``Empress of
China'' sailed into what is now the port of Guangzhou. That
visit opened a trade route that moved small amounts of tea,
silk, and porcelain. Today, United States-China trade accounts
for more than $500 billion in goods and services each year.
From my first official visit to China in 1993 to my most
recent in 2010, I have worked through economic diplomacy to
strengthen ties between the United States and China. I look
forward to continuing that work to build a stronger, more
equitable economic relationship between our countries.
If confirmed, I hope to accomplish two overarching goals,
goals that are critical to our relationship with China and can
help achieve our shared interest in a safer, more prosperous
world.
First, to develop our economic relationship with China in a
way that benefits American businesses and workers.
And second, to partner with China as it emerges as a global
power, encourage it to act responsibly in resolving
international disputes, respecting human rights, and protecting
the environment.
When I visited China in 2010, I met with President Xi
Jinping, who was then Vice President. We discussed a range of
topics, including Chinese current policies, its enforcement of
intellectual property rights, its barriers to U.S. exports. I
remember President Xi stressing that the United States and
China have more common interests than differences. In his
words, cooperation between our nations could help drive peace
and stability. In fact, he used that word, ``cooperation,''
repeatedly.
Leaders from both sides have recognized that we have much
more to gain from cooperation than from conflict. I believe
that as well, and I see many areas of our relationship where
cooperation is not only possible, it is vital.
China must be fully invested in a global rules-based
economic system. Its economy continues to expand rapidly. It
grew 7.7 percent last year. And China is the world's second-
largest economy and one of our largest trading partners.
So how do we continue to bring China into the fold? By
engaging the Chinese through bilateral talks and regional
forums. Engagement will allow us to identify shared goals. It
will allow us to achieve concrete results.
As Finance Committee chairman, I worked to bring China into
the global trade community. I met with Chinese Premier Zhu
Rongji in 1999 and pushed to extend permanent trade relations
with China and supported its entry into the World Trade
Organization. The strategy has already paid dividends.
Last year, China agreed to negotiate a bilateral investment
treaty with the United States, one that adopts our high
standard approach to national treatment protections. The treaty
will mark an important step in opening China's economy to
United States investors and leveling the playing field for
American businesses. We have much more to do, though.
Cooperation is also critical on geopolitical issues. As
China emerges on the global stage, it has a responsibility to
contribute more to preserving the regional and global security
that has enabled its rise.
The North Korea nuclear issue is just one example where
close United States-China coordination is clearly in both
sides' interests. And if confirmed, I would work to urge my
Chinese counterparts to redouble their efforts to press North
Korea to denuclearize.
Countries in the Asia-Pacific have expressed concerns about
China's pursuit of its territorial claims in maritime disputes
along the periphery. And if confirmed, I will urge China to
follow international law in maritime issues and other
international standards and stress that all sides must work
together to manage and resolve sovereignty disputes without
coercion or use of force.
I will continue to make clear that the United States
welcomes continued progress in cross-strait relations. I will
also encourage China to reduce military deployments aimed at
Taiwan and pursue a peaceful resolution to cross-strait issues.
As the United States encourages cooperation with China, it
must also remain loyal to the values that define us as
Americans. If confirmed, I will urge China's leaders to protect
the universal human rights and the freedoms of all its
citizens, including ethnic and religious minorities. I will
call on Chinese authorities to reduce tensions in Tibet and
Xinjiang and restart substantive talks with the Dalai Lama or
his representatives without preconditions.
If confirmed, I will not be an Ambassador confined to the
Embassy in Beijing. I will be out in the field working to solve
the challenging issues facing our two nations and building
relations between our two peoples.
I look forward to visiting with the people of China and
have the honor to be a guest in their country to listen and to
learn from them.
Ambassador Locke has told me of the outstanding team at the
Embassy in Beijing and in our consulates across China. If
granted the privilege to serve as Ambassador, I will be
fortunate to have a dedicated team of hardworking professionals
at my side.
Later this week, Chinese and other communities around the
world will celebrate the start of the lunar new year. It will
mark a time of renewal, of new beginnings. The opportunity to
serve as Ambassador will mark a new beginning for me as well,
and if confirmed, I will strive to strengthen the United
States-China relationship for the benefit of our two countries
and the world.
Chairman Menendez, Senator Corker, all members of this
esteemed committee, thank you so much for the opportunity to
appear before you.
And I will submit my remaining testimony for the record and
welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Senator Baucus follows:]
Prepared Statement of Max Baucus
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Corker, members of the committee, it
is an honor to appear before you today as President Obama's nominee to
serve as the next United States Ambassador to the People's Republic of
China.
I thank the President for his support and trust. He is a true
friend with whom I've been honored to closely work with over the years.
I also appreciate the support and confidence of Vice President Biden
and Secretary Kerry, friends with whom I served here in the Senate for
many years.
Before we begin, I'd also like to take a moment to introduce my
wife, Melodee. My family is the most important thing in my life. I want
to thank them for all of their support.
I'm also grateful to Ambassadors Jim Sasser, Jon Huntsman, and Gary
Locke for their friendship and counsel. These distinguished statesmen--
along with many others--have worked hard to build a strong relationship
between the United States and China. I'm humbled to have the
opportunity to expand on that foundation.
The U.S.-China relationship is one of the most important bilateral
relationships in the world. It will shape global affairs for
generations to come. We must get it right.
If I am confirmed, I look forward to working with members of this
committee and with other Members of Congress to achieve that goal and
strengthen ties between our two nations.
My fascination with China goes back 50 years to my days as a
college student at Stanford. I was a young man who grew up on a ranch
outside Helena, MT, full of youthful idealism and curiosity. And so I
packed a backpack, took a year off from my studies, and hitchhiked
around the world. I set out to visit countries I had only imagined--
India, Japan, and China, to name a few.
Before I departed, I had never thought about a life of public
service. But that trip opened my eyes. I realized how people across the
globe were interconnected. And I saw the vital role America plays as a
leader on the world stage. I returned to the States with a focus and
commitment to a career where I could improve the lives of my fellow
Montanans and all Americans.
I came to Washington in 1973 with the goal of working with my
colleagues in Congress--both Republicans and Democrats--to address the
challenges facing our Nation. Throughout my career, I have tried my
best to do just that.
I am proud of the role I played spearheading environmental
protections, strengthening America's health and safety net programs,
and fighting for Montana. I am especially proud of the work that I have
done to build ties and foster collaboration between the United States
and countries around the world.
In my capacity as the Senate Finance Committee's chair and ranking
member, I led the passage and enactment of Free Trade Agreements with
11 countries: Australia, Bahrain, Jordan, Chile, Colombia, Morocco,
Oman, Panama, Peru, Singapore, and South Korea.
My position has also allowed me to travel to emerging and
established markets on behalf of the United States. Since 2010 alone,
I've been on the ground working to advance U.S. trade interests in
Germany, Spain, Belgium, Russia, Japan, New Zealand, Brazil, Colombia,
and China.
I have learned some core lessons along the way. Among the most
important, I have become a firm believer that a strong geopolitical
relationship can be born out of a strong economic relationship, which
often begins with trade.
In fact, America's relationship with China began with trade. In
1784, a U.S. trade ship called the Empress of China sailed into what is
now the port of Guangzhou. That visit opened a trade route that moved
small amounts of tea, silk, and porcelain. Today, U.S.-China trade
accounts for more than $500 billion in goods and services each year.
From my first official visit to China in 1993 to my most recent
trip in 2010, I have worked through economic diplomacy to strengthen
ties between the United States and China. I look forward to continuing
that work to build a stronger, more equitable economic relationship
between our countries.
If confirmed, I hope to accomplish two overarching goals that are
critical to our relationship with China and can help achieve our shared
interest in a safer, more prosperous world.
First, to develop our economic relationship with China in a
way that benefits American businesses and workers.
Second, to partner with China as it emerges as a global
power and encourage it to act responsibly in resolving
international disputes, respecting human rights, and protecting
the environment.
When I visited China in 2010, I met with President Xi Jinping, who
was then the Vice President. We discussed a range of topics, including
China's currency policies, its enforcement of intellectual property
rights, and its barriers to U.S. exports. I remember President Xi
stressing that the United States and China have more common interests
than differences. In his words, cooperation between our nations could
help drive peace and stability. He used that word--cooperation--
repeatedly.
Leaders from both sides have recognized that we have much more to
gain from cooperation than from conflict. I believe that as well, and I
see many areas of our relationship where cooperation is not only
possible, but vital.
For example, China must be fully invested in the global rules-based
economic system. Its economy continues to expand rapidly--it grew 7.7
percent last year. China is the world's second-largest economy and one
of our largest trading partners.
So how do we continue to bring China into the fold? By engaging the
Chinese through bilateral talks and regional forums. Engagement will
allow us to identify shared goals. It will allow us to achieve concrete
results.
As Chairman, I worked to bring China into the global trade
community. I met with Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji in 2000, and pushed to
extend permanent trade relations with China, and I supported its entry
into the World Trade Organization. The strategy has already paid
dividends.
Last year, China agreed to negotiate a bilateral investment treaty
with the United States that adopts our high-standard approach to
national treatment protections. The treaty will mark an important step
in opening China's economy to U.S. investors and leveling the playing
field for American businesses.
It's also critical for the United States and China to work together
to develop a shared understanding of acceptable norms and behavior in
cyber space, including a cessation of government-sponsored cyber-
enabled theft of intellectual property. Such behavior hurts China as
well as the United States, because American businesses are concerned
about the cost of doing business in China. If confirmed, I will work
with Chinese counterparts to ensure meaningful actions are taken to
curb this behavior so that it does not undermine the economic
relationship that benefits both of our nations.
As the largest energy consumers, greenhouse gas emitters, and
renewable energy producers, the United States and China share common
interests, challenges, and responsibilities that cut across our
economic, national security. Last year our countries announced new
commitments to work together on climate change and clean energy. During
Vice President Biden's last visit, for example, our two governments
volunteered to undertake fossil fuel subsidy peer reviews this year. If
confirmed, I will endeavor to build on our existing cooperation with
China, including collaborative projects on energy efficiency, smart
grids, transportation, greenhouse gas data, and carbon sequestration.
Cooperation is also critical on geopolitical issues. As China
emerges on the global stage, we believe it has a responsibility to
contribute more to preserving the regional and global security that has
enabled its rise.
The North Korean nuclear issue is just one example where close
U.S.-China coordination clearly is in both sides' interests. If
confirmed, I would work to urge my Chinese counterparts to redouble
their efforts, along with us and our partners in the 6P process, to
press North Korea to denuclearize.
Countries in the Asia-Pacific region have expressed concerns about
China's pursuit of its territorial claims in maritime disputes along
its periphery. If confirmed, I will urge China to follow international
law, international rules, and international norms on maritime issues,
including by clarifying the international legal basis for its claims. I
will stress that all sides must work together to manage and resolve
sovereignty disputes without coercion or the use of force.
I will continue to make clear that the United States welcomes
continued progress in cross-strait relations and remains committed to
our one China policy based on the three joint communiques and the
Taiwan Relations Act. I will also urge China to reduce military
deployments aimed at Taiwan and pursue a peaceful resolution to cross-
strait issues in a manner acceptable to people on both sides of the
strait.
As the United States encourages cooperation with China, we must
also remain loyal to the values that define us as Americans, including
our commitment to universal values, human rights, and freedom.
If confirmed, I will urge China's leaders to protect the universal
human rights and freedoms of all its citizens, including ethnic and
religious minorities. I will call on Chinese authorities to allow an
independent civil society to play a role in resolving societal
challenges; take steps to reduce tensions and promote long-term
stability in Tibet and Xinjiang; and restart substantive talks with the
Dalai Lama or his representatives, without preconditions.
The free exchange of information, including over the Internet, is
essential to the growth of modern societies. Yet in China, we have
witnessed a government crackdown on free expression that is limiting
areas of domestic debate. If confirmed, I will work to convince China
that open debate and the free flow of information is in its own
interest, enabling the type of creativity and innovation that will lead
to a more stable and prosperous society.
I also look forward to visiting with the people of China. I would
be honored to be a guest in their country--to listen and learn from
them. If confirmed, I will not be an ambassador confined to the Embassy
in Beijing. I will be out in the field, working to solve the
challenging issues facing our two nations and building relations
between our two peoples.
Ambassador Locke has told me of the outstanding team at the Embassy
in Beijing and in our consulates across China. If granted the privilege
to serve as Ambassador, I will be fortunate to have a dedicated team of
hard-working professionals at my side. I will do everything possible to
ensure that the dedicated officers and staff working at the U.S.
mission in China have the tools and support they need to continue
performing the important work of the United States abroad.
Later this week, Chinese and other communities worldwide will
celebrate the start of the Lunar New Year. It will mark a time of
renewal and new beginnings. The opportunity to serve as Ambassador will
mark a new beginning for me as well. If confirmed, I will strive to
strengthen the U.S.-China relationship for the benefit of our two
countries and the world.
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, thank you for this
opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome the opportunity to
answer your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Baucus, for that pretty
comprehensive introductory statement, and your entire statement
will be included in the record.
Let me start off. You are extremely well versed in all of
the economic, trade, and related issues. And I think as someone
who has had the privilege of sitting on the Finance Committee
under your chairmanship, I have seen that firsthand. But as you
recognized in your opening statement, this is a pretty
comprehensive portfolio with China. And in that regard, I would
like to visit with you on one or two things.
One is China continues to refer to a new type of great
power relationship, and I wonder what you think China means by
that. Is that China laying down a marker for saying, hey, we
have a greater say in our back yard, so to speak? And what
should America's counter be? Should we even be using that
phrase? What are your views on that?
Senator Baucus. Mr. Chairman, as you have said in your
opening statement and I in mine, a view that is shared by all
members of this committee and Congress, most who think about
this question, it is imperative that we, America, be deeply
involved in the Asia-Pacific. The rebalancing mentioned by our
President and others referred to I think is critical. It is
because the United States and Chinese interrelationship is so
valid to solving problems not just in China and America but
worldwide.
China talks about a new relationship. I think it is always
interesting and somewhat helpful to talk about new
relationships, to look forward, to try to find something new
and something fresh like the Chinese new year, the first of any
new year. But China's interpretation of the new relationship,
as I understand it, says its core interest is one which I think
we should be very wary of. As I understand China's
interpretation of the new relationship and focusing on its core
interests, it is frankly one that suggests that China take care
of its own issues in China, whether they are human rights
issues or whether it is Taiwan, the Senkaku Islands, Diaoyu in
their version, in the South China Sea. That is essentially a
version where China takes care of its part of the world and the
rest of the country takes care of their parts of the world.
That is not an approach that makes sense to me. It is not an
approach which makes sense, I am sure, to the President,
although we have not talked specifically about this.
The approach that makes sense is for the United States to
urge China to be a full member of, and to participate fully in,
the United Nations rule of law, to resolve issues according to
international rule of law principles and norms. And that
includes work with the United Nations with respect to North
Korea, the United Nations with respect to Syria, Iran. It means
open skies, open seas, to maintain security in the world. Half
of the commercial tonnage shipped in the world today across the
Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea--it is extremely
important that the United States stays engaged in the world and
helps work with China. And the approach to China should be it
is very simple. It is one that is positive, that is
cooperative. We work to constructive results about one grounded
in reality. We stand up for our principles. We stand up for our
principles, but as we work and engage China.
The Chairman. Senator Baucus, there are a couple of areas
on the economic front and the security front that are, I think,
critically important, and I would like to get your commitment
to the committee that once you are confirmed and in Beijing,
that you will work toward these goals.
One is the question of cyber security and theft, which of
course has been part of the strategic dialogue that has been
had between the administration and the Chinese leadership.
The other one is intellectual property. A 2013 American
Chamber of Commerce China survey found--and I was there this
past August and talked to them about this--that 72 percent of
respondents said that China's IPR enforcement was either
ineffective or totally ineffective. And the U.S. International
Trade Commission estimated that U.S. intellectual property-
intensive firms that conducted business in China lost over $48
billion--billion dollars--in sales, royalties, and license fees
in 2009 because of IPR violations.
So can you commit to the committee that upon your
confirmation, these are areas that you will work to improve
with our Chinese counterparts?
Senator Baucus. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I absolutely will.
As you asked the question--and I thought about this before.
When I sat where you are now in the Finance Committee, I have
asked many questions along those lines of witnesses of the
administration. Why are you not doing more to protect
intellectual property, get going here, get moving? It now dawns
on me that as a member of the administration, I am going to
have to, along with others in the administration, do what we
can to address intellectual property theft. It includes not
only trademarks and other traditional IP, but also it is cyber
theft. It is industrial espionage, which obviously is becoming
more rampant. I have heard figures that are even greater than
the ones you mentioned. It is a huge problem.
And it is really an opportunity for the United States to
keep reminding China that China has benefited so much by our
open rules-based economy, and China will benefit more in the
future the more China protects its own intellectual property
and follows more rules-based solutions to its economic and
political problems. It is a huge issue and you have my
commitment, if confirmed.
The Chairman. And finally, I appreciate you raising us
standing up for our principles because I think in any
relationship, one that is honest, straightforward, but that
stands up for our principles is important. And while we
obviously are fixated on the economic challenges and
opportunities, on the relationship to engage China in a rules-
based system that ultimately observes international norms as
disputes seek to be resolved, the question of human rights, the
question of Tibet where your immediate two predecessors,
Ambassadors Huntsman and Locke, went to visit Lhasa, Tibet, I
hope you will do the same when you have that opportunity. The
question, as we celebrate the 35th anniversary of the Taiwan
Foreign Relations Act. These are standing up for principles
that make it very clear that we seek to engage, we seek to find
cooperation, but that we will also stand up for some
fundamental human rights issues and imperatives that I think
are important. And I am glad to hear it in your statement, and
I look forward to seeing it in your actions as Ambassador.
Senator Baucus. Thank you, Senator.
The Chairman. Senator Corker.
Senator Corker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Again, thank you for being here today and for your opening
comments and our prior meetings.
I know we talked just a little bit in our office about some
of the security situations, and I know you are very aware that
China has recently named an air defense identification zone
that overlaps with commonly known Japanese territory. And under
article 5 of our security agreement with Japan, we would come
to their aid if certain provocations occurred there.
I know you have had a lot of briefings with the
administration in preparation for this. And again, I know it is
an area that has been outside, generally speaking, of the great
trade issues and other kind of things you pursued in Finance.
But what is your sense of what China intends by taking these
steps that they have recently taken?
Senator Baucus. Senator, I think the best approach, if
confirmed, one I will pursue, is I will do all I can to reduce
tensions in the East China Sea. It is unfortunate that China
set up the ADIZ. The United States has not recognized nor
confirmed that action. And I think that it is important for the
United States to let China know that so as to discourage other
potential actions that China may take.
Having said that, it is a delicate relationship between
China and Japan. And it is, I think--and I have done this
frankly with the Prime Minister when I was recently in Japan--
to counsel caution, counsel reduced tension, counsel to back
off here a little because otherwise we run the risk of a major
dispute, of a major problem where, if tensions are high, there
could be a miscalculation or easily a miscalculation. It is
important, again, to remind China that it is in China's best
interest to maintain a peaceful Asia-Pacific, including the
East China Sea, because if relations deteriorate significantly,
that will inure to the detriment of all countries involved, in
this case primarily China, primarily Japan, but also Korea and
other Asian nations in the Asia-Pacific. And it is just in
everyone's interest to just reduce the tension, and that is an
effort I will undertake.
Senator Corker. On December the 5th in the South China Sea,
a Chinese warship crossed right across the bow of the USS
Cowpens. I know that Chinese officials have been critical of
our ``pivot to Asia'' with many of the comments that they have
made. Again, what is your sense of what they were attempting to
do with that episode?
Senator Baucus. Well, Senator, if I knew, I am not sure I
would be sitting here. It is hard to know exactly what China's
intentions at that time were.
I suspect that China was probing a little bit, pushing a
little bit, seeing how far it could go. That is very risky.
That is very dangerous. There was bridge-to-bridge
communication between the Cowpens and the ship, the frigate,
that crossed the bow of the Cowpens, as well as the aircraft
carrier that was somewhat in the vicinity.
But it raises the point of the importance of engagement at
all levels. In this case, we are talking about military to
military. Our Government is attempting to ramp up military-to-
military exchanges with China at various levels. It is fairly
rudimentary at this point. We have a lot further to go, but
everything begins with a first step somehow somewhere, and this
is I think very, very important. I speak to Admiral Locklear,
for example, and others. They explain to me what they are
trying to do. And I, if confirmed, will do what I can to
encourage the Chinese to follow up at a next higher level.
That is important in many ways, to encourage transparency
with the Chinese and with American transparency, to encourage
more communication at military levels so that it eventually, at
higher levels, a U.S. commander can get on the telephone and
talk to a Chinese commander. What is going on here? What is up
here? If they know each other in advance, the communication
channels are set up, it is going to help. It is not going to
solve all the problems, but it is going to help.
And the rebalancing that I think is very appropriate is one
that engages China at all levels. It is not just military. It
is economic. It is political. It is human rights. And I
believe, as we all know as people who represent our States work
to get stuff done, that the more we can talk to people, even if
we are just talking about their kids, just talking to people,
getting to know them better and make it regular, more and more
often the more likely it is that we are going to develop trust
and better understand each other to minimize misunderstandings
and minimize adverse actions that otherwise would take place.
So I believe that we will just keep working at it. We have
no choice. Keep working at it and we will make some headway
here.
Senator Corker. I know that somebody is going to bring up--
I would hope anyway--the issue relative to journalists in
China. We were there recently and met with a number of
journalists that were concerned about what now is actually
happening there. And I am sure you will address that at some
point through questions here from the dais.
One last question and then I would like to make a brief
statement.
What are the areas, Senator Baucus, that you think are the
best suited for improvements between us and China at present,
today? You know, when you get over there, in the very first
days of being there, you are going to begin to set an agenda.
Where do you think the areas of improvement best lie?
Senator Baucus. Well, Senator, I mentioned two, broadly, in
my statement. One is pursuing economic relations and the second
is the overall geopolitical.
I do think that economic, commercial efforts do help
significantly. By that I mean the more we can have an actual
level playing field in China, the more American businesses are
actually able to do business in China in a nondiscriminatory
way, where China does not discriminate, whether it is their
regulations, whether they are denying access for whatever
reason. The more that Americans are engaging Chinese people,
engaging Chinese companies, whether more importantly it is the
private sector, the more that helps because the goal here is to
get us talking to each other, getting to understand each other
and know each other.
Now, people counsel me, if I have the opportunity and the
privilege and if confirmed, to come up with two or three main
initiatives. And I am working on that right now. I do not want
to, at this point, be presumptuous and say what they might be.
It would be a bit premature. But I do not want to be, if
confirmed, an ambassador that just has his talking points and
goes around and meets with all different folks in China just
parroting the talking points and so forth. Rather, I want to be
one, if confirmed, to make a difference.
Senator Corker. I actually had just a comment I would like
to make, and I will be very brief.
As I mentioned, we had a good meeting in our office. And I
think the administration has been long on making statements,
you know, like a new era of power relations or a pivot, without
much definition or policy to go behind that. I do not think you
are the type of person to take direction from some 25-year-old
at the White House calling you and telling you what to do,
which I know oftentimes happens in these positions.
So for that, I am very upbeat about the fact that you are
taking this position. I think you have shown independence. And
I just would ask you to take full advantage of the fact that I
do not think the administration has a defined policy toward
China, to take advantage of that, develop one that really
allows us, over this next decade, to have the kind of
relationship, both pro and con, with China to help shape their
future, but also to build on the economic opportunities that
our Nation has and to strengthen the security issues that we
both are going to have to deal with.
So I thank you for this. I look forward to your service. I
look forward to your continued independence in this position,
and I look forward to seeing you on the ground there. Thank
you.
Senator Baucus. Thank you, Senator. If I might first thank
you. I read your April statement focused on security, which I
deeply appreciated and agree with you and will work to follow
up with the points you made in that statement.
But second, I am part of a team here working for the
President and this administration. And I will do everything I
can to help implement administration policy.
Senator Corker. You can help them most by showing strength
as an ambassador and developing that policy, which I hope you
will do.
The Chairman. Senator Cardin.
Senator Cardin. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, and Senator
Baucus, thank you for your extraordinary public service and
your willingness to continue that public service as our
Ambassador in China. I want to thank Mel and your family,
because this truly is a family commitment, for your willingness
to continue to serve our country. This is a critically
important position, the Ambassador to China.
You have already heard mentioned by my two colleagues many
issues. Our relationship with China is complex, and there are a
lot of important matters.
As the chair of the Subcommittee on East Asia and the
Pacific, I was in China last year and had a chance to meet with
many of the government officials. And I agree with you. People
to people are critically important. I found the meeting with
the students to perhaps be some of the most enlightened
discussions that I had, and they had already met with U.S.
students that were over there, and I think that had a great
impact on a better understanding between our two countries.
Clearly, the economic issues are very, very important. I
could not agree more with your statement about dealing with
intellectual property and the chairman's comments about
intellectual property and the amount of theft that goes on in
that country. China needs to have confidence in its own people
and its own creativity.
And the currency manipulation is a matter that has to be
dealt with. And I concur in that.
And the security issues are critically important. Maritime
security and China's unilateral declaration was extremely
unhelpful. And we will get to some of these other issues.
But I want to bring up the matter of human rights. The
chairman mentioned it. And your statements are what I would
have hoped to have heard, and I thank you for that. My concern
is will good governance and human rights be always on the table
in our discussions with China. This is a country in transition.
They have made a lot of progress. Recently they decided to--we
will see if they carry it out--eliminate the reeducation labor
prisons. I hope that is the case. That is a step in the right
direction. They have opened up some of their system allowing
people some opportunity.
You mentioned the Tibetan Buddhists or the Uighur. The
discrimination against minorities goes to any minority--any
minority--in that country. From the point of view of trying to
practice your religion, you cannot do it. They will not let
you. So many of the Chinese people are held back because of
where they are born, not really having any opportunity for
advancement. The journalists are absolutely being denied. The
United States Embassy's Web site was even compromised by the
Chinese Government for being able to get out information.
So I just really want to underscore the importance of the
statement you made that representing not just U.S. values but
international values of good governance so that American
companies that want to compete and work in China can get a fair
deal. They do not have to worry about whether there is an
implied problem with dealing with a local government official
that they are not allowed to participate in that puts them at a
disadvantage.
So can you give us that assurance that good governance,
human rights will always on the agenda of your discussion as
our Ambassador?
Senator Baucus. Senator, you have that assurance. It is
extremely important.
I am very proud of an action I took a good number of years
ago. When I was in China, I met with the then-President, Jiang
Zemin, and raised with him and asked him to release a dissident
in Tibet. He said I did not know what I was talking about
basically. But I went to Tibet, went to Lhasa and raised the
same point there. And sure enough, within about 2 or 3 weeks,
this person was released. And I do not know what I had to do
with it, but I raised the point strongly a couple--three
times--because I thought it was so important and was very
heartened with the results.
Protection of human rights is the bedrock. It is the
underpinning of American and world society. We have some
blemishes in our country, but we are the leader in human
rights. People look to America, look to America to lead on so
many issues, including protection of human rights, religious
freedoms, freedom of the press, all the rights that are
enumerated in the universal declaration. It is what most
progress springs from.
And the answer is, ``Yes'', Senator. You have my
commitment.
Senator Cardin. I thank you for that strong statement.
I want to mention one other area where you are going to
have a special interest in dealing with, and that is breathing
the air over in China. When I was there--I do not know what the
chairman's experience was--I was there for 3 days. There was
not a cloud in the sky, but I could not see the sun.
When we tried to deal with climate change in the past, we
have always been concerned as to whether China would also do
its fair share. Well, we have China's attention right now. This
is a problem they cannot hide from because people see that
China must do a much stronger job in reducing their carbon
emissions.
How do you see working with China to provide universal
leadership so that we can have responsible policies to deal
with carbon emissions?
Senator Baucus. Senator, we are making some headway. We
have a lot more to do. Recently Vice President Biden met with
Counselor Jiang Ze Xi to put together a climate change working
group addressing several points. One is pollution from heavy,
larger automobiles. Second is building efficiencies through
different finance incentives. Another was the smart grid
systems. It is basically technologies that the Chinese can use
that we can help provide and work with them to help achieve
their objective.
The point you made is obvious. It is the air pollution. I
have seen up to a million people die in China a year due to air
pollution.
Senator Cardin. I might point out you are responsible for
the safety of our personnel that are there.
Senator Baucus. That is correct.
Senator Cardin. They have to breathe that air. Literally
they have to have breathing devices on certain days. I mean, I
think it is critically important not just for the safety of
Americans that are in China. It is obviously a universal issue.
And as Ambassador you can make progress in that regard.
Senator Baucus. No question. Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Thanks, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman Thank you.
Senator Rubio.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
Congratulations. Your appointment comes at a pretty
exciting time and place in terms of the issues that are going
on with regard to China. Their growth in their economy and
their influence in the world is really an amazing development
to watch from a historical perspective.
And by the way, I would just share, as I did with you on
the phone when we spoke about this. And I think the President
has said this. Our policy is not to contain China. On the
contrary, I think we see a growing economy that we can be trade
partners with, a billion people we can sell our products and
our services to. We look, hopefully, to a China that uses its
increased influence and its military capabilities to be a
partner in addressing some of the global issues that our world
confronts. Just think about how much easier the issue of Iran
and North Korea and Syria would be if China were engaged in a
positive way in trying to influence the direction of that.
But there are also some real challenges, some of which have
been highlighted here today. In particular, I think the Chinese
use the term ``the new model of major country relations.'' And
it seems that the way, at least, they define it right now is
that, No. 1, the United States would basically begin to erode
or abandon some of its regional commitments that it has made to
places like Japan and the Philippines and Taiwan and even South
Korea to some extent.
And the other is something you will hear them often say. In
fact, I think at Davos Senator McCain was asked this question
by someone in the audience. Why is the United States always
interfering in the internal affairs of other countries? And
when it comes to China, that usually is this issue of human
rights.
The late Ambassador, Mark Palmer, in a book, ``Breaking the
Real Axis of Evil,'' argued that United States ambassadors in
places like China should be freedom fighters and that United
States embassies should be islands of freedom open to all those
who share the values of freedom, human rights, and democracy.
You have begun to answer that question here today, and it
was asked on some specific topics. But do you agree that the
United States Embassy in China should be an island of freedom
and that one of your primary jobs there will be demonstrating
to China's peaceful advocates of reform and democracy that the
United States stands firmly with them?
Senator Baucus. Going to your earlier point, Senator, I
read your speech in Korea. I thought it was very perceptive and
it made points which I would like to work on with you.
Clearly the United States symbolically is an island of
freedom. You asked to some degree the specific question, should
it apply physically to the Embassy. That is a question I am
going to have to take back and work with the administration on.
I do not know the administration policy precisely on that
point, but I will determine to find it. My basic principle is
you bet. We are there to stand up for human rights and freedoms
generally in the world. But with respect to your specific
question, let me take that back.
Senator Rubio. Well, just as you do take that issue back, I
think you will find broad consensus on this committee and I
hope in the administration that our embassies should be viewed
as an ally of those within Chinese society that are looking to
express their fundamental rights to speak out and to worship
freely, et cetera.
On that point, the Chinese Government has detained over
1,000 unregistered Christians in the past year. They have
closed what they term illegal meeting points. They have
prohibited public worship activities. And additionally, by the
way, unregistered--and this is amazing--Catholic clergy--
unregistered with them--that remain in detention. Some have
even disappeared.
I would ask would you be open, if you are confirmed, to
attending a worship service in an unregistered Catholic or
Protestant church within China.
Senator Baucus. Senator, I am going to do my very best to
represent our country constructively, seriously engage, and
listen in a way which I think is most effective. I will take
actions which I hope accomplish that objective.
With respect to where I go and do not go, that is a matter
of judgment, and it is one I am going to be thinking about very
carefully about where I go and where I do not go.
The goal here is to be effective. A major goal, as we
discussed here today, is the protection of human rights,
probably the bedrock, fundamental goal because so much springs
from that. And it is a goal that I will espouse fully and use
whatever way I can to accomplish that goal effectively.
But let me not answer that directly because I do not know
the degree to which that makes sense at this point. First of
all, I am not confirmed. I am not there. And this is frankly
not a point that I have discussed with the administration, but
I will take that back too.
Senator Rubio. And I am respectful of the reality that in
order to have the operating space to be effective, you do not
want to necessarily be in direct and constant conflict with the
host government. On the other hand, there comes a point, I
would argue, Senator--and I hope you keep this in mind--where
that effectiveness cannot come at the expense of the
fundamental rights of the people of that country and in
particular what we stand for as a nation.
And I would just caution that, again, as you see the
Chinese attitude toward some of these issues, their attitude
basically is mind your own business on these issues. If you
want to have a good relationship with us, you need to stop
speaking out on these grotesque human rights violations. And I
hope it never becomes the policy of the United States to look
the other way on these issues for the purpose of achieving a
more friendly operating environment because that, I hope, is
not the definition of this new model of major country
relations.
I think if the Chinese are willing to use their new-found
economic and even military abilities to be a productive member
of the global community, committing themselves to things like
freedom of navigation, respect for human rights, I think that
would be an extraordinary development for mankind. If, on the
other hand, this new-found power is used to turn their
neighbors into tributary states and to continue to impress
people within their own country, I think we have a big problem
and a major, major challenge.
I know you need to go back to the administration on some of
these issues, but I hope this is not a matter of debate. I hope
that it is clear that we want a good relationship with China
but not at the expense of the fundamental human rights that
define us as a nation and as a people. And I think you are
going there at a very unique time where freedom activists in
that country are looking for an advocate and a spokesperson
that will stand with them strongly. They look to America to be
that, and you have a unique and historical opportunity to do
that and I hope it is one that you will embrace.
But thank you.
Senator Baucus. I appreciate that very much. Thank you.
The Chairman Senator Coons.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Menendez.
I want to thank Senator Baucus for your 35 years of
remarkable service to this body and this institution and
express my confidence that, Senator, you could not have found a
better nominee--President Obama could not have found a better
nominee in the United States Senate. Your long work and
leadership on the important and difficult trade issues that
will dominate much of your service as Ambassador--I hope you
are swiftly confirmed--makes you, I think, a great
representative for the United States, and your grounding in our
values and your appreciation of the difficulties and the
tension between advocating for human rights and for our values
while still addressing the issues of real concern to our home
States and to our country's future. I think you are very well
grounded in the challenges ahead.
We both come from meat-producing States. Lots of beef comes
from Montana. Lots of poultry comes from Delaware. And it is my
hope that you will keep at the head of your agenda open access
to the market of China.
Let me, if I could, speak to two intellectual property
issues and then to one regarding Africa.
There have been some real changes recently in China's trade
policy that are creating real barriers to innovations in
biotechnology in the American agricultural sector particularly
in grain. And if confirmed, I am hoping you can speak to how
you would use your position as Ambassador to work with USDA and
USTR to address the important issue of innovations in
biotechnology and how we harmonize and sustain a good
relationship with China. What sort of time will you invest in
that particular area?
Senator Baucus. Senator, it is an issue that has become of
greater concern--the recent actions you just referred to. I
think the answer to some degree is just to keep pushing but
especially with respect to sound science because there are too
often countries--and China is one--which limit agricultural
products for political reasons, not reasons based on science.
And I think the more we can point out what the science is and
that the poultry that is attempted to be introduced into China
from your State is perfectly safe, it is fine, and to keep
pushing, to keep talking.
It is my experience, frankly, with respect to another
product, in this case beef, with other countries, South Korea
and Japan, just keep talking, keep pushing over and over and
over again. And finally, we are at the point where both Japan
and South Korea take a lot more American beef. They are not 100
percent yet, but huge progress from where they were about 10-15
years ago. So I will push strongly.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
I have heard similar concerns. Our second-largest
agricultural product is corn, and I have heard similar concerns
broadly, nationally from corn growers.
Let me move to ways in which the Chinese Government has
used their anti-monopoly law and recent actions by their
National Development Reform Commission to extract concessions
from American companies, even those that do not operate in
China, in terms of making concessions in patent cases. The
standard they are suggesting is that any United States company
that files a patent infringement lawsuit against a Chinese
company will then be barred from their market and coerced to
make concessions whether it is in patent law or trade secrets
or other areas. If you would just speak briefly to the
importance you attach to strengthening the intellectual
property regime within China and continuing to make progress on
their respect for IP rights here in the United States.
Senator Baucus. Senator, I do not know if you were here,
but earlier I explained how often on the other sided of the
dais I pushed so strongly for the administration to do a better
job of protecting intellectual property worldwide, often China.
And now that I am on this side of the table, I have got to put
my money where my mouth is and do something about it, at least
working with the administration to do the best I can. I will
push, obviously, as strongly as I possibly can.
But it is important for China to understand--and I do not
mean to be presumptuous here--that the more China goes down
that road under its antimonopoly law, the more it is going to
hurt its economy, the more it is going to hurt the living
standards of people in its own country. And China, like all
nations, has a lot of issues it has to deal with internally,
and a lot of them are economic. There is environmental. There
is pollution, but there are also economic issues within China.
The Chinese people and the country of China in the long run
will be a lot better off the more they open up, the more there
is more transparency, and the more the playing field is
actually level. It is extremely important that that also is a
point we make over and over again. We could compete. Chinese
companies can compete, but we want a level playing field.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
My last question will be about exactly that, a level
playing field. Africa--as you know, I chair the Africa
Subcommittee here in Foreign Relations--is I think a continent
of immense importance to the United States, to China, and to
the world as the greatest storehouse of remaining mineral
reserves for the world. The recent discoveries of oil and gas
and minerals all over the east coast, the west coast have
sparked a real aggressive move by China to take a dominant
position in access to Africa's natural resources. In fact, they
have eclipsed the United States as the leading trading partner
for Africa, and their dramatic investments in infrastructure
and in economic development are often done in ways that are not
on a level playing field, concessionary loans and relationships
that do not follow the same trading rules that we do. And
frankly, to the extent we try to advance a values agenda in
Africa that promotes human rights and open society and
commitment to democracy, we often find ourselves in some real
tension with the Chinese and how they are pursuing their
interests on the continent.
It is my hope that as Ambassador you will seek ways that we
could partner with the Chinese constructively and positively in
some countries like South Sudan and Sudan where they could play
a positive role, but you will also hold up this vision of fair
trade, of a level playing field moving forward.
If you would, just speak to your concerns about the Chinese
role in Africa and how you think as Ambassador you might add to
the forward movement we need to see here.
Senator Baucus. Frankly, Senator, with respect to Africa, I
have a little bit to learn. I see the press reports--we all
do--of Chinese investment in Africa and the concerns that you
have just outlined. And we will push for, obviously, rules-
based, value-based investment. If China wants to invest in
Africa, that is fine. That is China's right and should, just as
we should. But I also think we Americans--American businesses--
look for ways to invest more aggressively in various African
countries.
I will keep your point very firmly in mind, Senator, and go
back and try to find a better answer.
Senator Coons. I am confident that your rich and deep
experience and long service here has equipped you better than
anyone who could possibly be nominated, and I look forward to
your service. And I am grateful for you and your family and for
everything you have already given this country.
Senator Baucus. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Coons. I am confident your service will be
exemplary. Thank you.
The Chairman Thank you.
Senator Johnson.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I would like to join Senator Coons in thanking you for your
past service to the country and your willingness to serve in
this capacity.
I also appreciate the time you spent with me yesterday, and
I enjoyed the conversation.
As a business person, I always seem to frame these issues
from a businessman's perspective. Taking a look at our
relationship with China, to me it seems like just one long,
ongoing negotiation. And one of the things I certainly learned
in negotiating in business was I first like to understand the
motivation of the person I am negotiating with and then I like
to spend a lot of time on the front end figuring out what we
agree on before we get into the areas of disagreement. So I
kind of want to structure my questioning along that framework.
Again, in our meeting you said you have been to China a
number of times on different trade missions and you have met
with a lot of leaders. How would you assess their motivating
factors? What motivates Chinese leadership?
Senator Baucus. Senator, I think like most leaders in most
countries they want to do well, provide for their people, but
also people like their jobs and want to do what they can to
provide for their people but also undertake actions so they do
not lose their jobs, frankly. My experience is basically yours.
Often though, to be honest, when I talk to leaders worldwide,
it is because I do not know them well, it is hard to get past
the pleasantries and get past the talking points. It takes a
lot of time to get past pleasantries and talking points that
one does get past only when one is able to spend quite a bit of
time with that person.
In this case, if I am fortunate enough to be confirmed,
theoretically I have a lot of time to spend with a lot of
different people in China and do my best to figure out which
ones are the most effective, which ones will make the most
difference so that I can be most effective. That is going to be
a goal of mine.
And I agree with your general approach, just figure out
what you agree on, put that aside, mark that as progress as it
is progress, and figure out what you do not yet agree on. But
then the next point is to, when you are talking, try to
understand the other person's assumptions, the other person's
premise, asking questions, just listening because the more you
ask questions, positive questions, nonadversarial questions,
and try to figure out where they are coming from, the more
likely it is you are going to find little insights and new ways
to find a solution here.
My approach in this job since I have been here in the
United States Senate has been to do my very best to work with
Senators on both sides of the aisle to get results, just be
pragmatic, and that would be my approach here, too, to just do
the best I can, listening, being forthright. I am the kind of
guy, too, who likes to talk straight. This is what it is and
not be angry about it. This is just what it is. This is what we
can do, this is what we cannot do, and to listen and to convey
the impression that we want to solve problems.
Senator Johnson. I appreciate that. And I tend to agree and
I hope it is true that their primary motivating factor is
improving the condition of the people of China.
But then let me ask a question. So what do you think would
motivate them to initiate the air defense identification zone?
How does that further that goal?
Senator Baucus. Senator, I am no real expert on China, but
it is my strong belief that Chinese people are just as proud as
we Americans are proud. I think, unfortunately, the Chinese
leadership has taken advantage of that pride to test America in
the South China Sea or the East China Sea, and it means we have
got to stand up. It is the old thing in life, being fair but
firm, be fair to show that you can work with people and they
can trust you but firm, uh-uh, we are not going to be taken
advantage of. And that is vitally important here for the United
States in my judgment.
And we would be fair but firm by engaging them in a
constructive conversation, for example, with respect to the
Senkakus, say uh-uh, we do not recognize that, the ADIZ, but
kind of cool it, calm it. The same with the South China Sea,
say we do not countenance potential air defense identification
zones in the South China Sea. That is not a good thing to do
for a lot of reasons. Our basic is that our national security
is No. 1 to us, as their national security is to them, but also
our commercial, economic security is so important not just to
the United States but also to China and other countries in the
world. Half the tonnage travels through the Strait of Malacca
and the South China Sea, and it is vitally important that that
commerce continue so that companies can grow and prosper.
So in answer to your question, I cannot really tell you the
motivation of the Chinese leadership, but I can tell you that
the approach that we should take, if confirmed, is one that I
will pursue, namely constructive engagement, talking but
standing up, positive, constructive engagement grounded in
reality and make sure they understand both sides of that. It is
constructive and positive but also grounded in reality. And I
think the general rebalancing to the Asia-Pacific is important,
but again, it is at all levels. It is not just military but
also economic and political.
Senator Johnson. I would just like to quick hear your
thoughts on--I think the latest figures, China owns or holds
$1.3 trillion worth of U.S. Government debt. What are your
thoughts on that? From my standpoint, the primary problem with
that is if anybody holds $1.3 trillion of U.S. Government debt.
But can you just kind of give me your thoughts in terms of the
potential dangers of that or positive aspects?
Senator Baucus. Yes. Well, the biggest concern, frankly, is
that anyone holds so much of our debt. It is important to get
our debt down.
Actually the percentage of United States debt that is held
by China I think is pretty small, smaller than most people
think, but nevertheless, it is very important. The real key
here is to get our trade imbalance down so that China is not
continuing to accumulate such currency reserves. That is the
big point here, so they are not then, therefore, investing so
much in U.S. treasuries.
Senator Johnson. Well, thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman Senator Risch.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Max, one of the issues that affects my State and is going
to affect a lot of the IT industry in America is the Chinese
Government with their propensity to subsidize businesses that
are supposed to be competing in the open market, but as we all
know, as soon as the government starts subsidizing, the market
lists badly.
The chip industry and particularly the prices have been
volatile over the years because of different governments'
subsidies of their own industries. I am speaking now of Micron
Technology, which is one of Idaho's largest private employers.
Their success has been up and down because of other
governments' interference with a free market price for chips.
You are probably aware that the Chinese Government is
spending billions to prop up their semiconductor industry, and
indeed, they are finalizing a policy right now to provide
additional government support for that. That is going to harm
U.S. producers that are out there in the marketplace trying to
do the right thing as far as producing semiconductors. What are
your thoughts on that? What can you do about that as far as
reining back the Chinese efforts in that regard?
Senator Baucus. Well, Senator, it is a big problem. The
United States Government is undertaking some actions. We have
seven actions before the World Trade Organization with respect
to China, most of them revolving around the Chinese Government
subsidizing favored industries, SOV's for example, and it is
important that we follow up on those actions.
The new bilateral investment treaty, which is not finalized
yet, will help. China is engaging with the United States and
has agreed to a bilateral investment treaty which recognizes
national treatment which helps. We have been spending a lot of
time trying to get China to sign up to the procurement
agreement it earlier agreed to when it entered the WTO. It has
not yet fully signed on to the procurement agreement because
the terms it wants to sign up with are inadequate. They are
insufficient. And we just keep chipping away. No pun here. Keep
working at the problem here. This bothers me, Senator, as much
as it does you.
Senator Risch. Thank you much. I appreciate your commitment
to that because this is--the size and the magnitude of the
Chinese Government and the economic power that they have is a
real problem. And I am glad to hear your commitment to that,
and I would urge you to urge them in the strongest terms that
they have got to compete fairly in the marketplace or there are
going to be some serious problems.
Let me turn to another product that is close to my State
and to your home State and that is beef. We have been working
hard to try to get the Chinese to accept U.S. beef. And I am
very concerned about the difficulties in the East and South
China Seas are going to cause problems with these negotiations
that we are having. And I know you touched on that, but I
wondered if you could comment just a little bit about your
thoughts as far as the upheaval and us trying to get the
Chinese to open their markets to U.S. beef.
Senator Baucus. You have my commitment, Senator. I have
worked very hard on this with respect to South Korea and Japan,
and I am now starting to try to get China to take our beef.
China does not take much American beef right now.
The potential disturbances in the East China Sea and the
South China Sea are extremely concerning. However, I do believe
that with very strong, measured, statesman-like discussions
with China, we can minimize the potential adverse development
in those two oceans.
But you have my commitment to work on beef.
Senator Risch. Thank you so much, Senator. I appreciate
that.
The Chairman Senator McCain.
Senator McCain. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Max, we congratulate you and look forward to, at our
arrival at the Beijing airport, seeing you.
Senator Baucus. If confirmed, I will be there with warm
greetings.
Senator McCain. I look forward to that. I am sure Chairman
Menendez will appreciate that.
Obviously, we are supportive of your nomination.
I must say I am a little concerned at some of your answers.
It is not that the Chinese are proud as we are proud. It is not
that the Chinese want to keep their job. It is not that we can
work things out with China, which we can. But it is not that
they are proud people. It is not that they are wanting to keep
their job.
The Chinese leadership has a sense of history that they
believe that the last 200 years was an aberration and that
China has to be the leader and the dominant force in Asia. And
you have to appreciate that if you are going to deal with them.
And the fact is that the South China Sea has implications which
could lead to another ``Guns of August,'' and their aggressive
behavior, whether it be a near collision with a United States
ship or whether the imposition of the ADIZ or whether it be
many of the other actions they have taken are part of a pattern
of their ambition to dominate that part of the world.
I suggest one guy you go see in Singapore is Lee Kwan Yew.
I suggest to you that he will give you the perspective of China
and their ambitions and their behavior and what you can expect
from them because he knows them better than anybody. And I will
tell you what he will tell you. He will tell you that the
Chinese will say, well, we will take the western Pacific and
you can have the eastern Pacific. The construction and
acquisition of an aircraft carrier is a statement of a desire
to be able to project power.
The role that China is playing in Asia today should be of
great concern to all of us, not to mention the fact that they
have continued to repress and oppress and to practice human
rights violations on a regular basis in Tibet, and the tensions
between China and India on the China-India border continue to
be ratcheted up. The more penetrations of China across the
border between China and India are real.
So we have to understand that this is not a matter of being
proud as we are proud. This is not a matter of they want to
keep their job. This is a matter of a rising threat or
challenge to peace and security in Asia because of the profound
belief of the Chinese leadership that China must and will
regain the dominant role that they had for a couple thousand
years in Asia. And unless you understand that, you are going to
have trouble dealing with them. Well, you are going to have
trouble dealing with them effectively.
That does not mean we preach confrontation. That does not
mean that we believe that a clash is inevitable with China in
Asia. But the best way to have that be prevented is a close
alliance with our friends in Japan, with China, and the
countries in the region that are now united because of the
threat that China poses to them with their aggressive behavior
in the South China Sea and the East China Sea.
When the United States of America ran two B-52s over the
area after the declaration of the ADIZ, I thought that was
great until they then advised American airliners to observe it.
What if the Koreans want the same thing? What if other
countries want the same thing? We are seeing a time of rising
tensions in Asia, and unless you understand Chinese ambitions
and Chinese perspective and view of history and recognize that
they are continuous human rights abusers on a daily basis, then
I think you will have difficulty being an effective
representative in this very important job.
And you may disagree or agree with my comments, but I do
not base my comments to you on John McCain's opinion. I base it
on the opinion of every expert on Asia that I know of in China,
and that is that there is a growing tension, there is a growing
threat of another ``Guns of August,'' and there is a need for
us to not only make the Chinese understand that there are
boundaries but also to work more closely with the other nations
in the region, whether it be Vietnam or the Philippines or
Indonesia or other countries that the Chinese, because of their
hand-fisted behavior, have united in a way, the likes of which
I have never seen or anticipated.
I would be glad to hear your response.
Senator Baucus. Thank you, Senator.
I do not disagree with you. You make very important points
which I largely do agree with. I applauded the B-52s flying
over the ADIZ. I thought that was a very important message the
United States send. It was the right thing to do.
And I have met twice with Lee Kwan Yew. On the way over
again, I hope to talk to him again. He is a very, very
important man. No question.
Senator McCain. And by the way, one more.
Senator Baucus. Yes.
Senator McCain. I would check in with Kissinger also.
Senator Baucus. Yes, he is on my list. We are scheduled to
meet very soon actually.
Your point is basically, I think, accurate. It is kind of
the old thing in life: you hope for the best; assume the worst.
And it is just important for us to maintain our alliances and
firm them up with the countries you have mentioned, and there
are some others.
But the overarching goal here for us as a country, I think,
is to engage China with eyes wide open, to try to find common
ground. We have talked about the military-to-military
exchanges. There are other things we can do to help minimize a
potential confrontation, say, in the South China Sea. I am a
realist. Believe me. And I understand the version of Chinese
history which you have just espoused, and it has a large ring
of truth to it. But as we work with China, as I said earlier
several times, it is going to be grounded in reality. No. 1 is
the United States of America, we find a relationship with China
where we can make some headway.
And I do believe how we manage this relationship--we are
very much determined that living standards of Americans and
Chinese and other people in the world--we have got to get this
relationship right. But if we work with China, we stand tall.
We protect our rights, maintain our friendships and our
alliances and keep our naval fleet strong over there so that we
can protect our interests but in a way that for us is
nonconfrontational too. We just have to work together the best
we can, standing up for our rights.
Senator McCain. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman Senator Barrasso.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Baucus, congratulations to you, to your family.
Congratulations.
Senator Baucus. Thank you, John.
Senator Barrasso. You have had a chance to talk a little
bit about trade issues and concerns. A number of others have
asked the question regarding specifically China's trade
practices. As I have discussed in this committee before, soda
ash continues to face significant trade barriers around the
world. The United States is the most competitive supplier of
soda ash in the world due to the abundance of this in this
country. Green River Basin in Wyoming is the world's largest-
known deposits of this naturally occurring trona. It is a
component of glass, detergents, soaps, and chemicals.
In May 2007, you specifically hosted a meeting with members
of the Finance Committee with the Chinese Vice Premier at the
time, Wu Yi. And at that time, my friend and predecessor, U.S.
Senator Craig Thomas, was undergoing treatment for leukemia. He
was unable to attend the meeting with you as a member of the
Finance Committee. But on his behalf, you specifically hand-
delivered a letter written in both English and Mandarin from
him to the Vice Premier that asked China to eliminate their
value-added tax rebate on soda ash exports. I am grateful for
your assistance.
In July 2007, China actually eliminated their 13-percent
value-added tax rebate on soda ash exports. Very welcome news
in this country.
Unfortunately, on April 1 of 2009, so 2 years later, China
reinstituted a 9-percent value-added tax rebate for soda ash
exports.
So I would just ask, if confirmed, to serve as our
Ambassador to China, if you will work to highlight and
eliminate market-distorting subsidies like the value-added tax
rebate on soda ash exports that I believe harm U.S. workers and
producers.
Senator Baucus. You bet, Senator. I remember that exchange
back then. Madam Wu Yi is a very impressionable person. And I
am sorry that the value-added rebate was reimposed, and I will
do my best to get that turned around again.
Senator Barrasso. You also raised the issue of beef, and I
know Senator Risch has talked a bit about beef. U.S. beef
producers take great pride in providing a healthy and safe
product. The United States exported $5.5 billion in beef sales
across the globe this past year. And I am concerned about the
U.S. beef industry, as I know you are, continuing to face what
is to me an unscientific trade barrier with China. In 2003,
China banned all U.S. beef exports after the discovery of a
BSE-positive cow in the State of Washington. Prior to 2003, the
United States was China's largest beef supplier.
China's continued ban on U.S. beef imports has allowed
Australia to take our place as the leading foreign beef
supplier to China by value.
In 2011, you and I both signed a letter, along with 36
Senators, to the Secretary of Agriculture and to the U.S. Trade
Representative on the need to take steps to eliminate these
unscientific trade barriers to U.S. beef exports. Recently
there have been articles indicating that China may ease some
restrictions on imports of U.S. beef, but we do not have
details. We do not have timelines. And I believe this issue
needs to be raised at the highest levels with Chinese
officials.
I would ask you what immediate action, if you have anything
planned that you would do with this, and would you work with
our U.S. Trade Representative and our Secretary of State and
the Chinese Government officials to address this issue?
Senator Baucus. Senator, I certainly will. I care a lot
about beef.
Senator Barrasso. I know you do.
Senator Baucus. We will make some headway here.
Senator Barrasso. I am curious, Senator. Did you have any
conversations with the Governor of Montana prior to your
nomination about the appointment of your replacement to the
Senate?
Senator Baucus. I have not.
Senator Barrasso. Any conversations with your former chief
of staff, Jim Messina, prior to your nomination about your
successor?
Senator Baucus. I have not.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Senator.
And thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Baucus. Thank you.
The Chairman Well, Senator Baucus, I think you have had a
full exposition of the issues that you are going to be facing
and I think you have acquitted yourself extraordinarily well,
which is no surprise to those of us who know you.
It is the intention of the chair to hold a business
meeting, a markup, next Tuesday. That will depend upon
questions for the record being answered. The record will remain
open untill noon tomorrow. I would urge you, if you do receive
questions for the record, to answer them as expeditiously as
possible so that we could proceed with your nomination.
Senator Baucus. Thank you.
If I might, Mr. Chairman, if I am fortunate enough to be
confirmed, I meant what I said in my opening remarks, that is,
I want to work with you and the committee on issues that are
important to the committee and to keep a dialogue and a
conversation going.
The Chairman We appreciate that commitment.
With that, Senator Baucus, you are excused.
And we are going to call up the next panel. We have two
nominees before the committee: the Honorable Arnold Chacon, of
Virginia, to be Director General of the Foreign Service; and
the Honorable Daniel Bennett Smith, of Virginia, to be the
Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence and Research.
We are going to ask the members of the audience who are
leaving to please do so quietly so we can begin the next panel.
With that, to both Ambassador Chacon and Mr. Smith, your
full statements will be included in the record without
objection. We would ask you to summarize those statements in
around 5 minutes or so and then to have a dialogue with you
after that. So we will start off with you, Ambassador Chacon.
STATEMENT OF HON. ARNOLD CHACON, OF VIRGINIA,
TO BE DIRECTOR OF THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Ambassador Chacon. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, distinguished
members of the committee. I am honored to be here today before
you as President Obama's nominee to be the next Director
General of the Foreign Service and Director of Human Resources
at the Department of State. I deeply appreciate the confidence
the President and Secretary Kerry have shown in nominating me
for this key position.
I am pleased to have the opportunity to advance American
diplomacy through strengthening the Department of State
workforce. If confirmed, I look forward to directing the
recruitment, hiring, assignment, welfare, professional
development, promotion, and retirement processes of the Civil
Service, the Foreign Service, and our locally employed staff
and other colleagues who work at the Department of State.
Mr. Chairman, if I may, I would like to take a moment to
introduce my wife, Alida, who is also a member of the Foreign
Service. And I am also pleased that my daughter, Sarah;
brother, Michael Chacon; and my brother-in-law, Michael Fonte,
could be here today as well.
My wife Alida and I have had the privilege of serving
together with our three children throughout Latin America and
Europe, as well as in a number of positions in New York and in
Washington, DC. And as a Foreign Service family, we care deeply
about promoting the U.S. interests abroad and the future of the
Department and its people.
Secretary Kerry said, ``Global leadership is a strategic
imperative for America, not a favor we do for other countries.
It amplifies our voice, it extends our reach. It is key to
jobs, the fulcrum of our influence, and it matters to the daily
lives of Americans. It matters that we get it right for
America, and it matters that we get it right for the world.''
Mr. Chairman, diplomacy and development are ever more
important to safeguarding national security and prosperity of
our people in the United States because if we can successfully
manage or solve problems diplomatically, we save the lives and
money that would otherwise be spent in dealing with conflict.
I believe the men and women of the Department of State are
among the most talented, loyal, and hardworking people I have
ever met. They and their families deserve the best possible
support. And if confirmed, I will work hard to equip them with
the training, tools, and supportive personnel policies they
need to fulfill our critical mission.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to acknowledge and express my
sincere gratitude for your perseverance and unwavering support
for increasing minority recruitment and retention. As my
predecessor before me, I pledge to work closely with you to
achieve a more diverse workforce. I have personally seen, Mr.
Chairman, that as our embassy teams engage with foreign
audiences, our support of the American values of social
inclusion and freedom resonates far better when they see that
we walk the talk by employing a workforce that includes people
of all cultures, races, and religions drawn from across the
United States. With innovative outreach and bold action, the
Department of State is making inroads that will help us reach
our diversity goals.
The Foreign Service represents the United States around the
world at embassies, consulates, and increasingly at less
traditional missions where diplomatic skills play an important
role in promoting our priorities and safeguarding our Nation.
The Department remains focused on filling positions in priority
staffing posts--our embassies and consulates in Iraq,
Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, and Libya--while ensuring that we
adequately staff our other posts around the world and advance
major initiatives in such areas as economic diplomacy, food
security, energy security, climate change, and nuclear
nonproliferation.
If confirmed, I will work with others in the Department to
ensure that all employees have the support they need to serve
in these high-stress assignments and to cope with the pressures
such service places on them and their families.
While the Department's Foreign Service employees spend most
of their careers overseas, the Civil Service employees provide
the institutional continuity and expertise in Washington, DC,
and in offices throughout the United States. The Civil Service
has an admirable record of volunteering for service in Iraq and
Afghanistan and in hard-to-fill positions overseas.
The Department of State has also expanded its use of
limited noncareer appointments to meet urgent needs, including
unprecedented visa adjudication demand in Brazil and China.
Backlogs for visas in China and Brazil have been eliminated,
facilitating international travel for business and tourism for
1.8 million Brazilians who visited in 2005 and nearly 1.5
million Chinese which, according to Department of Commerce
calculations, helped create approximately 50,000 new jobs in
the United States.
Our 46,000 locally employed staff represent the largest
group of employees of the Department of State and an essential
component of our teams around the world. They often serve under
dangerous and challenging circumstances with sometimes
hyperinflated currencies, and they continue to help advance our
Nation's goals. If confirmed, I will continue to build on the
concept of one team/one mission.
I was proud to learn from the Partnership for Public
Service that the State Department placed 4th among 19 large
Federal agencies in the 2013 Best Places to Work rankings. If
confirmed, I will do all that I can to make State an even more
attractive employer.
In closing, Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to have the
opportunity to address you and the members of the committee. If
confirmed, I ask for your help in strengthening the security
and prosperity of America by leading and building an effective
civilian workforce in the Department of State. I look forward
to helping the Secretary to ensure that we are prepared to do
just that.
Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Chacon follows:]
Prepared Statement Ambassador Arnold A. Chacon
Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, I am
honored to appear before you today as President Obama's nominee to be
the next Director General of the Foreign Service and Director of Human
Resources for the Department of State. I deeply appreciate the
confidence the President and Secretary Kerry have shown in nominating
me for this key position.
I am pleased to have the opportunity to advance American diplomacy
through strengthening the Department of State workforce. If confirmed,
I look forward to directing the recruitment, hiring, assignment,
welfare, professional development, promotion, and retirement processes
of the Civil Service, Foreign Service, Locally Employed Staff, and
other colleagues who work at the Department of State.
Mr. Chairman, for over 30 years, I have had the pleasure of working
with highly motivated Department of State employees serving both
overseas and domestically. I am excited about the prospect of helping
to ensure that my colleagues are ready and able to meet the diplomatic
challenges of today and tomorrow.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to take a moment to introduce my wife,
Alida, who is also a career member of the Foreign Service. We have had
the privilege of serving together with our three children throughout
Latin America and Europe, as well as in a number of positions in
Washington, DC. Growing up in Colorado, I learned from my parents the
values of justice, compassion, and service to a cause greater than
myself. My family gave me a moral compass based on love of God and
country, which has guided my life. My wife and I share these values
with our children. As a family, we care deeply about promoting U.S.
interests abroad and the future of the Department and its people.
The global environment has changed over the past several decades.
The world has become more interconnected, but also more dangerous. I
believe that our approach toward managing our workforce also must
evolve. Diplomacy today requires flexibility, creativity, and a
diversity of ideas that reflect the conscience of America in deploying
the talents of all of our people to ensure success in an ever more
complex environment.
As Secretary Kerry has said, ``Global leadership is a strategic
imperative for America, not a favor we do for other countries. It
amplifies our voice, it extends our reach. It is key to jobs, the
fulcrum of our influence, and it matters to the daily lives of
Americans. It matters that we get this moment right for America, and it
matters that we get it right for the world.''
The Department and its diplomats are, in the words of Secretary
Kerry, ``an enormous return on investment. Deploying diplomats and
development experts today is much cheaper than deploying troops
tomorrow.''
Diplomacy and development are ever more important to safeguarding
national security and the prosperity of our people and the United
States, because if we can successfully manage or solve problems
diplomatically, we save the lives and the money that would otherwise
have to be spent in dealing with conflict. Today, as the United States
and the world face great perils and urgent foreign policy challenges,
we must use all of the diplomatic, economic, political, legal, and
cultural tools at our disposal, along with military tactics when
needed.
Like Secretary Kerry, I believe that the men and women of the
Department of State are among the most talented, loyal, and hard-
working people I have ever met. They and their families deserve the
best possible support. If confirmed, I will work hard to equip them
with the training, tools, and supportive personnel policies they need
to fulfill our critical mission.
The increase in personnel through the Diplomacy 3.0 hiring surge
over the last 5 years has had a major, positive impact on diplomatic
readiness. First, the mid-level staffing gap, a result of reduced
hiring in the 1990s, is shrinking. Our overseas vacancy rate has
dropped from 16 percent to 10 percent. Second, we have a strong
commitment to provide training, particularly in foreign languages. In
the last fiscal year, 79 percent of employees assigned to language-
designated positions met or exceeded the proficiency requirement. And
third, we have been able to support new and important initiatives, from
Economic Statecraft, which promotes efforts by U.S. companies and
foreign investment and leads to jobs and opportunities here at home, to
the empowerment of women politically, socially, and economically around
the world.
Our mission has also grown significantly. Our responsibilities
overseas continue to expand, as does our presence. In recent years, we
opened a new Embassy in South Sudan, and a new consulate in China; in
Brazil, we have plans to open consulates in Belo Horizonte and in Porto
Alegre. The Department has also added three new domestic bureaus to
strengthen our expertise and diplomatic efforts in the fields of
energy, counterterrorism, and conflict and stabilization operations. If
confirmed, I will seek your support for staffing increases that are
critical in meeting the President's foreign policy objectives.
I will continue our hard work to hire, develop, and retain a
diverse, skilled, and innovative workforce--one that truly represents
America. As Secretary Kerry has said, ``Our commitment to inclusion
must be evident in the face we present to the world and in the
decisionmaking processes that represent our diplomatic goals.'' I would
like to acknowledge and express my gratitude for your unwavering
support for increasing minority recruitment and retention. As my
predecessor before me, I pledge to work closely with you to achieve a
more diverse workforce. I have personally seen that as our embassy
teams engage with foreign audiences, our support of the American values
of social inclusion and freedom resonates far better when they see that
we ``walk the talk'' by employing a workforce that includes people of
all cultures, races, and religions, drawn from across the United
States.
The Department's Diversity and Inclusion Plan provides a useful
framework for action, but we have a ways to go. We continue to seek
ways to reach out toward new audiences. After learning that many
underrepresented groups rely heavily on mobile communications, the
Department developed and released ``DOSCareers,'' a mobile app that
educates and engages aspiring Foreign Service candidates and others to
familiarize them with diplomatic careers. Launched in March and
available on Google Play and the App Store, this app expands our
outreach to these populations and helps candidates link up with our DC-
based recruiters, as well as our 16 Diplomats in Residence at colleges
across the United States, learn about upcoming recruitment events, and
even practice for the Foreign Service Officer Test. I was delighted to
learn that in the first few months, DOSCareers had more than 10,000
downloads. With innovative outreach and bold action, we can make the
inroads that will help us reach our diversity goals.
The Foreign Service represents the United States around the world--
at embassies, consulates, and, increasingly, at less traditional
missions where our diplomatic skills play an important role in
promoting our priorities and safeguarding our Nation. Throughout
history, there has always been a need for diplomats, but now, as we
face issues such as terrorism, violent extremism, and widespread
economic instability, the need is greater than ever.
The 14,000 members of the Foreign Service and 11,000 Civil Service
employees are vital to America's national security. They play essential
roles in: advancing peace, security, and freedom across the globe;
pursuing economic opportunity overseas; creating jobs at home; and
protecting Americans from the dangers posed by drug trafficking,
weapons proliferation, and environmental degradation.
Mr. Chairman, operations at our high-threat posts are increasingly
demanding and changing. The Department remains focused on filling
positions in priority staffing posts (PSPs)--our Embassies and
consulates in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, and Libya--while
ensuring that we adequately staff our other posts around the world and
advance major initiatives in such areas as economic statecraft, food
security, energy security, climate change, and nuclear
nonproliferation. The Department expects to fill more than 700 jobs in
these five PSP countries in summer 2014. Since September 2001, the
number of unaccompanied positions overseas has increased from 200 to
more than 1,000. We are asking our diplomats to serve in more difficult
and dangerous places, increasingly without the company and comfort of
living with their families.
If confirmed, I will work with others in the Department to ensure
that all employees are fully trained, prepared, and compensated for the
mission we have assigned them, and that they have the support they need
to serve in these high-stress assignments and to cope with the
pressures such service places on them and their families. This support
must include the requisite staffing, training, and accountability to
provide our employees the world over with the safest possible working
conditions. In this regard, full implementation of Foreign Service
overseas comparability pay continues to be a top priority.
While the Department's Foreign Service employees spend most of
their careers overseas, our Civil Service employees provide the
institutional continuity and expertise in Washington, DC, at passport
agencies, Diplomatic Security field offices, and other offices
throughout the United States.
Civil Service employees contribute to accomplishing all aspects of
the Department's mission, encompassing human rights, counternarcotics,
trade, environmental issues, consular affairs and other core functions.
The Department of State is broadening the experience of its Civil
Service workforce by offering opportunities to serve in our missions
abroad. This flexible approach not only helps close the mid-level gaps
resulting from the below-attrition hiring of the 1990s, it also
provides employees with additional development opportunities that
expand their knowledge and experience base. The results of such
workforce flexibilities have been very positive and we hope to expand
these in the future.
The Civil Service has an admirable record of volunteering for
service in Iraq and Afghanistan and in hard-to-fill positions overseas.
If confirmed, I will continue to build on the concept of ``one team,
one mission,'' to ensure that Civil Service employees are well trained,
and that we benefit fully from their skills.
The Department of State has also expanded its use of limited
noncareer appointments (LNAs) to meet unprecedented visa adjudication
demand in Brazil, and China. Backlogs for visas in China and Brazil
have been eliminated, facilitating international travel for business
and tourism that in turn will help boost our economy. In fact,
according to the Department of Commerce, every additional 65
international visitors to the United States generate enough exports to
support an additional travel and tourism-related job. As a result of
our increased staffing in Brazil and China, nearly 1.5 million Chinese
and 1.8 million Brazilians visited in 2012, helping to create
approximately 50,000 new jobs in the United States.
Our 46,000 Locally Employed (LE) Staff represent the largest group
of employees in the Department of State and are an essential component
of our 275 embassy and consulate teams around the world. LE Staff
fulfill many functions critical to our overseas operations, and we
could not accomplish our mission without them. Our LE Staff often serve
under dangerous and challenging circumstances, with sometimes
hyperinflated currencies, and they continue to help advance our
Nation's goals, even as they have endured the same 3-year pay freeze as
American Federal Government workers. We want to provide them with the
very best support. If confirmed, I will strive to properly recognize
their contributions to our missions and U.S. interests by ensuring, to
the extent that our budget allows, that their compensation keeps up
with market trends and attracts the best and the brightest.
I was proud to learn that Washingtonian magazine just named the
State Department as one of the ``Great Places to Work'' for 2013,
noting that ``employees at the State Department feel that their work
makes a difference in foreign affairs, helping to make the world more
secure.'' We also ranked in the top five in the Partnership for Public
Service's 2013 ``Best Places to Work in the Federal Government''
survey, placing fourth overall and second in strategic management among
the 19 large Federal agencies. A poll of liberal arts undergraduates
placed State among the top three ideal employers because we provide the
opportunity to do challenging work, make a positive difference in
people's lives, and develop skills. If confirmed, I will do all that I
can to make State an even more attractive employer.
In closing, Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to have the opportunity to
address you and the members of the committee. If confirmed, I ask for
your help in strengthening the security and prosperity of America by
leading and building an effective civilian workforce in the Department
of State. I look forward to helping the Secretary to ensure that we are
prepared to do just that.
Thank you. I respectfully request that my full statement be entered
into the record, and I look forward to your questions.
The Chairman Thank you.
Mr. Smith.
STATEMENT OF HON. DANIEL BENNETT SMITH, OF VIRGINIA, TO BE
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INTELLIGENCE AND RESEARCH
Ambassador Smith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is a great
honor for me to appear before you today as President Obama's
nominee to be Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of
Intelligence and Research. I am deeply grateful to the
President and to Secretary of State Kerry for their confidence
in nominating me for this position, as well as to the Director
of National Intelligence, James Clapper, for his support of my
nomination.
I want to thank my wife, Diane, for joining me here today.
My three sons could not be here.
Mr. Chairman, INR is a unique and invaluable asset both to
the Department of State and to the Intelligence Community, of
which it is part. The Bureau has a long and celebrated history
in providing information and in-depth, all-source analysis that
have helped to guide our Nation's foreign policy. INR's strong
reputation derives not from the size of its staff or its
budget, but from the tremendous expertise and skills of its
personnel. Indeed, the Bureau has some of the greatest regional
and subject-matter expertise anywhere in the United States
Government.
Mr. Chairman, it is less well known but INR also plays a
critical role and function in ensuring that intelligence and
sensitive intelligence-related law enforcement activities are
consistent with and support our foreign policy and national
security objectives.
Throughout the course of my 30 years as a Foreign Service
officer, I have worked closely with members of the Intelligence
Community, overseen and coordinated intelligence and law
enforcement activities, and witnessed firsthand the role that
intelligence and analysis can and should play in the
formulation of foreign policy. Like many professionals within
INR, I also have a strong academic background and appreciate
very much the importance of drawing on the insights and
expertise found in our Nation's outstanding academic
institutions, nongovernmental organizations, and the private
sector. As a leader in the Department and as a chief of mission
abroad, I have also worked hard to enhance interagency
cooperation, to improve communication and information sharing,
and to ensure that we are all working together to advance our
national security.
If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, I will work tirelessly to
ensure that INR continues to make its unique analytical
contribution, as well as continues to ensure that our
intelligence activities support our foreign policy and national
security objectives.
I thank you for having me here today and I look forward to
your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Smith follows:]
Prepared Statement of Daniel Bennett Smith
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a great honor to
appear before you today as President Obama's nominee to be Assistant
Secretary of State for the Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR). I
am deeply grateful to the President and to Secretary of State Kerry for
their confidence in nominating me for this position, as well as to the
Director of National Intelligence, James Clapper, for his support of my
nomination.
INR is a unique and invaluable asset both to the Department of
State and to the Intelligence Community, of which it is part. The
Bureau has a long and celebrated history in providing information and
in-depth, all-source analysis that have helped to guide our Nation's
foreign policy. INR's strong reputation derives not from the size of
its staff or budget, but from the tremendous expertise and skills of
its personnel. Indeed, the Bureau has some of the greatest regional and
subject matter expertise anywhere in the U.S. Government. INR has
approximately 200 analysts who have an average of 13 years of
government and nongovernmental professional experience directly related
to their current INR portfolio. If confirmed, I will work hard to
ensure that INR continues to recruit and retain the highest quality
staff and provides them with the training, professional development
opportunities, and overseas experience they need to ensure the best
possible analysis. Equally important, I will vigorously defend the
integrity of the analytical process to ensure the independence and
unbiased analysis for which INR is justly famous.
Mr. Chairman, it is less well known but INR also plays a critical
function in assuring that intelligence and sensitive intelligence-
related law enforcement activities are consistent with, and support,
our foreign policy and national security objectives. The Bureau has a
dedicated staff of professionals with significant expertise in this
area, which encompasses many highly technical issues as well as
practical ones. They help define the Department's intelligence
requirements, seek cleared language for use in diplomatic
communications, ensure that Department policymakers understand and can
evaluate proposed intelligence activities with potential foreign policy
consequences, and support our chiefs of mission overseas.
I myself have direct experience in this regard, and, if confirmed,
I look forward to helping the Bureau support the Secretary of State and
the State Department in assuring that foreign policy concerns are taken
fully into consideration in the decisions and activities of the
Intelligence Community.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I believe I will bring extensive
experience and relevant skills to the position of Assistant Secretary
for Intelligence and Research. I have served successfully in a variety
of demanding leadership positions both in Washington and overseas,
including most recently as Executive Secretary of the State Department
and as Ambassador to Greece. I know firsthand the challenges facing
senior policymakers as well as the incredible demands on their time and
attention. I thus appreciate the critical contribution that INR has
made and can continue to make in providing the President, the Secretary
of State, and other senior policymakers with timely, independent and
well-focused analysis on a broad range of regional and global
challenges.
Throughout the course of my 30 years as a Foreign Service officer,
I have worked closely with members of the Intelligence Community,
overseen and coordinated intelligence and law enforcement activities,
and witnessed firsthand the role that intelligence and analysis can and
should play in the formulation of foreign policy. Like many of the
professionals within INR, I also have a strong academic background and
appreciate very much the importance of drawing on the insights and
expertise found in our Nation's outstanding academic institutions,
nongovernmental organizations, and the private sector. As a leader in
the Department and as a chief of mission abroad, I have also worked
hard to enhance interagency cooperation, to improve communication and
information-sharing, and to ensure that we are all working together to
advance our national security.
If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, I will work tirelessly to ensure that
INR continues to make its unique analytical contribution as well as
continues to ensure that our intelligence activities support our
foreign policy and national security objectives. Thank you for having
me here today. I look forward to answering your questions.
The Chairman Well, thank you both very much. Welcome to
your families. As I said earlier, service of those in the
Foreign Service, particularly our ambassadors and other
positions, is also a family commitment. I know that you will be
here in D.C., but nonetheless, it is still a commitment. So I
appreciate their willingness to share you with the country.
Ambassador Chacon, we are very proud of your service to
date, and I would expect that the service that you have had
will now be reflected in this new position.
As you and I had an opportunity to discuss yesterday, there
are some things that I am concerned about with the State
Department. It is a concern that has lasted 21 years since I
first came to the Congress and the House of Representatives and
has transcended various administrations and still does not seem
to be getting it right. And that is the nature of diversity in
the Foreign Service and in the overall presence in the State
Department, of which--I am concerned about it all, but one of
the worst elements of the State Department is the Hispanic
workforce at State, which would have to grow exponentially in
order to fairly reflect the Hispanic component of the overall
U.S. population. Yet, this is a goal that has proven elusive
even when the Department had the resources to conduct large-
scale hiring programs.
For example, in fiscal year 2011, the State Department was
one of only five Federal agencies that saw a decline by
percentage in the number of Hispanic employees. And your
immediate predecessor, Director General Greenfield, made a
genuine effort to address this issue and worked with my office
in making minority communities aware of opportunities at State
and in the Foreign Service. This is something that I raise with
Heather Higginbottom in her role in management.
And I think why we have not achieved in this goal is
because it is my belief that State needs direct guidance from
the top that this is a priority. If you do not establish from
the top, from the Secretary to the Under Secretary, throughout
this whole effort to say part of how you will be evaluated is
whether or not you are working to diversify within your field
the workforce of the State Department and the Foreign Service.
Then it will not be carried out because unless people know that
it is part of their overall review--this is an important
equation--it will be maybe for another 20 years aspirational.
And this is not just about doing the right thing from my
perspective, although it is. This is also about a powerful
message across the world. When I was in China--we just had our
nominee for the Ambassador to China--I was meeting with human
rights activists and lawyers who are struggling to represent a
nascent effort to create change for basic human rights inside
of China with a bunch of lawyers and human rights activists and
dissidents. And the member of our team from our Embassy who was
leading this effort in this group, in terms of engaging them
and having set up the meeting for many who did not come because
they were threatened not to come by the state security, was an
African American. And the powerful message that was being sent
to these human rights activists and political dissidents as
someone who expressed some of the history of the United States
and the change for basic human rights and dignity of African
Americans in this country and now representing the United
States of America in a country in which they were going through
similar challenges cannot be measured. So this is not just
simply about doing the right thing. It is a powerful message,
the same powerful message when you have been able to represent
our country in different parts of the world.
And so what I want to hear from you is, one, a commitment
to me about making this a priority as the Director General and,
two, what is the plan. I do not expect you to give me the 10-15
point plan right now, but I do want to hear some--you must have
given this some thought. I do want to hear some outlines of
what you envision having to happen in order to change these
dynamics.
Do you believe you have a commitment from the Secretary to
change this reality? Because I have been doing this for 20
years, trying to change the course of events in this particular
regard, and I really consider it one of those things that I
have not been very successful at. The difference is 20 years
ago I was not the chairman.
Ambassador Chacon. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me begin by saying you most definitely have my
commitment, and we most definitely have the commitment from the
Secretary. As a matter of fact, I met with the Secretary
yesterday. We talked about this in preparation for my coming
here, and he wanted me to reiterate yet again, as he has told
me personally on a number of occasions, his commitment to
diversity that extends to his entire top staff, including
Deputy Secretary Higginbottom that will be leading a second
review of our Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review. And
I want to say as a member of the Foreign Service, a proud
member with over 30 years of experience there, I have seen the
culture change. We can do a much better job clearly.
I personally am not satisfied but I am very impressed with
the steady progress that we have made. And it is my team that
will be working very hard because this is an important
imperative and priority.
We are doing some novel things like a mobile app to be able
to communicate with underrepresented populations to be able to
demystify, if you will, what the Foreign Service is.
My personal case is somewhat emblematic. I come from
Colorado, New Mexico, 350 years, never really did much
international travel in my youth, did not know anything about
the Foreign Service, happened to run into a recruiter on campus
who talked about it. When I did volunteer work overseas in
Latin America, I became engaged with talking to Foreign Service
officers, felt instantly smitten with this. And it helped me
prepare better and pursue this career.
And that is what I hope to do is to take this story outside
the traditional stream and to go to areas where we have people
that are genuinely interested in public service and that have
major contributions to make.
We hope to launch this spring as well a Foreign Service
exam online that gives immediate feedback to people that are
taking it. It guides them in areas where they can improve their
score. We have diplomats in residence at over 16 universities,
many of those serving historic institutions that serve
Hispanics or African Americans. And again, their mandate is to
go out and to find these people, not just to do it by chance.
It is an exciting career. I know that we have people
interested in second careers, accomplished people. I have
observed some of the examination process. We have bankers and
lawyers that want to start in public service, and I would like
to tap into underrepresented groups and minority professional
organizations to be able to tell this story and to bring in
those talents.
So we have a lot of work to do, but I think it is exciting
because we are all working as a team. The Secretary has some
innovative programs in terms of outreach to veterans. I would
like to look at public-private partnerships to sponsor more
internships like our Rangel and Pickering fellowships because
it is a process. It is getting access to this lifestyle and
understanding it so that they can compete on a level playing
field when they do take the exam.
The Chairman Well, I appreciate that answer. The one thing
I might disagree with you on is progress. I guess progress is
all relative. But certainly we have not had the type of
progress over two decades that I think is commensurate with the
growth in this country of a critical part of the population. So
I will look forward to having a more in-depth opportunity to
work with you.
I am going to tell you four points that I think are
essential to any plan.
First of all, it starts with measurement, making sure that
at the very top it is very clear that the process by which
those who are going to be reviewed will have as one of the
measurements what they have done to promote this diversity.
Secondly is if we continue to recruit at the traditional
places that we recruit at, we are not going to get a diverse
pool. So I can bring you to New Jersey and some great schools
that are very diverse, but that recruiting does not take place
there. And that is just by way of one example. Now, if we go to
the Fletcher School of Diplomacy, which is a fantastic school,
or ISIS or others, we are going to get some really talented
people, but we are not going to necessarily get the most
diverse pool. So we need to diversify where we send these
recruiters.
Thirdly, we need to actually engage, if we really want to
make this happen, to not only recruit those individuals but to
lead them in some process that prepares them for the written
exam and then the oral exam.
And then lastly, I continuously am concerned about an oral
exam that is very subjective and in which some people have said
you can communicate effectively orally and others cannot.
Obviously, oral communication is incredibly important in this
job, but with all due respect, I have had those appear before
this committee and I have met others who evidently must have
passed the oral exam, and I have known others who have been
rejected who, from my point of view, are equally competent in
their ability to orally express themselves. So we need a less
subjective and more objective standard so that we actually get
the cadre that we want.
So we will look forward to working with you on this. This
is something that I am actually considering looking at
something that we have not done in this committee for some
time, which is a State Department authorization bill so that we
can lay out this, among many other elements, of course--there
are many important elements that we have not been able to do.
And I think it is time for the committee to consider doing
that. I know the challenges with it but I think it is
important.
Finally, I would hope that as we deal--something that I
have taken to heart since I became the chairman, something that
began with the tragedy of Benghazi, something that the ARB has
laid out a roadmap on, that we are looking at the staffing
necessary in fulfilling the human capital needs and language
requirements and other critical elements to make sure that our
embassies abroad, which are particularly in high-threat, high-
risk positions, have the staff necessary to be able to meet
those challenges. Is that something that you are committed to
as we move forward here?
Ambassador Chacon. I certainly am, Senator, and we have
taken those recommendations of the ARB to heart and have
created 150 new security positions. We have created language
proficiency programs for security personnel, in particular in
Arabic. We are looking at using all of our hiring authorities
to bring on immediately qualified personnel, for instance, that
are retired or family members or other experts that can
immediately begin contributing to this. It is our highest
priority and one of my top goals, of course, is ensuring that
we have the staff necessary for the 720 positions in the five
priority staffing areas which include Iraq, Afghanistan,
Pakistan, Yemen, and Libya. So, yes, you do have my commitment
there. And we have gone a long way but we certainly can do a
much better job.
The Chairman Mr. Smith, I do not want you to feel left out
of the conversation. Let me ask you, can you describe for me
how INR participates in the formulation of threat assessment
against U.S. posts by the Bureau of Diplomatic Security? You
know, one of the things that came out was looking at threats in
a different way than we had where it was not just a question of
immediate actionable intelligence where we had a specific
threat, but an environment that could have created--from which
a threat could arise from. Could you give me a little sense of
how INR goes about that and how you will, as the Assistant
Secretary, upon confirmation, look at that issue?
Ambassador Smith. Well, Mr. Chairman, thank you very much.
INR works closely with our colleagues in the Bureau of
Diplomatic Security, as well as in the regional bureaus and
elsewhere in the Department, to ensure that they have access to
the intelligence and information they need to make assessments
about the security and safety of our personnel on the ground in
a given position or a given place.
One of the things I want to do, if I am confirmed, Senator,
is make sure that we are working as collaboratively as
possible, that they have access, as I understand, to all the
information they need, but also that INR is providing the
broader intelligence assessment and analysis to put these
things in a broader context. I think you are absolutely right
that in many cases we need to see the bigger picture sometimes
and to step back, and I think INR's contribution can be
significant in that regard.
The Chairman Let me ask you, if you were to be confirmed,
would you, in essence, become the Secretary's chief
intelligence briefer?
Ambassador Smith. I am the Secretary's representative to
the Intelligence Community, and I will ensure that the
Secretary has access to the information that he needs, but also
that the Intelligence Community is focused on the priorities of
the Secretary and the State Department.
The Chairman So that does not mean that you are necessarily
the chief intelligence briefer. You would be his representative
in the Intelligence Community to try to rivet their attention
on things the State Department cares about. But how does that
play back to the Secretary? Any Secretary, this one or any
other. How does that play back to the Secretary? In what role
do you interface with the Secretary in that regard?
Ambassador Smith. Well, I will, if confirmed, be attending
the Secretary's senior staff meetings and other events in order
to provide information but also to take back information to INR
and to the Intelligence Community on the priorities and
concerns of the Secretary on an ongoing basis. I think one of
the strengths of INR as an institution is that proximity to the
Secretary of State and to other policymakers in the State
Department to provide an ongoing dialogue in order to
anticipate their needs and to provide feedback to the
Intelligence Community about priorities and objectives.
The Chairman To what extent does INR engage in personnel
rotations with other agencies of the Intelligence Community and
vice versa with them and INR?
Ambassador Smith. INR is a small organization, as you know,
Senator. We have about 200 analysts, about 360 positions in
INR, but we, within those constraints of being a small
organization, I think try our best to ensure that our analysts,
our employees have opportunities within the Intelligence
Community at large, whether it is serving and being detailed to
other parts of the Intelligence Community, but also that they
can take advantage of opportunities abroad. One of the things I
think that enhances our value and certainly enhances the
insights and experience of our analysts is to be able to serve
abroad. We look for TDY assignments and other opportunities so
that they can spend time abroad.
The Chairman I got your answer on how many people you have,
and I recognize the size of it compared to the challenge.
Can you quantify it for me? Do you have an understanding of
the component? Is it 10 percent or 5 percent or 2 percent that
rotate into other intelligence agencies or other intelligence
agencies that rotate into INR?
Ambassador Smith. Well, I would say, on hand--I do not know
the exact statistics, Senator, but I would say that we have a
substantial number of detailees. I know, at any given time,
perhaps as many as 5 to 10 percent of the Bureau are detailees
from other Intelligence Community organizations and
institutions. We try to, as I say, make available our staff and
allow them to do rotations within the Intelligence Community as
much as possible. I do not know at any given time how many it
is. Last year we had, in terms of overseas assignments though I
know, seven who were out, enabled to go out on TDY's of our
employees.
The Chairman Would you, for the record, get us an answer as
to what is the nature of the rotations? Because it seems to me
that it would be valuable for all concerned by getting exposure
to and experience, and the responsibilities, the tradecraft,
and the organizational cultures of other agencies that would
help your specific task within the Department be enriched. So
if you could get us an answer on that, I would appreciate it.
Ambassador Smith. I would be delighted, Mr. Chairman, but I
give you my commitment as well, if confirmed, that is going to
be one of my priorities, to ensure those opportunities.
The Chairman Well, thank you both for your appearance.
Seeing no other members, this record will remain open until
noon tomorrow. If you have questions submitted to you for the
record, I would urge you to respond to them expeditiously so
that the chair can consider your nominations at the next
business meeting.
And with that, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Questions and Answers Submitted for the Record
Responses of Max Baucus to Questions Submitted
by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What do you view as the biggest challenges to the
relationship? I am very concerned about Chinese actions and current
trend lines on a range of security issues in the Asia-Pacific region.
On Japan, China appears to be trying to use its differences with Japan
as a wedge between the United States and an important ally and is
increasingly aggressive in its rhetoric and behavior toward the
Senkakus, including with its recent Air Defense Identification Zone
declaration. What is our proper response? In the South China Sea, China
appears to be continuing to drag its feet on the negotiation of a Code
of Conduct, recently announced that it was going to enforce a whole
host of fisheries regulations in the South China Sea, including in
areas under dispute with other nations, and seems intent on trying to
coerce the nations of the region--including the Philippines and
Vietnam--to force a resolution of these issues in a way favorable to
PRC interests. What role should the United States play on these issues?
Given China's new assertiveness, is our carefully calibrated balance
between ``cooperation and competition'' still the right approach?
Should we be putting ``a little more hair'' on the competition side?
Answer. The U.S.-China relationship contains elements of both
cooperation and competition. The United States should continue to make
clear and promote our values, interests and principles, work with China
to manage our differences, and seek to build a cooperative partnership
across the range of bilateral, regional, and global issues that
confront us today. If confirmed, I would speak clearly to Beijing
regarding not only issues of shared interest, but also our differences,
and faithfully represent the values we hold dear as Americans--
including respect for international law and the freedom of navigation.
I am clear-eyed about the growing U.S. and regional concerns regarding
Chinese behavior with its neighbors over territorial and maritime
matters.
China's announcement of an ``East China Sea Air Defense
Identification Zone (ADIZ)'' caused deep concerns in the region. China
announced the ADIZ without prior consultations, even though the newly
announced ADIZ overlaps with longstanding Flight Information Regions
(FIRs) and other ADIZs and includes airspace and territory administered
by others. If confirmed, I would remind the Chinese that the United
States does not recognize and does not accept the ADIZ, which we
believe should not be implemented. I would make clear to China that it
should refrain from taking similar actions elsewhere in the region. I
would also encourage China to work with other countries, including
Japan and the Republic of Korea, to address the dangers its recent
declaration has created and to deescalate tensions.
In the South China Sea, the past 2 years have witnessed a troubling
trend of provocative and unilateral activities, including Chinese
restrictions toward long-held fishing practices at Scarborough Reef and
its update of the Hainan provincial fishing regulations that purport to
cover vast areas of the South China Sea. The United States has pressed
China and ASEAN to rapidly agree on a meaningful Code of Conduct in the
South China Sea to manage incidents when they arise, and I will
continue to do so, if confirmed.
Question. What kind of dialogue do we currently have with the
Chinese on cyber theft? What will you do as Ambassador to deepen this
dialogue? What actions could we take if we discover state-directed
theft of corporate or national secrets?
Answer. Cyber security is one of the administration's top
priorities. Administration officials have repeatedly raised concerns
about Chinese state-sponsored cyber-enabled theft of trade secrets and
confidential business information at the highest levels with senior
Chinese officials, including in the military, and will continue to do
so. The United States engaged China on this and other key cyber-related
issues during the Strategic Security Dialogue (SSD)--including during
the January 23 interim round of the SSD--and through the first two
meetings of the U.S.-China Cyber Working Group (CWG), conducted in July
and December 2013. The two sides have agreed to schedule the next
meeting in the first half of 2014.
The United States and China are among the world's largest cyber
actors, and it is vital that we continue a sustained, meaningful
dialogue and work together to develop an understanding of acceptable
behavior in cyber space. Through the CWG, the United States will
continue to emphasize U.S. cyber policy objectives, including the
applicability of international law to state behavior, the importance of
norms of responsible state behavior, concerns about cyber activities
that can lead to instability, the role of transparency in domestic
civilian and military cyber policy, and the importance of practical
cooperative measures to prevent crises in cyber space. If confirmed, I
am committed to making the advancement of these issues a high priority.
Question. A 2013 American Chamber of Commerce China survey found
that 72 percent of respondents said that China's IPR enforcement was
either ineffective or totally ineffective. The U.S. International Trade
Commission estimated that U.S. intellectual property-intensive firms
that conducted business in China lost $48.2 billion in sales,
royalties, and license fees in 2009 because of IPR violations there. In
certain sectors, such as wind power, where American Superconductor has
been severely harmed by IP theft by its Chinese ``partner,'' Sinovel,
the damage to U.S. businesses has been particularly acute. It also
estimated that an effective IPR enforcement regime in China that was
comparable to U.S. levels could increase employment by IP-intensive
firms in the United States by 923,000 jobs.
Where does intellectual property protection rank on your
list of priorities as Ambassador?
Answer. I am very concerned by high levels of trade secrets theft
and violations of intellectual property rights in China. If confirmed,
I will advocate forcefully on behalf of U.S. rights holders for greater
protection and enforcement of their intellectual property, trade
secrets, and commercially sensitive information. I will seek to ensure
that this critical issue is addressed at the highest levels between our
two governments. U.S. companies derive tremendous value and competitive
advantage from the billions of dollars they invest in research and
development, and intellectual property is part of the bedrock of our
economy. It is critical for American innovators to know their
intellectual property and trade secrets are being protected.
If confirmed, I will also make it a top priority to work closely
with U.S. rights holders, innovators, and entrepreneurs to make sure
that they fully understand the risks and take appropriate measures to
protect their intellectual property doing business with China. I will
also work with other foreign governments to underscore the need for the
Chinese Government to take stronger measures to protect intellectual
property in China.
Question. It's not at all clear that the new Chinese leadership is
as welcoming to foreign investment as its predecessors have been for
over two decades. In your chairmanship of the Finance Committee and for
many years here in the Senate, you've pushed for open markets and
export opportunities for U.S. firms.
Do we face a fundamental change in how the Chinese
Government views the role of foreigner companies, and what can
you, as Ambassador, do about that?
Answer. There is no doubt that two-way trade and investment have
benefited both the United States and China enormously, and both
countries expect that they will continue to contribute to economic
growth and prosperity. China has committed itself to an ambitious set
of reforms, including in the area of investment, but this reform
process is in early stages. The United States needs to continue to use
bilateral dialogues and other engagements to press for continued
reform, including calling on China to further liberalize its market and
to establish a level playing field for foreign companies relative to
domestic companies.
In a positive development, China announced at the U.S.-China
Strategic and Economic Dialogue (S&ED) in July 2013 that it would
negotiate a bilateral investment treaty (BIT) with the United States
that, for the first time in China's treaty practice, will cover all
phases of investment, including market access, and all sectors of the
Chinese economy (except for any limited and transparent negotiated
exceptions). The BIT will mark an important step in opening China's
economy to U.S. investors and leveling the playing field for American
businesses. China also committed at S&ED to open up further to foreign
investment in services, including through the establishment of the
Shanghai Free Trade Zone pilot.
If confirmed, I would seek to make further progress on a BIT while
emphasizing the need for China to make simultaneous headway on market
access and other priority issues in the short term, including through
ongoing reform efforts such as in the Shanghai Free Trade Zone.
Question. What do you hope to accomplish during your tenure in
Beijing? What do you see as the proper role of the Ambassador? How will
you work to get real influence on U.S. policy?
Answer. Engaging in frank discussions while seeking to collaborate
and narrow our differences with China is essential to having a healthy
bilateral relationship. My primary job as Ambassador, if confirmed,
will be to continue expanding cooperation where U.S.-China consensus
and shared interests exist--such as on environmental issues--and to
narrow our differences to promote common goals and interests, such as
agreeing to a rules-based framework for our economic relationship that
establishes a level playing field for healthy competition and
innovation.
If confirmed, I would continue to work with China on important
regional and global security issues, such as the denuclearization of
the Korean Peninsula, the importance of a nuclear-weapons-free Iran,
and achieving a stable and prosperous Afghanistan. Equally important, I
would seek to advance important U.S. interests on more contentious
concerns, such as human rights and maritime security issues.
Question. Is there a threat to the interests of the United States
and our allies and friends from a militarily strong China that seems to
be pushing others around as its military modernization proceeds and
capabilities increase?
Answer. The United States seeks a healthy, stable, reliable, and
continuous military-to-military relationship with China. If confirmed,
I would support the continued development of military-to-military
relations as a key component of the U.S.-China bilateral relationship.
Deeper cooperation is necessary to further reduce mistrust and the risk
of miscalculation between the U.S. and Chinese militaries. We urge
China to resolve regional issues peacefully through dialogue. We oppose
unilateral actions that raise tensions or could result in
miscalculations that would undermine peace, security, and economic
growth in this vital part of the world. The U.S.-China relationship is
not zero-sum, and we continue to pursue greater cooperation and
engagement on our common interests.
If confirmed, I would encourage China to exhibit greater
transparency with respect to its capabilities and intentions and to use
its military capabilities in a manner conducive to the maintenance of
peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. I would reiterate that
the United States has national interests in the
Asia-Pacific region, including an interest in preserving the freedom of
the seas and airspace.
Question. How do we get America's message (who we are, what our
values are) across to the Chinese public in ways that transcend the
filters the leadership has constructed to block us? Are there
particular human rights issues that you intend to champion as
Ambassador?
Answer. The best way for us to get America's message across to the
Chinese public is through public diplomacy outreach programs and U.S.-
China people-to-people exchanges. Fortunately, our Embassy and
consulates in Mission China have a robust public diplomacy outreach
strategy and one of their primary objectives is to strengthen
engagement with the next generation of Chinese leaders. They achieve
this objective through English-language training programs for teachers
throughout China, partnerships with U.S. universities that are working
with universities in China, as well as academic, cultural, sports, and
professional exchanges. The U.S.-China Consultation on People-to-People
Exchange, an annual high-level dialogue, is a prime example of how the
United States and China are working together to forge stronger ties
between their peoples.
Mission China also has an extensive social media outreach program,
utilizing local Chinese social media platforms, with over 4 million
followers, throughout China. Mission China continues to look for
innovative ways to reach our target audiences through social media and
new technology.
One of the most effective ways for the Chinese public to understand
who we are and what we value is to experience our culture firsthand as
a student. According to the 2013 Open Doors Report, there are over
235,000 Chinese students in the United States. Through the EducationUSA
program, Mission China is reaching out to students throughout China to
provide timely and accurate information so students can find the best
fit for their study abroad program. Also, through President Obama's
100,000 Strong Initiative, we focused on increasing the number of
Americans studying in China. In fact, the U.S. Department of State
funds more Americans to study in China than in any other country.
Approximately 900 students, scholars, and teachers will conduct
research, teach or study Chinese through Fulbright and our other
exchange programs. The exchanges we sponsor bridge language barriers,
open lines of communication, and connect people in the United States
and China in immediate and lasting ways.
Human rights are integral to U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed, I
would use my position as the U.S. Ambassador to urge China's leaders to
respect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all citizens,
particularly the freedoms of expression, assembly, association, and
religion, and would communicate our support for these principles
directly to the Chinese people.
I would raise our human rights concerns with Chinese officials at
the highest levels and would raise specific cases of Chinese citizens
who are being persecuted for the peaceful expression of their political
or religious views. I would also make clear to China that the United
States considers China's upholding its international human rights
commitments to be vital to our bilateral relationship. I strongly
believe that the promotion and protection of human rights in China are
in our national interest and should be an integral part of every high-
level conversation we have with Chinese officials.
If confirmed, I would plan to continue outreach to Chinese
citizens, including activists and public interest lawyers, as well as
ethnic minorities and religious groups in China, and will urge the
Chinese Government to cease restrictions on religious practice and to
address the counterproductive policies in minority areas that have
fostered grievances and have prevented long-term stability.
Question. April 10, 2014, will mark the 35th anniversary of the
enactment of the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA), which was passed by the
United States Congress and signed into law in 1979. This legislation
provides an institutional framework and legal basis for our continued
relations with Taiwan after the end of formal diplomatic ties. The 35th
anniversary not only represents an important milestone in our
longstanding relationship with Taiwan, it also consolidates the
foundation on which our bilateral security, economic, and trade
relations will continue to grow and flourish and reassures our
commitment to maintain peace and stability in the region. In my view,
the Taiwan Relations Act, just as much as our One China Policy or the
Three Joint Communiques, forms the basis of our successful policy
toward China and is critical to maintaining cross-strait stability.
What is your view of the Taiwan Relations Act?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will continue to underscore
the commitment to the U.S. one-China policy based on the three Joint
Communiques and the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA). The TRA has provided
the basis for Taiwan's unofficial but stable, friendly, and robust
relations with the United States since 1979, allowing Taiwan to be an
important economic and security partner in the Asia-Pacific region. The
TRA allows the United States to continue to provide Taiwan with the
means to develop a sufficient self-defense capability, which
contributes to stability in the region and gives Taiwan confidence to
engage China. Maintenance of cross-strait stability is essential to
promoting peace and prosperity in the entire Asia-Pacific region.
If confirmed, I will encourage continued constructive cross-strait
dialogue, which has led to significant improvements in the cross-strait
relationship, at a pace acceptable to people on both sides.
Question. How do you assess China's cooperation with the United
States on Iran, including sanctions enforcement?
Answer. China is an important partner in the P5+1 process and in
the implementation of the Joint Plan of Action. The United States and
China share the goal of preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear
weapon. If confirmed, I would work to ensure there is continued and
close cooperation between our two countries. As Ambassador, I would
work with China to ensure we continue to address the international
community's concerns about Iran's nuclear program in the P5+1 and press
China to prevent proliferation-related transfers to Iran. If confirmed,
I would work with China as we pursue a long-term comprehensive
settlement with Iran. I would urge China to keep Iranian oil imports
flat, instruct Chinese companies to refrain from sanctionable
transactions with Iran, and boost its efforts to prevent illicit
transfers of proliferation-sensitive technology to Iran.
Question. How can we get China to work more closely with
responsible members of the international community on North Korea? Is
there a future for the six-party talks?
Answer. The United States remains open to authentic and credible
negotiations to implement the September 2005 Joint Statement of the
Six-Party Talks and to bring North Korea into compliance with
applicable Security Council resolutions through irreversible steps
leading to denuclearization. The United States shares with China a
common goal of achieving a denuclearized Korean Peninsula, which is
essential to both regional stability and broader international
security. China is a vital partner with a unique role to play due to
its longstanding economic, diplomatic, and historical ties with North
Korea. The administration continues to work with all U.N. member
states, including China, to ensure the full and transparent
implementation of UNSC sanctions.
As Ambassador, if confirmed, I would urge China to use its
influence to convince North Korea that it has no choice but to
denuclearize. The United States and China need to continue to work
together to hold the DPRK to its commitments and its international
obligations, including those to abandon its nuclear weapons and
existing nuclear programs in a complete, verifiable, and irreversible
manner. One important way to do this continues to be robust PRC
implementation of U.N. Security Council sanctions and other measures.
If confirmed, I would continue to encourage Beijing to ensure the
full and transparent implementation of U.N. Security Council sanctions
targeting North Korea's nuclear-related, ballistic missile-related, or
other weapons of mass destruction-related programs.
Question. The Chinese Government is demonstrating increasing
determination and sophistication at using the law as a means to compel
citizens to either support government policies on an ever wider range
of issues, or to remain silent (and compliant). This trend is
accelerating and is especially noticeable across the terrain of
fundamental human rights. We routinely hear Chinese Government
officials dismiss foreign accusations that they disregard the freedoms
of speech, association, assembly, and religion by asserting that
government actions are ``according to the law.''
As Ambassador to China, how will you work to champion the
function of law to protect citizens' freedoms, instead of
protecting the government's ability to suppress those rights?
Answer. Human rights are integral to U.S. foreign policy. If
confirmed, I would use my position as the U.S. Ambassador to urge
China's leaders to respect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of
all citizens and would communicate our support for these principles
directly to the Chinese people. Promoting respect for universal human
rights and the rule of law is integral to U.S. foreign policy. If
confirmed, I would urge China's leaders to undertake key legal reforms
and respect the rule of law and underscore the importance of an
independent judiciary, a robust civil society and the free flow of
information to China's prosperity and stability. I would also strongly
support the annual U.S.-China Legal Experts Dialogue, which provides an
important channel to discuss our concerns about the rule of law and
specifically the role of lawyers in Chinese society by bringing
together judges, legal scholars, lawyers and prosecutors to discuss key
legal issues.
If confirmed, I would continue outreach to ethnic minorities and
religious groups, including members of house churches, in China. I
would also continue outreach to legal scholars and universities to
emphasize the importance of rule of law and an independent judiciary.
Such outreach would be conducted in a way that is effective and
promotes our values.
If confirmed, I would raise our human rights concerns with Chinese
officials at the highest levels and would raise specific cases of
Chinese citizens who are being persecuted for the peaceful expression
of their political views or religious beliefs. I would also make clear
to China that the United States considers China's upholding its
international human rights commitments to be vital to our bilateral
relationship. I strongly believe that the promotion and protection of
human rights in China are in our national interest and should be an
integral part of every high-level conversation we have with Chinese
officials.
Question. How should the United States respond to Chinese security
officials' recent detention of Uyghur scholar, Ilham Tohti, who has
given a voice to Uyghurs' concerns over inequality and discrimination
and who has sought to foster understanding between Uyghurs and China's
dominant Han population?
Answer. If confirmed, I would urge China's leaders to immediately
release Uighur scholar, Ilham Tohti, remove all restrictions on his
freedom of movement, and guarantee him the protections and freedoms to
which he is entitled under China's international human rights
commitments. I would ensure that our Embassy continues to be in close
communication with Tohti's family members and supporters. I would also
work closely with other embassies in China to ensure that China hears a
consistent message from the international community on his case.
I am deeply concerned by ongoing reports of discrimination against
and restrictions on Uighurs and other Muslims and, if confirmed, would
urge the Chinese Government to cease restrictions on religious
practice. I would also press Chinese officials to address the
counterproductive policies in Xinjiang that have fostered grievances
and have prevented long-term stability.
Question. Human rights is often considered a separate issue from
our trading relationship with China. But in many ways, they are
interconnected. For example, a free press and vibrant civil society are
essential to holding the Chinese Government accountable on issues such
as food and product safety, and the right to organize independent
unions is key to ensuring workers in China are not exploited at the
expense of American workers.
How will you ensure that human rights concerns are
integrated with our trade and economic discussions with China?
Answer. Promotion and protection of human and labor rights in China
are in our national interest in all facets of the bilateral
relationship, including our trade, economic, and development interests
with China. If confirmed, I would use my position as the U.S.
Ambassador to urge China's leaders to respect the human rights and
fundamental freedoms of all citizens, including the freedoms of
expression, peaceful assembly, and association. I would make the case
to China that the rule of law, an independent judiciary, and a robust
civil society will help China address challenges such as food safety
and food and nutrition security, while enabling it to continue its
economic growth and maintain stability. I believe that the free flow of
ideas, on all topics, is essential for fostering creativity and
building the kind of innovative economy that will help China continue
to reduce poverty and improve the standard of living.
I would raise our human rights concerns with Chinese officials at
the highest levels and make clear that the United States considers
China upholding its international human rights commitments vital to our
bilateral relationship. I strongly believe that the promotion and
protection of human rights in China are in our national interest and
should be an integral part of high-level conversation with Chinese
officials.
If confirmed, I would engage regularly with companies in both
countries, as well as with labor and civil society organizations, to
promote responsible business conduct and to focus on sustainable
development. Companies can further our efforts by encouraging broad
respect for human and labor rights and leading efforts to improve
transparency, while reducing their own reputational risk, leveling the
playing field, and improving the overall business environment.
______
Responses of Arnold Chacon to Questions Submitted
by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. The Department has increased personnel significantly
within the last decade. Today, more than 50 percent of the Foreign
Service joined within the last 10 years. What does this mean for career
paths, promotion numbers, and workforce development? Please describe
the Department's workforce planning and efforts to create career paths
for these new employees.
Answer. The Department is committed to an orderly, predictable flow
of talent through the Foreign Service ranks. In our up-or-out system,
promotion opportunities depend on the number of employees who separate
(e.g., retire or resign) as well as the overall number of positions at
each grade. Under the Diplomatic Readiness Initiative and Diplomacy
3.0, the Department hired a large number of entry-level officers
(ELOs), helping to narrow a previous deficit in Foreign Service
employees. As more and more of these employees move into the mid-
levels, we have undertaken efforts to increase mid-level positions, in
line with our mission requirements, which should alleviate some of the
projected slowdown in promotion rates and increase in time in class for
this cohort. Moreover, to meet mid-level staffing and assignment gaps,
many of those employees progressed in grade at faster than historic
rates. While we expect to now be able to return to earlier rates, we
are acutely cognizant that building experience and managing
expectations for our recently hired employees is a priority. We are
also concerned that with the current less than attrition hiring, our
flow-through will once again be disrupted, likely recreating the
staffing gaps that DRI and Diplomacy 3.0 were meant to close and
impacting our new staff as well as we strive to defend U.S. interests
abroad.
The Department takes an active interest in the development of its
most important resource, its people. Since 2005, the Department has
used Career Development Plans (CDPs) for Foreign Service Generalists
and, more recently, Specialists, as a tool for mapping career
development and developing skills needed at the senior ranks. The CDP
builds on four principles to meet the Department's mission: operational
effectiveness, including breadth of experience over several regions and
functions; leadership and management effectiveness; sustained
professional language and technical proficiency; and responsiveness to
Service needs. Mandatory requirements and a menu of electives help
guide employees in developing the skills and experience to demonstrate
their readiness for the senior ranks.
The CDP also reinforces the importance of excellence in foreign
languages, fundamental to the work of the Foreign Service. Professional
foreign language use is also highly valued in considerations for
promotion, across all grades and skills. Long-term language training
does generally slow promotion while the student is enrolled, but makes
promotion more likely later on. Every 3 years, the Department updates
the criteria for assigning a language designation to a position. The
next triennial review should be completed by July 2014. The number of
overseas language-designated positions (LDPs) grows every year; for FY
2013, it was 2,241.
The Department is committed to developing the wider skills for
today's diplomacy. In addition to tradecraft skills, we are also
focused on the leadership and management skills critical to the
Department, both internally and in an increasingly interagency overseas
environment. In recent years, for example, we instituted mandatory
leadership training as a prerequisite for promotion at each rank and,
in 2014, we expect to launch a new program of mandatory supervisory
training for all new supervisors.
Question. In the 21st-century it is critical that America has a
professional, innovative, and diverse workforce. I understand that the
Department has established recruitment programs targeting individuals
with in-demand language skills, but once hired they may be prevented
from serving in those countries due to assignment restrictions and
preclusions. Please describe efforts currently underway to improve the
Department's assignment restriction and preclusion program--which may
be disparately impacting certain ethnicities--including the
introduction of a robust appeals mechanism and increased internal
reporting and oversight.
Answer. The Department of State hires all Foreign Service officers
and Specialists to be worldwide available, and we have worked
diligently to maintain a diverse workforce. One way to reduce the risk
of possible exploitation by a foreign intelligence service is to
restrict an individual from assignment in that specific country. This
is by no means punitive, but rather it serves to protect both the
national security and the individual. If confirmed, I will work with
the Assistant Secretary of Diplomatic Security to bring a common sense
review of restrictions, and provide an outreach initiative so all
personnel understand the rationale for these crucial security
decisions.
Question. The Hispanic workforce at State will have to grow
exponentially in order to fairly reflect the Hispanic component of the
overall U.S. population, yet this goal has proven elusive--even when
the Department has had the resources to conduct large-scale hiring
programs.
If confirmed will you make minority recruitment and
retention a top priority? What is your plan? How will you make
the Department's staff reflective of our rich cultural and
ethnic diversity?
If confirmed will you put together a high-level team to
develop a specific proposal and plan--in consultation with this
committee--to improve minority retention, recruitment and
hiring?
Answer. In order to represent the United States to the world, the
Department of State must have a workforce that reflects the rich
composition of its citizenry. We recognize that we can, and must do,
more to improve minority hiring. If confirmed, you have my personal
commitment to redouble the Department's efforts to ensure that we
represent the full cross-section of America. I look forward to working
with you, as well as other members of the committee and community
leaders, to do so.
At the same time, I would like to point out the efforts already
underway in this area, and what has thus far been accomplished. The
culture of the Department has changed dramatically in the past few
decades; when Congress passed the Foreign Service Act of 1980, more
than 80 percent of FS generalists and specialists were male, and close
to 75 percent were white males. Now females constitute 35 percent and
minorities over 22 percent. To echo the testimony of Deputy Secretary
for Management and Resources Heather Higginbottom, diversity is now a
central Department commitment, and the Secretary has told me personally
that he considers it a high priority. In the past 11 years, FS
generalist minority hiring increased from 12.3 percent in 2002 to 28.7
percent in 2013. Furthermore, minority hires for FS generalists are up
from last year: Hispanic, from 8.5 percent to 11 percent; Asian-
American, from 8 percent to 11 percent; and African-American from 6
percent to over 10 percent. This represents important if insufficient
progress as we continue to strive to ensure the face of the FS and
Civil Service (CS) includes people of all cultures, races, and
religions, drawn from across the United States.
The Bureau of Human Resources (HR) promotes diversity through a
wide-range of plans, programs, and initiatives through its Diversity
and Inclusion Strategic Plan (DISP). Beginning its third year of
implementation, the DISP identifies practices to recruit, hire, train,
develop, promote, and retain a diverse and inclusive workforce.
Significant recruitment, outreach, and improvement activities include:
Assigned 16 senior and mid-level Foreign Service officers as
Diplomats in Residences (DIRs) to college campuses around the
United States to recruit for student programs and careers. Of
which:
Four went to Hispanic-Serving Institutions (HSIs,
University of New Mexico, Florida International University,
University of Houston and City College of New York);
Three assigned to Historically Black Colleges and
Universities (HBCUs, Howard, Spellman/Morehouse and Florida
A&M).
Dedicated a second Washington-based recruiter to Hispanic
outreach and another (also a second) recruiter to African-
American recruitment;
Hosted or attended nearly 700 events, coast to coast, and
beyond, including Puerto Rico and Hawaii;
Targeted minority communities through Diversity Career
Networking Events aimed at reaching professional communities in
regions where the Department is less well-known;
Signed an MOU with the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA)
to access the Veterans' Resume Database, searchable pool of
veteran candidates for civil service direct hire using special
hiring authorities;
Resulted in seven requests for veteran referrals where
four veterans received offer letters.
Increased hiring of persons with disabilities through the
Disability and Reasonable Accommodations Division, which aids
in the recruitment, assignment, and support of applicants and
employees with disabilities;
Provides over 4,500 reasonable accommodations annually,
with the majority for sign language interpretation services
for one overseas and 20 domestic employees;
Operates a Computer Accommodations and Technology Center,
where employees requiring reasonable accommodation may be
assessed for technological solutions.
Launched DOSCareers iPhone mobile app to reach
underrepresented groups and educate them about careers in the
Foreign Service (FS) and practice taking the FS exam;
Enhanced the ``I am Diplomacy, I am America'' diversity
recruitment campaign so that future prospects may envision
themselves as potential representatives of the Department;
Evaluated the overall program effectiveness for two of the
largest premier diversity scholarship programs, the Thomas R.
Pickering and Charles B. Rangel Fellowship student programs,
where approximately 60 graduate and undergraduate fellows are
selected to participate in each year. There have been 612
Pickering Fellows and 163 Rangel Fellows since the programs
began. Of this number, 387 Pickering Fellows and 114 Rangel
Fellows--totaling 501 Fellows--are currently in the Foreign
Service. A number of them have risen to significant positions,
such as Deputy Chiefs of Mission, while others have received
prestigious awards and/or public recognition for their
outstanding service.
As a result of these efforts, we have realized steady gains in
diversity, although we agree that we still must do more to reach our
goals.
We are also working to improve diversity among the Senior Executive
Staff (SES) of the Civil Service through a number of measures planned
for 2014, including:
On-board a new Diversity Program Manager to promote the
development and implementation of diversity and inclusion in
the SES and senior leadership equivalent talent pools across
the Department;
Analyze a GS-14/15 SES Interest survey that we conducted to
help develop diverse SES talent for future leaders;
Revise SES Merit Staffing processes to ensure diversity
among SES Qualification Review Panel members and mandatory
interviews for all SES candidates referred;
Invite key diversity offices and affinity workgroups to
share ideas about improvements to our existing DISP metrics,
measures, and strategies;
Focus efforts on activities to strengthen workplace
inclusion and sustainability goals and simultaneously update
the existing plan metrics, measures, and strategies.
It is worth noting that factors beyond agency control, including
potential decrease in Federal spending due to sequestration, limited/
delayed hiring, reduced travel/awards/pay freezes, are all
circumstances that could potentially hinder or weaken our ability to
meet our diversity goals.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to achieve our
mutual goal of enhanced diversity in the Department's ranks. We would
like to invite you to accompany me or one of our recruiters at an event
in your state.
______
Responses of Max Baucus to Questions Submitted
by Senator Bob Corker
Question. Our relationship with China is one of the most complex
and increasingly significant bilateral relationships globally. How do
you propose to navigate the complexities of the bilateral relationship,
including balancing our mutual desire to expand economic opportunities
for our respective commercial interests, while simultaneously making
clear our expectations that Beijing adhere to international norms,
including in the maritime domain?
Answer. The U.S.-China relationship contains elements of both
cooperation and competition. The United States should continue to make
clear and promote our values, interests and principles, work with China
to manage our differences, and seek to build a cooperative partnership
across the range of bilateral, regional, and global issues that
confront us today. If confirmed, I would speak clearly to Beijing
regarding not only issues of shared interest, but also our differences,
and faithfully represent the values we hold dear as Americans--respect
for the rule of law, the promotion of universal values and human
rights, guaranteeing a level playing field for healthy economic
competition, ensuring the free flow of information, and respect for
international law, including freedom of navigation.
Question. Beijing has been critical of the administration's
rebalancing or ``pivot'' to Asia, accusing the United States of
pursuing a policy to contain China.
(a) How do you intend to explain the administration's Asia-
Pacific ``pivot'' to the Chinese public?
Answer. If confirmed, I would make clear that the rebalance is a
multifaceted approach that recognizes the importance of the entire
Asia-Pacific region to America's long-term prosperity and security. A
key element of the rebalance is our pursuit of a positive,
comprehensive, and cooperative relationship with China; the rebalance
is not a strategy to contain China.
If confirmed, I would use the public diplomacy tools at my
disposal, including use of social media and public events, to
communicate to the Chinese public that the United States welcomes the
rise of a stable and prosperous China that assumes the responsibilities
of a great power, respects the rights of its people, and plays a key
role in world affairs. By pursuing a robust program of bilateral
dialogue and exchange, I would, if confirmed, work to advance
cooperation in areas of common interest to demonstrate that the United
States has a stake in China's success, just as China has a stake in
ours.
(b) What areas do you see as having the most potential for
improvement in our relationship with China, and how do you
personally plan to approach them? What are your top priorities
for your time in China?
Answer. Engaging in frank discussions while seeking to collaborate
and narrow our differences with China is essential to having a healthy
bilateral relationship. If confirmed, I would work to continue
expanding cooperation where U.S.-China consensus and shared interests
exist--such as on environmental issues--and to narrow our differences
to promote common goals and interests, such as agreeing to a rules-
based framework for our economic relationship that establishes a level
playing field for healthy competition and innovation.
If confirmed, I would continue to work with China on important
regional and global security issues, such as the denuclearization of
the Korean Peninsula, the importance of a nuclear weapons-free Iran,
and a stable and prosperous Afghanistan. Equally important, I would
seek to advance important U.S. interests on more contentious concerns,
such as human rights and maritime issues.
(c) What, if any, opportunities exist for the United States
and China to work together to address North Korea's
destabilizing behavior? As Ambassador, how will you persuade
China to assert greater economic and political pressure on the
North Korean regime to abandon its nuclear weapons programs?
Answer. The United States and China share a common goal of
achieving a denuclearized Korean Peninsula, which is essential to both
regional stability and international security. China is a vital partner
with a unique role to play due to its long-standing economic,
diplomatic, and historical ties with North Korea. The administration
continues to work with all U.N. member states, including China, to
ensure the full and transparent implementation of UNSC sanctions.
As Ambassador, if confirmed, I would urge China to use its
influence to convince North Korea that it has no choice but to
denuclearize. The United States and China need to continue to work
together to hold the DPRK to its commitments and its international
obligations, including those to abandon its nuclear weapons and
existing nuclear programs in a complete, verifiable, and irreversible
manner. One important way to do this continues to be robust PRC
implementation of U.N. Security Council sanctions and other measures.
If confirmed, I would continue to encourage Beijing to ensure the
full and transparent implementation of U.N. Security Council sanctions
targeting North Korea's nuclear-related, ballistic missile-related, or
other weapons of mass destruction-related programs.
Question. Since the political transition last year, Beijing has
engaged in a widespread crackdown on dissent and introduced a series of
new controls on the media, undermining China's international human
rights commitments. Several peaceful dissidents have been arrested and
imprisoned, including a 4-year prison sentence handed down this past
Sunday for Xu Zhiyong for organizing a series of protests against
corruption last year in Beijing.
As Ambassador, how will you promote U.S. core human rights
values and interests in our bilateral relationship with China?
Do we need to reevaluate our approach to the U.S.-China human
rights dialogue?
Answer. If confirmed, I would use my position as the U.S.
Ambassador to urge China's leaders to respect the human rights and
fundamental freedoms of all Chinese citizens and raise specific cases
of concern, including that of legal scholar Xu Zhiyong and other
individuals associated with the New Citizens Movement that have been
detained, harassed and prosecuted by Chinese authorities. I strongly
believe that the promotion and protection of human rights in China are
in our national interest and, as such, should be an integral part of
every high-level conversation we have with Chinese officials. I would
continue the Embassy's strong record of meeting regularly with a wide
range of human rights activists and their family members to gain a
better understanding of their concerns and to express our support for
respect for human rights in China.
I would also continue to work closely with other embassies in China
in order to ensure that China hears a consistent message from the
international community on human rights.
The promotion and protection of human rights are critical
components of U.S. foreign policy, and the U.S.-China Human Rights
Dialogue (HRD) is an important part of the United States overall human
rights effort regarding China. The HRD presents an opportunity to
engage Chinese officials in an extended, in-depth discussion of key
human rights concerns and individual cases. It is not, however, a
substitute for consistent high-level engagement from across the U.S.
Government. I strongly believe that the promotion and protection of
human rights in China are in our national interest and, as such, should
be an integral part of every high-level conversation we have with
Chinese officials. The rule of law, an independent judiciary, a robust
civil society, the free flow of information and respect for universal
human rights and fundamental freedoms are key to China's ability to
deal with domestic and global challenges and improve its standing as a
reliable international partner.
Question. Foreign journalists working in China have come under
increased scrutiny and pressure. China has withheld visas and
threatened local staff working with foreign journalists to deter
publication of stories critical of Chinese policies or officials. In
addition, China has blocked the Web sites of several U.S.-owned
publications.
How should the United States address China's media
censorship and discriminatory practices?
Answer. I am deeply concerned that foreign journalists in China
continue to face restrictions that impede their ability to do their
jobs, including extended delays in processing journalist visas,
restrictions on travel to certain locations deemed ``sensitive'' by
Chinese authorities and, in some cases, violence at the hands of local
authorities. These restrictions and treatment are not consistent with
freedom of the press--and stand in stark contrast with U.S. treatment
of Chinese and other foreign journalists.
I was disappointed that New York Times reporter, Austin Ramzy, was
required to leave China because of processing delays for his press
credentials. Mr. Ramzy and several other U.S. journalists have waited
months, and in some cases years, for a decision on their press
credentials and visa applications.
If confirmed, I would urge China to commit to timely visa and
credentialing decisions for foreign journalists, unblock international
media Web sites, and eliminate other restrictions that impede the
ability of journalists to practice their profession. I firmly believe
that our two countries should be expanding media exchanges to enhance
mutual understanding and trust, not restricting the ability of
journalists to do their work.
Question. As you know, the United States and China are currently
negotiating a bilateral investment treaty (BIT). A BIT with China would
greatly benefit a broad segment of U.S. exporters currently subject to
a number of ownership restrictions in China. With an ambitious treaty,
we could eliminate many of these restrictions and help U.S. companies
to compete fairly with Chinese companies. Both U.S. and Chinese
Government officials have publicly expressed strong support for a BIT.
The BIT negotiations could represent an important opportunity, as
many observers believe President Xi views the BIT as a mechanism to
push through important domestic economic reforms that were rolled out
at last year's Third Plenum. This could be one of the more significant
developments in the bilateral economic relationship since China's
accession to the WTO in 2002.
Will you make completing a BIT with China a high priority
during your tenure as Ambassador to China?
As U.S. Ambassador to China, would you commit to pursuing a
high-standard Bilateral Investment Treaty with China, ensure
that there are no restrictions in businesses data flows, and
bring down the competitive barriers for our companies so they
can compete fairly with state-owned enterprises?
Answer. A high-standard U.S.-China Bilateral Investment Treaty
(BIT) would play a significant role in addressing key concerns of U.S.
and other foreign investors, including the need to level the playing
field and ensure that U.S. companies do not suffer from unfair
disadvantages. The United States is taking an ambitious approach in the
BIT negotiations with China, and one of our top priorities is to seek
disciplines to help level the playing field between American companies
and their Chinese competitors, including state-owned enterprises and
national champions. The United States is also seeking to address other
top-priority concerns in the China market, including protecting trade
secrets from forced transfer and enhancing transparency and the rule of
law. Negotiations are at an early stage, and I know the U.S. Government
will continue to address these important issues as negotiations
proceed. If confirmed, I am committed to making the advancement of
these negotiations a high priority.
Question. The Chinese Government in 2013 committed to resume
bilateral investment treaty negotiations with the United States using
the U.S. approach to BITs--one based on preestablishment, using a
negative list. This is a significant change in approach, which China
has not used before in this type of negotiation.
As you know, the BIT will ultimately be considered by the Senate
under our advise and consent process. We will be looking for a strong
agreement with significant market openings for American companies. As
part of our process, though, we will also evaluate China's actions to
implement such openings in the immediate term rather than waiting for
the BIT to be implemented. A delay in taking good faith steps to
implement changes could be interpreted by some as a lack of commitment
by China to making the changes that the BIT will require.
What are your plans to advance the BIT negotiations and
push China's Government to act on market openings now rather
than only after implementation of the BIT has begun?
And will you work to ensure that this committee, which must
approve all treaties negotiated by the United States, is fully
consulted and apprised on your progress on this important
issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to make further progress on a
BIT while emphasizing the need for China to make simultaneous headway
on market access and other priority issues in the near term. The
administration looks forward to consulting with this committee and
other key congressional committees as negotiations continue.
Question. China has stated its intention of becoming an innovative
economy by 2020. This policy is being aggressively pursued by high-
level political commitments, substantial financial support and
strategic policies. China's Government is using a variety of policy
tools to implement these policies to reduce a perceived dependence on
foreign intellectual property and to protect and promote national
champions. I am concerned these policies will have a negative effect on
U.S. companies and U.S. competitiveness.
If confirmed, what are your plans to combat these market
access barriers that are adversely affecting U.S. companies?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue our high-level engagement to
press the case that discriminatory and retaliatory practices and
regulations are unacceptable and harm not only U.S. companies but also
China's own competitiveness and development goals. The U.S. economy is
one of the most open in the world, and I would encourage China to
recognize our openness as one of our key strengths. U.S. companies
introduce international best practices and high-quality goods and
services into the global market, and it is in China's interest to allow
our firms to participate on a level playing field, with appropriate
protections for intellectual property, in China's growing domestic
market. Chinese companies are also beginning to devote significant
resources to develop new products and technologies, and many of these
companies have their own growing concerns about others in China
illegally copying their ideas and technology. It is important that a
technologically advancing China realize that robust IP protection and
enforcement are critical for innovation.
In addition to pushing China both bilaterally and multilaterally to
increase its regulatory transparency and to adhere to international
economic rules-based norms and standards, if confirmed, I also intend
to engage the U.S. business community in China and advocate on behalf
of U.S. firms, workers, farmers, and ranchers so that unacceptable
trade, investment, and market access barriers do not stand in the way
of their participation in the Chinese market.
Question. The Chinese Government's newly announced indigenous
innovation policies are particularly concerning. They appear designed
to provide a clear advantage to Chinese domestic champions and create
an unbalanced playing field for foreign companies in China.
If confirmed, will addressing China's indigenous innovation
and strategic emerging industries policies be a priority for
you? How will you plan to tackle these competitiveness
challenges facing U.S. companies?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my highest priorities will be to
ensure U.S. companies can compete on a level playing field in China by
addressing China's indigenous innovation and strategic emerging
industries policies as well as other market barriers for U.S.
companies.
If confirmed, I will advocate forcefully on behalf of U.S.
companies by leveraging our high-level engagements with China on how to
align its policies on innovation, including standards and technology
transfer, with global best practices. The U.S.-China Innovation
Dialogue, which the administration established in 2010 immediately
after China launched discriminatory ``indigenous innovation'' policies,
has been an important mechanism for raising innovation concerns with
the Chinese.
If confirmed, I will continue U.S. Government engagement through
the Innovation Dialogue, through other bilateral and multilateral
channels, including bilateral investment treaty negotiations, and
through the efforts of our mission in China, which has worked closely
as an interagency team to press China to make tangible progress
eliminating the discriminatory aspects of its indigenous innovation
policies.
______
Responses of Arnold Chacon to Questions Submitted
by Senator Bob Corker
Question. Please explain what concrete steps you intend to take, as
Director General of the Foreign Service, to ensure that language
training is expanded to a greater pool of Foreign Service officers and
other embassy personnel, and to change or recalibrate the Foreign
Service Institute's overall approaches to language training?
Answer. Foreign language proficiency is a hallmark of the
professional Foreign Service employee. It enhances an employee's
ability to improve the U.S. national image abroad, advocate foreign
policy objectives, and engage foreign audiences in discourse on a broad
range of subjects. For this reason, foreign language proficiency is
integrated into the Foreign Service Career Development Program as a
requirement for tenure and entry into the Senior Foreign Service. A
multibureau Language Policy Working Group is dedicated to ensuring that
the Department's employees have the language skills to meet our policy
needs.
In accordance with the Department's strategic plan for foreign
language capabilities, the Department conducts a review of all language
designated positions every 3 years to align language proficiency
designations with foreign policy goals. The Language Policy Working
Group is overseeing the triennial review that began in November 2013
and will be completed by midsummer 2014. The group recently revamped
Language Incentive Programs to encourage officers to use and improve
their skills in critically needed languages and is overhauling the
Department's language training strategy and updating training delivery
methods. We are regularly increasing the number of Language Designated
Positions (LDPs) at our posts; as of January 2014, there were 4,498
LDPs total worldwide. Among officers assigned to LDP positions in FY
2013, 80 percent fully met, and 13 percent partially met, the
designated language proficiency requirement.
The Department created Career Development Plans (CDPs) for Foreign
Service members to map their long-term professional growth and acquire
the skills the Department needs at the senior ranks. The CDPs reinforce
the importance of foreign language proficiency for all Foreign Service
members and require that generalists seeking promotion into the Senior
Foreign Service have current foreign language skills.
The Foreign Service Institute's model for foreign language
instruction emphasizes communicative skills, with professional
tradecraft training that prepares Foreign Service personnel to perform
on the job. FSI also invests significantly in language learning
technology, in professional development of instructional staff, and
providing resources for continuous learning after formal training. If
confirmed, I will make it my priority to work closely with FSI to
ensure that all FSOs receive the language training that they need to do
the best job possible.
Question. Will you seek to change the Foreign Service application
criteria to permit applicants with preexisting language skills to
receive an admissions edge?
Answer. The Department has for years used the tool of additional
points for a candidate's score on the Register of eligible candidates
for demonstrated language skills. Candidates who have a verified level
of fluency in any one of the 69 languages used in the Foreign Service
receive extra consideration in the hiring process. Those who have
competency in the eight priority languages, (Arabic, Mandarin Chinese,
Hindi, Dari, Farsi, Pashto, Urdu, and Korean) receive additional
consideration. Responding to the Accountability Review Board's
suggestions after the Benghazi attack, the Department instituted lump-
sum hiring bonuses of 10-20 percent of base salary for Foreign Service
specialists with proficiency in Arabic.
Recruitment of candidates with language skills is an integral part
of our outreach. We use paid and unpaid advertising on educational,
recruitment, and social media sites to target U.S. citizen speakers of
priority languages. Our 10 DC-based recruiters and 16 Diplomats-in-
Residence at universities around the country reach out to potential
candidates with proficiency in priority languages. Under the
Department's Recruitment Language Program (RLP), applicants who receive
additional consideration for speaking one of the eight priority
languages agree to a one- or two-tour commitment, depending on the
level of fluency and consideration received in the hiring process, to
serve in a position requiring those skills. These priority languages
are reviewed periodically depending on strategic policy goals.
Question. Please explain specific steps you intend to take, as
Director General of the Foreign Service, to reduce the attrition rate
of the Foreign Service.
Answer. The Department has one of the lowest attrition rates in
government and Foreign Service attrition has remained fairly stable
over the years with no significant spikes. While attrition numbers may
have gone up due to hiring increases over the past 10 years, the
relative percentage has actually declined in recent years (generalist
rates remain under 4 percent), which keeps FS attrition stable. We have
seen no difference between the ``Diplomacy 3.0'' and Diplomatic
Readiness Initiative cohorts' attrition rate and our historical
averages.
We are nevertheless cognizant of the need to maintain a reasonable
and stable attrition rate, while at the same time ensuring we do not
lose good talent prematurely. With that in mind, if confirmed I will
work to ensure that the Human Resource Bureau continues to:
Evaluate employee viewpoint surveys, and other surveys, to
gauge and address employee concerns. (Note: In the 2013 Federal
Employee Viewpoint Survey, the Department of State ranked
fourth overall among the 19 large federal agencies, and is only
federal agency to remain in the top 10 since 2005.)
Administer the FS promotion and compensation systems
transparently and fairly.
Improve communication with employees to enhance
understanding of mission needs, necessary policy changes, and
new requirements as well as manage expectations.
Improve HR services to employees through automation of HR
systems and a fully implemented tiered services delivery
system.
______
Responses of Daniel Bennett Smith to Questions Submitted
by Senator Bob Corker
Question. The recently released, bipartisan SSCI Benghazi report
found it ``unsettling'' that INR failed to disseminate any independent
analysis regarding the Benghazi attacks a full year after the incident.
INR officials, during interviews, stated that unless INR has something
unique to add, they merely repeat what the rest of the intelligence
community has to say about it. However, INR should always have
something unique to add, especially when it involves the Department, as
the Bureau has access to Department information and perspectives that
the rest of the IC does not have.
Do you agree with the SSCI finding that the lack of
independent analysis from INR is unsettling?
What will you do to ensure INR is not irrelevant in times
of crisis such as the aftermath of the Benghazi attacks?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure not only that we are
providing real time access to the intelligence information and analysis
that our colleagues in Diplomatic Security and elsewhere need to do
their jobs, but that we are also providing the broader perspective on
overall trends and developments that only INR can provide.
In the aftermath of the tragic events in Benghazi that resulted in
the deaths of four of our colleagues, there were a number of efforts
made to look back at what happened and draw lessons learned. The
primary focus in this regard was the work of the independent Benghazi
Accountability Review Board, in addition to the law enforcement-focused
analysis and investigation of the attacks led by the FBI. While it
would not have been appropriate for INR to duplicate these efforts or
conduct a separate investigation looking back at the attack itself, I
understand that INR played a critical role through its coordination of
and contribution to a number of intelligence community products in the
aftermath of the Benghazi attacks that sought to shed light on
developments on the ground and the ongoing political and security
environment. INR actively coordinated with Diplomatic Security, State
Department Principals, and the IC not only to ensure that State
Department perspectives were accurately portrayed in vital intelligence
products, but also that the flow of intelligence to State Department
policymakers, security professionals, and others remained smooth and
effective.
I agree that INR provides a unique perspective and that we need to
ensure our voice is heard. In particular, INR's analysis of the broader
political and economic context in which our missions operate can help
inform the more operational focus of our colleagues in the Bureaus of
Diplomatic Security and Counterterrorism, and elsewhere in the State
Department, on immediate and near-term threats to our missions and
personnel. We ensure this perspective is reflected through our
coordination of intelligence community products, the publication of
independent INR written products, and frequent oral briefings and
consultations with Department policymakers and interagency partners.
Are you committed to ensure the SSCI recommendations are
carried out--to (1) have an independent audit of how quickly
and effectively INR shares intelligence within the Department
and (2) have DNI and State carry out a joint review of INR in
order to make the Bureau more timely and responsive to world
events?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to engage early with DNI Clapper and
INR's State Department customers--including those responsible for
security--to review how we are sharing intelligence and intelligence
products, the timeliness and responsiveness of INR products to world
events, and what improvements we might make. I understand that INR
already conducts yearly customer surveys based on rigorous polling
methodology to determine the timeliness, quality, and relevance of its
analytical products and intelligence support, including the flow of
intelligence originating elsewhere in the intelligence community. I
intend to build on these efforts. In 2013, the survey was executed by
an independent outside firm, ensuring even further rigor. Those
surveys, which are shared with ODNI, indicate a high degree of
confidence in INR products and intelligence support services, and
appreciation for their outstanding quality, timeliness, and insight
into world events. Other reviews have also indicated that INR is
quickly and effectively sharing intelligence with its customers
throughout the Department.
The Benghazi attack was seen by many as a failure to
properly appreciate and act on intelligence. As the chief
intelligence office for the Department of State, how would you
learn from these intelligence failures and prevent them in the
future?
Answer. The independent Benghazi Accountability Review Board and
the SSCI Benghazi Report confirmed that there was never a specific
warning that the attack was coming, only a general understanding that
the security situation was difficult. The challenge for all of us is to
determine whether, even in the absence of a specific ``tactical
warning,'' there are indicators that should trigger additional security
measures or other actions to reduce our vulnerability. That is
something the State Department must do, and does, every day, but we
must always strive to improve. We owe that to the diplomats and
development experts who are advancing America's interests abroad
everyday--often in dangerous places.
INR's role in this regard is to ensure not only that policymakers
and colleagues in Diplomatic Security have real time access to all the
relevant intelligence, but also to provide our analysis of the broader
context in which our missions are operating. As I noted, if confirmed,
I will review with ODNI the timeliness and responsiveness of INR
products to ensure we are doing just that.
In your opinion, how can the intelligence community more
effectively manage the massive amount of intelligence data
being reported to ensure that crucial intelligence is
emphasized and appreciated?
Answer. This is a central role that INR plays for the Department of
State's leadership and policymakers. Our job is not only to provide
timely access to intelligence data, but also to highlight for busy
policymakers key pieces of intelligence and analysis. A key part of
this is ensuring that INR's analysts and staff have access to training
and professional development opportunities to further develop their
skills, as well as ensuring that analysts are provided with robust
analytic IT tools. If confirmed, I will work hard to ensure that INR
continues to effectively ``push'' crucial intelligence to policymakers,
including in Diplomatic Security, in a timely fashion and that analysts
have access to training and IT tools they need.
______
Responses of Max Baucus to Questions Submitted
by Senator Barbara Boxer
Question. U.S. Embassy Air Pollution Monitoring: The U.S. Embassy
in Beijing provides daily air quality monitoring to measure
particulates (PM 2.5) as an indication of the air quality in the city.
As Ambassador to China, will you continue to ensure this
data is available through social media and other means? What
can be done to expand this monitoring to other U.S. State
Department consulates and diplomatic missions throughout China?
Answer. U.S. Embassy Beijing and the U.S. consulates in China
provide air quality data and additional information on their public Web
sites and through their Twitter feeds as part of the administration's
commitment to protect U.S. citizens. This information allows the
mission community and American citizens living in China to make
informed decisions to decrease exposure to air pollution. During
hazardous air situations--such as the January 2013 air episode--the
U.S. Embassy issues messages to U.S. citizens to address the high
levels of pollution indicated by air quality indexes and to provide
U.S. citizens information resources on air quality and protective
measures. If confirmed, I will ensure that air quality data and
messages continue to be released and updated in a timely fashion.
Question. Promotion of U.S. Environmental Technologies: In a
January 27, 2014, study published in the ``Proceedings of the National
Academies of Science,'' researchers from China and the United States
quantified the effects of air pollution from Chinese industrial sources
used to manufactured goods exported to the United States. The study
found that the air pollution attributable to export-related Chinese
activities amounted to up to 10 percent of annual average surface
sulfate concentrations (a pollutant that leads to the formation of
dangerous fine particulate matter and acid rain) and 1.5 percent of
ozone over the Western United States in 2006.
As U.S. Ambassador to China, will you make opening Chinese
markets to American air pollution control equipment and other
environmental technologies a priority?
Answer. The United States has long recognized that air pollution
can be transported over long distances and that China, as a major
industrial player, has high emissions of air pollutants. Those
emissions affect air quality in the United States and other countries
downwind of China. What was new in the article was that the authors
quantified how much air pollution from Chinese manufacturing is
transported to the United States. The information contained in the
January 27 article reinforces how important it is for the United States
to work with China to mitigate emissions of air pollutants, whether
that is through cleaner production processes, pollution prevention,
end-of-pipe technologies, or other mitigation measures. Air pollution
is clearly a concern for China's Government and its citizens, and if
confirmed, I will work with the Chinese to improve air quality in both
our countries.
China's air pollution problems will invariably trigger commercial
opportunities. U.S. air quality monitoring equipment is well received
and is often considered high-quality in terms of data accuracy,
timeliness, and product lifecycle. In order to seize these emerging
opportunities, U.S. companies should develop suitable market-entry and
pricing strategies. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Commercial
Service at Embassy Beijing and the Consulates General in Shenyang,
Shanghai, Guangzhou, Wuhan, and Chengdu to help U.S. exporters
interested in exploring the Chinese market.
Question. As you know, the continued detention of political
prisoners is one of the most pressing human rights challenges in China.
Tragically, the situation remains unchanged for many Chinese prisoners
of conscience--including Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Liu Xiaobo and his
wife Liu Xia, and prominent rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng.
If confirmed, how will you work to change the status quo
for Chinese prisoners of conscience and other victims of human
rights abuses in China?
Answer. If confirmed, I would use my position as Ambassador to urge
China's leaders to respect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of
all Chinese citizens and raise specific cases of concern, including
those of Nobel laureate Liu Xiaobo, his wife Liu Xia, rights lawyer Gao
Zhisheng, and the many others who have been detained and imprisoned for
peacefully exercising their universal human rights. I strongly believe
that the promotion and protection of human rights in China are in our
national interest and, as such, should be an integral part of every
high-level conversation we have with Chinese officials. I would
continue the Embassy's strong record of meeting regularly with a wide
range of human rights activists and their family members to gain a
better understanding of their concerns and to express our support for
human rights in China. I would also coordinate with like-minded
countries to raise individual cases to ensure that China hears a
consistent message from the international community about human rights
in China.
Question. I am deeply concerned about the continued detention of
Chinese lawyer and human rights activist, Gao Zhisheng. As you know, he
has been arrested and detained numerous times. According to his wife
and human rights advocates, he has also been brutally tortured.
If confirmed, how will you encourage the Chinese Government
to immediately and unconditionally release Gao Zhisheng? If
confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that Gao Zhisheng
is allowed to reunite with his family in the United States if
he is released?
Answer. I strongly believe that China has an obligation to abide by
the 2011 decision by the U.N. Working Group on Arbitrary Detention that
judged rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng's imprisonment to be in contravention
of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and called for his
immediate release. If confirmed, I would urge China's leaders to
immediately release Gao Zhisheng, remove all restrictions on his
freedom of movement, and guarantee him the protections and freedoms to
which he is entitled under China's international human rights
commitments. I would ensure that our Embassy continues to be in close
communication with Gao's family members and supporters. I would also
continue to work closely with other embassies in China in order to
ensure that China hears a consistent message from the international
community on Gao's case.
______
Responses of Max Baucus to Questions Submitted
by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. On December 5, 2013, the USS Cowpens had been lawfully
operating in international waters in the South China Sea, when a PLA
Navy vessel crossed its bow at a distance of less than 500 yards and
stopped in the water, forcing the USS Cowpens to take evasive action to
avoid a collision. This is only the latest in about a dozen U.S.-China
incidents at sea in the last decade.
(a) Do you agree that the actions of the PLA Navy ship in
the USS Cowpens incident, as publicly reported, violate China's
obligations under the October 1972 multilateral convention on
the international regulations for preventing collisions at sea
(also known as the COLREGs or the ``rules of the road''), to
which both China and the United States are parties?
(b) Can you describe Chinese attitude toward the framework
of bilateral (U.S.-Chinese) dialogue enshrined in the 1998
Military Maritime Consultative Agreement (MMCA)?
(c) Do you agree that Chinese respect to the 1972 ``rules
of the road'' and behavior in the MMCA framework should have
implications on the administration's expectations about the
value of a binding Code of Conduct between the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China for the South China
Sea?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the continued development of
military-to-military relations as a key component of the U.S.-China
bilateral relationship. Deeper cooperation is necessary to further
reduce mistrust and the risk of miscalculation between the two
militaries. The U.S.-China Military Maritime Consultative Agreement
(MMCA) is an important forum for the discussion of maritime safety
issues in general.
While the December 5 USS COWPENS incident underscored concerns
about China's efforts to restrict freedom of navigation at sea, it also
highlighted important recent progress we have seen in bridge-to-bridge
communication between the United States and PLA Navies. In a complex
tactical environment, bridge-to-bridge communication was instrumental
in defusing the situation and preventing a collision.
In order to minimize the potential for an unintentional accident or
incident at sea, it is important that the United States and China share
a common understanding of the same rules for operational air or
maritime interactions. From the U.S. perspective, an existing body of
international rules, norms, and guidelines--including the 1972
COLREGs--are sufficient to ensure the safety of navigation between U.S.
forces and the forces of other countries, including China. If
confirmed, I will continue to make clear to Beijing that these existing
rules, including the COLREGS, form the basis for our common
understanding of air and maritime behavior, and encourage China to
incorporate these rules into ongoing conflict management tools. We have
pressed China and ASEAN to agree to a rapid, meaningful Code of Conduct
in the South China Sea to manage incidents when they arise, and I will
continue to do so if confirmed. I will also support the further
development of the MMCA and press China to agree to other tools that
manage interactions at sea or in the air.
Question. Since the first meeting of the U.S.-China Cyber Working
Group in July 2013, has cyber theft originating from China decreased or
continued? Has the working group affected the People's Liberation Army,
and how has the PLA participated in the working group?
Answer. Cyber security is one of the administration's top
priorities. Administration officials have repeatedly raised concerns
about Chinese state-sponsored cyber enabled theft of trade secrets and
confidential business information at the highest levels with senior
Chinese officials, including in the military, and will continue to do
so. The State Department, including the Bureau of East Asian and
Pacific Affairs (EAP) and the Office of the Coordinator for Cyber
Affairs (S/CCI), plays a key role in these discussions, including by
leading the Cyber Working Group (CWG). The United States and China sent
interagency delegations, which included military representatives, to
both CWG meetings.
The United States and China are among the world's largest cyber
actors, and it is vital that we continue a sustained, meaningful
dialogue and work together to develop an understanding of acceptable
behavior in cyber space. Through the CWG, the United States will
continue to emphasize U.S. cyber policy objectives, including the
applicability of international law to state behavior, the importance of
norms of responsible state behavior, concerns about cyber activities
that can lead to instability, the role of transparency in domestic
civilian and military cyber policy, and the importance of practical
cooperative measures to prevent crises in cyber space.
Question. The late Ambassador Mark Palmer, in his book ``Breaking
the Real Axis of Evil,'' argued that U.S. Ambassadors in places like
China should be ``freedom fighters'' and U.S. embassies ``islands of
freedom'' open to all those who share the values of freedom, human
rights, and democracy.
Do you agree that the U.S. Embassy in China should be an
``island of freedom'' and that one of your primary jobs should
be demonstrating to China's peaceful advocates of reform and
democracy that the United States stands firmly with them?
Answer. Human rights are integral to U.S. foreign policy. If
confirmed, I would use my position as the U.S. Ambassador to urge
China's leaders to respect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of
all citizens and would communicate our support for these principles
directly to the Chinese people.
I would raise our human rights concerns with Chinese officials at
the highest levels and would raise specific cases of Chinese citizens
who are being persecuted for the peaceful expression of their political
or religious views. I would also make clear to China that the United
States considers upholding its international human rights commitments
to be vital to our bilateral relationship. I strongly believe that the
promotion and protection of human rights in China are in our national
interest and should be an integral part of every high-level
conversation we have with Chinese officials.
If confirmed, I would plan to continue outreach to ethnic
minorities and religious groups, including members of house churches,
in China. Such outreach would be conducted in a way that is effective
and promotes our values.
I would also continue to work closely with other embassies in China
concerned with China's worsening human rights record in order to ensure
that China hears a consistent message from the international community.
Question. On January 25, the State Department's spokesperson issued
a statement expressing ``deep disappointment'' about the conviction of
Mr. Xu Zhiyong, a leading advocate for fiscal transparency and fighting
official corruption. The spokesperson described Mr. Xu's prosecution as
``retribution for his public campaign to expose corruption and for the
peaceful expression of his views.'' This is just the latest in an
ongoing crackdown by Chinese authorities against activists.
If confirmed, what steps would you take to highlight the
plight of these activists and elevate their cases with the
Chinese Government?
Answer. If confirmed, I would use my position as the U.S.
Ambassador to urge China's leaders to respect the human rights and
fundamental freedoms of all Chinese citizens and raise specific cases
of concern, including that of legal scholar Xu Zhiyong and other
individuals associated with the New Citizens Movement that have been
detained, harassed and prosecuted by Chinese authorities. I strongly
believe that the promotion and protection of human rights in China are
in our national interest and, as such, should be an integral part of
every high-level conversation we have with Chinese officials. I would
continue the Embassy's strong record of meeting regularly with a wide
range of human rights activists and their family members to gain a
better understanding of their concerns and to express our support for
respect for human rights in China.
I would also continue to work closely with other embassies in China
in order to ensure that China hears a consistent message from the
international community on human rights.
Question. As you know, there is an effort under way in the Senate
to impose visa and financial sanctions on individuals responsible for
extrajudicial killings, torture, or other gross violations of human
rights in any foreign country. I have been concerned that in some
authoritarian countries, there is a growing tendency to use selective
justice and government institutions to prosecute human rights advocates
and critics.
Would you support the application of visa and financial
sanctions on individuals responsible for the use of selective
justice to prosecute anticorruption and human rights advocates
in China?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support using a variety of mechanisms
to encourage greater respect for human rights in China. There is a
range of statutory and policy-based grounds for denying visas to, and
barring entry of, human rights violators. I would take our role
seriously in not permitting entry to those who are ineligible due to
direct involvement in human rights abuses, such as the enforcement of
forced abortion and sterilization. I am particularly concerned by the
recent crackdown on anticorruption activists, and, if confirmed, would
make progress on human rights and rule of law a top priority during my
tenure in Beijing.
Question. The United States has designated China as a Country of
Particular Concern, or CPC, since 1999 for its systematic, ongoing, and
egregious violations of freedom of religion or belief. The U.S.
Commission on International Religious Freedom has recommended that, in
addition to designating China as a CPC, additional measures should be
taken to encourage Beijing to respect this fundamental freedom.
How would you use the CPC designation to strengthen human
rights and religious freedom diplomacy as part of the bilateral
relationship?
Answer. If confirmed, I would use my position as the U.S.
Ambassador to urge China's leaders to respect human rights, including
religious freedom. The Chinese Government's respect for, and protection
of, the right to religious freedom fall well short of its international
human rights obligations. As Ambassador, I would support efforts by the
Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom to explore new
and innovative ways to encourage China to improve its record on
religious freedom. I would stress to Chinese leaders that China will
remain a CPC until it implements fundamental reforms to allow all
people freely to practice their faith, without restrictions such as
requiring registration with the Chinese Government.
China's CPC designation is an important part of our efforts to urge
China to fulfill its international commitments to protect and respect
religious freedom, along with our ``International Religious Freedom
Report,'' high-level dialogues such as the Human Rights Dialogue,
exchange programs among our citizens, and grants to organizations
working to improve religious freedom.
Question. According to the United States Commission on
International Religious Freedom, the Chinese Government has detained
over a thousand so-called ``unregistered'' Christians in the past year,
closed ``illegal'' meeting points, and prohibited public worship
activities. Additionally, unregistered Catholic clergy remain in
detention or disappeared.
If confirmed, would you commit to raise awareness of this
situation in China by outreaching to this beleaguered community
and attending a worship service in an ``unregistered'' Catholic
or Protestant church in China?
Answer. Promoting religious freedom is a core objective of U.S.
foreign policy, including in our relationship with China. If confirmed,
I would use my position as the U.S. Ambassador to urge China's leaders
to respect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all people and
encourage China to permit everyone to worship, regardless of whether
they affiliate with a government-recognized religious association.
Freedom of religion is critical to a peaceful, inclusive, and stable
society.
If confirmed, I would continue outreach to both registered and
unregistered religious groups, including members of house churches and
the Catholic community, in China. Such outreach would be conducted in a
way that is effective and promotes our values.
Question. China recently announced that it would abolish the
reeducation through labor penal system which allowed people to be held
up to 4 years without a judicial hearing. UNHCR estimated up to 190,000
people were held in these camps. However, human rights activists worry
that the closure of these forced labor camps is merely cosmetic and
they have been relabeled as drug rehabilitation centers.
What is the status of the closures of the forced labor
camps? Since the beginning of the closure of the camps, has
there been an increase in people committed to drug
rehabilitation centers in China?
Answer. While we welcome China's December 28, 2013, announcement
that it would abolish the ``reeducation through labor'' system as a
positive step if it results in the shutdown of an abusive system that
allows Chinese authorities to imprison individuals without due process,
the ongoing use of arbitrary administrative detention, extralegal
detention in black jails, and other forms of forced labor remains a
concern. If confirmed, I would urge Chinese officials to ensure that
reeducation through labor is not replaced by other forms of arbitrary
detention or ``rehabilitation'' that deprive citizens of their rights.
I would emphasize that we believe that respect for rule of law and
protection of human rights will benefit the long-term stability and
prosperity of China.
If confirmed, I will also work closely with my interagency
colleagues, particularly the Department of Homeland Security, to ensure
that we are taking all necessary steps to ensure that products of
forced and prison labor are not entering the United States.
Question. The Chinese Government recently announced a limited
relaxation of their longstanding ``One Child Policy'' for Chinese
couples in which at least one parent is an only child. However, this
change to the ``One-Child Policy'' does not apply to all couples and
circumstances, and reports of government-approved forced abortions
continue to arise.
How will you engage with Chinese officials on the issue of
government-sanctioned forced abortions in China?
Answer. I strongly oppose all aspects of China's coercive birth
limitation policies, including forced abortion and sterilization. If
confirmed, I would urge China's leaders frequently and at all levels to
respect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all Chinese
citizens and to end the one-child policy immediately.
______
Responses of Arnold Chacon to Questions Submitted
by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. A group of former Ambassadors recently underlined the
shrinking proportion of Foreign Service officers (FSOs) in senior
positions at the State Department relative to Civil Service or
political appointees, and observed an accompanying diminution of
Foreign Service input into the foreign policy process and management of
the Department.
How does this administration compare to previous ones
regarding the nomination of political appointees to senior
positions at the State Department?
How does this situation impact the morale of FSOs?
What impact does this situation have on the need to improve
the professional skills of FSOs?
Answer. The Department benefits from the strengths of a diverse
workforce: Civil Service, Foreign Service, and political appointees.
Each brings unique experience, skills, and perspectives. There are
career employees in many senior leadership positions domestically and
overseas, including the Deputy Secretary, the Counselor, and a number
of Under Secretaries and Assistant Secretaries. The majority of
ambassador positions are filled by career FSOs. The ratio has been
fairly consistent over the course of multiple Presidential
administrations: approximately 70 percent career, 30 percent noncareer.
The Foreign Service Act of 1980 recognizes the value of appointment of
qualified noncareer individuals as COM.
Regarding morale, it is to be expected that a diversity of opinion
regarding internal policies will be represented among employees. It
would not be possible to guarantee 100 percent acceptance of any
Department policy. I would note, however, that in the 2013 Federal
Employee Viewpoint Survey, the Department of State ranked fourth
overall among the 19 large federal agencies, and is only federal agency
to remain in the top 10 since 2005. Please see my answers below
regarding the Department's work to improve the professional skills of
FSOs.
Question. As you know, the 2010 QDDR acknowledge State's shortage
of key skills necessary for modern-day diplomacy.
What steps, if any, has the administration taken to
institute a Professional Diplomatic Education Program to
systematically develop the professional skills of FSOs?
If so, what particular skills does the program seek to
enhance?
To what extent is participation in such programs a
prerequisite for FSOs' promotions?
Answer. The Department takes an active interest in the development
and training of its most important resource, its people. The skills
demanded of a diplomat are always shifting, and never more so than now
in the 21st century. Showing the priority we place on training our
officers, the Department strives to maintain a training complement
sufficient to ensure that officers may acquire necessary skills,
without leaving important overseas positions vacant. The assistance of
Congress in providing us with the necessary resources for this
complement is greatly appreciated.
The primary locus of education for the foreign affairs community is
the Foreign Service Institute (FSI), which develops the men and women
our Nation requires to fulfill our leadership role in world affairs and
to advance and defend U.S. interests. Created in 1947, FSI provides
more than 700 classroom courses, including some 70 foreign languages.
In addition, 270 custom-developed distance learning products and about
2,700 commercial distance learning courses are available worldwide 24/7
through the Internet. Annual course completions currently exceed
104,500. These courses are designed to promote successful performance
in each assignment, to ease the adjustment to other countries and
culture, and to enhance the leadership and management capabilities of
the U.S. foreign affairs community. Customers include State and 47
other USG entities.
Since 2005, the Department has used Career Development Plans (CDPs)
for Foreign Service Generalists and, more recently, Specialists, as a
tool for mapping career development and developing skills needed at the
senior ranks. Certain requirements must be met before an employee can
elect to compete for the senior ranks. The CDP builds on four
principles to meet the Department's mission, all critical to meet
today's diplomatic requirements: operational effectiveness, including
breadth of experience over several regions and functions; leadership
and management effectiveness; sustained professional language and
technical proficiency; and responsiveness to Service needs. Mandatory
requirements and a menu of electives help guide employees in developing
the skills and experience to demonstrate their readiness for the senior
ranks. FSI also launched a Training Continuum in 2005 which allowed
officers of different career tracks to tailor their training to meet
the needs of their particular specialty.
The CDP also reinforces the importance of excellence in foreign
languages, fundamental to the work of the Foreign Service. Professional
foreign language use is also highly valued in considerations for
promotion, across all grades and skills. Long-term language training
does generally slow promotion while the student is enrolled, but makes
promotion more likely later on.
The Department is committed to developing the wider skills for
today's diplomacy. In addition to tradecraft skills, much of which is
assignment-specific, we are also focused on the leadership and
management skills critical to the Department, both internally and in an
increasingly interagency overseas environment. In recent years, for
example, we instituted mandatory leadership training as a prerequisite
for promotion at each rank and, in 2014, we expect to launch a new
program of mandatory supervisory training for all new supervisors.
Question. Are there any efforts underway to facilitate the
attendance of mid-level FSOs to one of our military's Professional
Military Education Programs? Would such a cross-service education be
valuable the modern FSOs?
Answer. We have long, productive relationships with our Nation's
military educational institutions, both the War College and Commands.
In this academic year, for example, 24 mid-level employees at the FS-02
and FS-03 levels are enrolled in the Joint Forces Staff College in
Norfolk, VA; Army Command and Staff College in Ft. Leavenworth, KS;
Naval Command and Staff College in Newport, RI; Air Command and Staff
College in Montgomery, AL; Marine Corps War College in Quantico, VA;
Inter-American Defense College in Washington, DC; and National
Intelligence University (NIU) in Washington, DC. The Department has a
close and longstanding relationship with the National Defense
University (NDU), where our officers can both study and teach. In one
NDU program, an FSO at the 01 rank serves under the general direction
of the Commandant as Associate Professor and State Chair at the Joint
Forces Staff College. The JFSC prepares 1,300 selected field-grade
officers and civilians each year for command and staff responsibilities
in multinational, governmental, and joint national security jobs.
Students come from all branches of the armed services (including
international military students), the Department of State, and other
U.S. civilian agencies. The College has several schools that offer
joint professional military education mandated by Congress, including a
master's degree program in Joint Advanced Warfare.
The Foreign Service Institute also manages an online Army War
College Master of Strategic Studies Distance Education Program for FS-
01 and FS-02 employees that awards a Master of Strategic Studies.
These highly competitive training opportunities are considered
career-enhancing for Foreign Service personnel, offering opportunities
for professional growth and the development of skills and knowledge
critical to working and leading in the interagency environment.
Question. Consular activities are vitally important, but they draw
a lot of manpower from within the State Department ranks. What can be
done to buttress our consular activities overseas in order to shift
additional personnel to staffing shortfalls in other areas?
Answer. Many of our consular positions are entry-level officer
(ELO) positions, focused on immigrant and nonimmigrant visas. The
number of visa adjudication positions needed overseas is influenced by
visa demand which, in turn, is impacted by frequently changing country-
specific and worldwide political, economic, social, and national
security conditions. Our ability to meet those needs through
traditional methods, i.e., ELOs, is dependent on the Department's
budget and the ability to hire.
Unfortunately, in today's resource-constrained environment with
attrition or less hiring and continuing growth in demand for visas, we
estimate that by FY15 ELO hiring will be unable to provide enough
officers to fill entry level consular positions. Consular staffing
shortfalls are projected to exceed 400 by FY17.
To support the economic growth that foreign visitors foster in the
United States, we are expanding existing programs for our career Civil
Service employees, including Passport Adjudicators, to serve overseas
in Foreign Service Limited Non-Career Appointments (LNA). We have also
developed other innovative LNA hiring programs to meet these urgent,
specific mission-critical needs that cannot be met by the Foreign
Service (FS), including a pilot program to bring in noncareer, highly
qualified, language ready Consular Adjudicator LNAs to fill entry-level
nonimmigrant visa adjudicator positions in China, Brazil, and several
Spanish-speaking countries. Additionally, we are expanding
opportunities for fully qualified appointment-eligible family members
to serve in entry-level consular positions overseas.
We are using these programs to buttress our vitally important and
growing consular responsibilities but with at attrition or below
hiring, entry-level officers will continue to be needed to complete
that critical task.
______
Responses of Max Baucus to Questions Submitted
by Senator Richard J. Durbin
Question. Conservationists estimate that some 62 percent of the
elephant population in central Africa has been slaughtered in the past
decade to satisfy the resurgent demand for ivory. Experts agree that
the demand for ivory is fueled by China--where the nation's economic
expansion has made the treasured product accessible to a growing middle
class. Not only does this demand create a market that is leading to the
decimation of the African elephant, it also undermines U.S. military
and development objectives in Africa by fueling armed conflict and
violence. Murderous bands of thugs like the Lord's Resistance Army and
terrorist group al-Shabaab have turned to ivory to fund their reigns of
terror.
How can the United States work with China to reduce its
demand for ivory that is helping fuel such horrific violence?
Answer. The United States is engaging China to reduce demand for
illegally traded wildlife and wildlife products. Recently the United
States and China each destroyed more than six tons of illegal ivory
stockpiles seized through law enforcement action. I understand the
United States plans to continue efforts to raise global awareness,
including in China, of this pernicious trade and its devastating
effects on wildlife. U.S. law enforcement agencies are working with
Chinese authorities to improve wildlife law enforcement. At the 2013
U.S.-China Joint Liaison Group on Law Enforcement Cooperation, the U.S.
cochairs proposed that the United States and China explore ways to
cooperate further on wildlife trafficking. Law enforcement entities of
the United States have joined with China, and other countries,
including several African nations, in collaborating and exchanging
information through Operation COBRA 2, a follow-on operation to the
highly successful Operation COBRA 1 in 2013, which targets wildlife
traffickers at all points in the trade chain. In addition, the United
States continues to encourage China, as APEC 2014 chair, to support the
ongoing work of the Anti-Corruption and Transparency Experts Task Force
on combating corruption and illicit trade, including wildlife
trafficking, and to join U.S. workshops focusing on demand reduction
under APEC's aegis.
Question. China is investing in Africa by the billions--building
large-scale roads and infrastructure projects. It uses concessional
financing and other favorable loan and grant terms to undercut American
companies, making it very difficult for our businesses to compete. This
is leaving a continent with 7 of the 10 fastest-growing economies and
with huge potential to grow jobs in the United States largely
inaccessible to American investors and companies. For its part, China
gains access to natural resources and gains political and diplomatic
influence. African consumers are subject to inferior Chinese products,
as well as weak labor, governance, and environmental standards.
How can the United States do more to help American
businesses compete in Africa, particularly against aggressive
Chinese tactics?
Answer. Foreign investment is essential to Africa's economic
development, and there is room for both the United States and China to
engage in public and private investment opportunities. The United
States offers a compelling narrative for Africa. Our firms introduce
international best practices, export top-quality products, provide
employment opportunities, and promote economic growth in Africa, while
also generating benefits for the U.S. economy.
China will continue to seek a role in Africa and elsewhere, and we
must maintain our engagement with China in this regard. The United
States has pressed China to adhere to international labor, human
rights, transparency, and economic standards as China pursues
investment and development projects globally.
If confirmed, I would press China not to undermine local and
international efforts to promote healthy competition, good governance,
transparency, and responsible natural resource management in Africa and
elsewhere. I would welcome Chinese investment that is consistent with
international standards, that promotes good governance and sustainable
development, and that maintains a level playing field for all
companies, and I would urge my Chinese counterparts to ensure that
China's engagement plays this positive role.
______
Responses of Max Baucus to Questions Submitted
by Senator Tom Udall
Question. China has some of the most unique natural features in the
world, from the mountains of the Tibetan Plateau to the Indus, Mekong
and Yellow Rivers that flow from it and sustain all of Asia. Yet China
is now famous for having some of the worst air quality on the planet.
The Chinese people are increasingly pushing back through activism
accelerated by new social media tools and aided by the real-time air
quality data provided by the U.S. Embassy.
How will you advance collaboration between China, the American
private sector, and U.S. agencies such as the EPA to reduce pollution
there?
Answer. Growing environmental awareness in China, driven partly by
episodes of severe air pollution, has increased Chinese interest in
enhanced cooperation on air pollution, climate, and clean energy. Air
pollution does not stop at the border; by working with China, the
United States can improve air quality in both our countries. To promote
cooperation, the United States developed an Air Action Plan under the
Ten-Year Framework for Energy and Environment Cooperation (TYF).
Collaboration on air quality is also included in the memorandum of
understanding between the U.S. EPA and China's Ministry of
Environmental Protection and was expanded in 2013 through a U.S. Trade
and Development Agency-funded cooperative project. Our two nations also
boast significant bilateral climate cooperation, including through
seven clean-energy initiatives launched in 2009--including the U.S.-
China Clean Energy Research Center--and the five new initiatives of the
Climate Change Working Group (CCWG). The TYF and CCWG in particular are
State Department-organized platforms for cooperation that bring U.S.
agencies, including DOE, EPA, USTDA, DOT, and FERC, together with their
Chinese counterparts.
If confirmed, I would work to support these existing programs and
encourage their expansion. For example, at the next Strategic and
Economic Dialogue in China, we are working to include new partners--
including American industry participants--into the EcoPartnership
Program. EcoPartnerships bring together U.S. and Chinese
organizations--local governments, universities, nongovernmental
organizations, and/or companies--to conduct innovative projects that
promote U.S. priorities on energy security, economic growth, and
environmental sustainability, including addressing air pollution.
Question. If confirmed, what measures will you take to protect the
health of the hundreds of Americans who serve at Embassy Beijing and
consulates around the country?
Answer. U.S. Embassy Beijing and the U.S. consulates in China
provide air quality data and additional information on their public Web
sites as part of the administration's commitment to protect U.S.
citizens. This information allows the mission community and U.S.
citizens living in China to make informed decisions to decrease
exposure to air pollution. During hazardous air situations--such as the
January 2013 air episode--the U.S. Embassy issues messages to U.S.
citizens to address the high levels of pollution indicated by air
quality indexes and to provide U.S. citizens information resources on
air quality and protective measures.
If confirmed, I would ensure that air quality data and these
messages continue to be released and updated in a timely fashion. In
addition, embassy and consulate residences have been provided multiple
room air cleaners, resulting in significant reductions in particulate
levels indoors.
Mission China makes influenza vaccines (aka ``flu shots'')
available for Embassy and consulate personnel and dependents in
accordance with standard State Department policies.
Question. Like many of my fellow Senators, I am appalled by the
recent surge in the ivory trade, especially the increased demand in
China leading to the growth in elephant killings in Africa.
How will you address this issue with the Chinese, and what
can the United States do to help China tighten its exports
rules and punishments for acquiring illegal ivory in order to
dissuade would-be buyers?
Answer. The United States is engaging China to reduce demand for
illegally traded wildlife and wildlife products. Recently the United
States and China each destroyed more than 6 tons of illegal ivory
stockpiles seized through law enforcement action. I understand the
United States plans to continue efforts to raise global awareness,
including in China, of this pernicious trade and its devastating
effects on wildlife. U.S. law enforcement agencies are working with
Chinese authorities to improve wildlife law enforcement. At the 2013
U.S.-China Joint Liaison Group on Law Enforcement Cooperation, the U.S.
cochairs proposed that the United States and China explore ways to
cooperate further on wildlife trafficking. Law enforcement entities of
the United States have joined with China and other countries, including
several African nations, in collaborating and exchanging information
through Operation COBRA 2, a follow-on operation to the highly
successful Operation COBRA 1 in 2013, which targets wildlife
traffickers at all points in the trade chain. In addition, the United
States continues to encourage China, as APEC 2014 chair, to support the
ongoing work of the Anti-Corruption and Transparency Experts Task Force
on combating corruption and illicit trade, including wildlife
trafficking, and to join U.S. workshops focusing on demand reduction
under APEC's aegis.
Question. I think it is fair to say that we have seen an
increasingly active Chinese Navy attempting to assert authority in sea-
lanes that have been open for navigation for all countries for years.
This behavior increases the risk of confrontation between countries in
the region.
What will you do to send a message to the Chinese that the
international community and the United States, in support of
its allies, will continue to support freedom of navigation in
the region and how will you work specifically to de-escalate
tensions and improve military to military communication between
the United States and China and our partners and allies in the
region?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage China to exhibit greater
transparency with respect to its capabilities and intentions, and to
use its military capabilities in a manner conducive to the maintenance
of peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. I will reiterate
that the United States has national interests in the Asia-Pacific
region, including an interest in preserving the freedom of the seas and
airspace. For over three decades, the U.S. Government has maintained a
Freedom of Navigation Policy and Program. The U.S. Freedom of
Navigation Program aims to preserve all of the rights, freedoms, and
lawful uses of the sea and airspace for the United States and all
nations by demonstrating that the United States does not accept
maritime claims of other nations, including China, that are
inconsistent with international law and impinge on the rights,
freedoms, and uses of the sea that belong to all nations. The U.S. FON
Program is global and is not directed at any single country. The U.S.
FON Program is a multiagency effort, including both diplomatic activity
and operational activity. As part of that diplomatic activity, I will
do my part to encourage China to conform its maritime claims to
international law, and encourage China to fully respect all of the
rights, freedoms, and uses of the sea and airspace by other nations,
including the United States. When appropriate, I will communicate to
China the lawfulness of and need for the activities of U.S. military
forces to preserve those rights, freedoms, and uses of the sea and
airspace in the Asia-Pacific region.
If confirmed, I will support the continued development of military-
to-military relations as a key component of the U.S.-China bilateral
relationship. Deeper cooperation is necessary to further reduce
mistrust and the risk of miscalculation between the U.S. and Chinese
militaries.
Question. It is well known that China is hard at work conducting
industrial espionage and attempting to acquire information on U.S.
defense systems in order to both counter U.S. systems, but also to
attempt to catch up to the U.S. military's technological superiority.
What will you do as Ambassador to work with and send a
message to the Chinese, that these export violations are
unacceptable, and how will you work with U.S. companies doing
business in China to ensure that they are following all
applicable export laws meant to protect sensitive U.S. military
and dual use technology when doing business with Chinese
companies?
Answer. The United States is committed to facilitating normal trade
with China for commercial items for civilian end-uses and end-users.
Export controls, which affect only a very small amount of total
bilateral trade (less than 1 percent), are not just an economic issue,
but also a national security issue. China remains a proscribed
destination under the International Traffic in Arms Regulations, the
federal regulation that implements the Arms Export Control Act, and is
also the subject of separate statutory restrictions commonly referred
to as ``Tiananmen sanctions,'' requiring a Presidential waiver prior to
the issuance of any export license to China for any defense article on
the United States Munitions List. China's status in this regard is
firmly established and well-known to U.S. and foreign defense companies
engaged in legitimate and authorized defense trade.
The United States will continue to engage China on export control
issues through the High Technology and Strategic Trade Working Group
(HTWG), as reflected in the July 2013 Strategic and Economic Dialogue
joint outcome statement. The HTWG is a longstanding dialogue under the
Joint Committee on Commerce and Trade designed to further cooperation
on export controls and high technology trade issues.
If confirmed, I would reinforce U.S. policy on export controls in
discussions with Chinese officials and in meetings with U.S. businesses
as appropriate. I would also raise export issues and cases of export
violations as they arise.
______
Responses of Max Baucus to Questions Submitted
by Senator John Barrasso
Question. What leverage does the U.S. Government have to promote
the development of human rights and rule of law in China? Are sanctions
effective in encouraging China to comply with human rights standards?
Are sanctions useful in persuading China to develop the rule of law? If
confirmed, what actions will you take to help end the Government of
China's policies of oppression and support the rights and freedom of
the people of China? How do you plan to balance the engagement of China
on economic issues with demonstrating serious concerns about China's
human rights violations?
Answer. The greatest leverage we have is China's own desire to
achieve greater international respect, a more innovative economy, and a
prosperous and stable society. Our consistent message to China's
leaders, and to the Chinese people, is that greater respect for
universal human rights is key to achieving these goals. The United
States does not hesitate to speak out when we believe that China is
engaging in policies and practices, such as in Tibet or Xinjiang, that
contravene China's international human rights commitments. The United
States public advocacy for human rights causes no small amount of
friction with the Chinese leadership. However, it is important that we
continue to speak out, as we have with respect to the continued
imprisonment of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo, the recent
sentencing of legal activist Xu Zhiyong, the disappearance of lawyer
Gao Zhisheng, and ongoing repression in Tibet and Xinjiang.
If confirmed, I will not hesitate to speak out and advocate for the
respect for universal human rights and rule of law, but the use of
economic sanctions to attempt to bring about human rights improvements
is not likely to be effective with China. I believe economic sanctions
would alienate us from the majority of Chinese people who have
benefited from China's economic reform and integration into the global
economy.
Promoting respect for universal human rights and the rule of law is
integral to U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed, I would urge China's
leaders to undertake key legal reforms and respect the rule of law and
underscore the importance of an independent judiciary, a robust civil
society and the free flow of information to China's prosperity and
stability. I would also strongly support the annual U.S.-China Legal
Experts Dialogue which provides an important channel to discuss our
concerns about the rule of law and specifically the role of lawyers in
Chinese society by bringing together judges, legal scholars, lawyers
and prosecutors to discuss key legal issues.
If confirmed, I would raise our human rights concerns with Chinese
officials at the highest levels and would raise specific cases of
Chinese citizens who are being persecuted for the peaceful expression
of their political or religious views. I would also make clear to China
that the United States considers upholding its international human
rights commitments to be vital to our bilateral relationship.
Question. What is the total cost of China's theft of U.S.
intellectual property to the U.S. economy each year? Why hasn't the
Government of China been able to establish an effective intellectual
property rights enforcement regime? Is it based upon a lack of desire
or ability on the part of the Government of China?
Answer. The protection and enforcement of intellectual property
rights (IPR) in China are critical to maintaining a mutually beneficial
trade relationship. According to U.S. Customs and Border Patrol, China
remains the leading source of counterfeit and pirated goods coming into
the United States. My understanding is that China has taken some
positive actions to improve IP legislation and enforcement in recent
years; however, piracy and counterfeiting levels in China remain
unacceptably high, and stronger enforcement mechanisms are needed. As
the Commerce Department has reported, IP-intensive industries support
at least 40 million U.S. jobs and annually account for approximately $5
trillion in the U.S. economy.
If I am confirmed, one of the top priorities for the U.S. mission
in China will continue to be to advocate for the protection and
enforcement of intellectual property rights that are so critical for
U.S. businesses.
Question. What role should the United States play in the
territorial disputes in the East China Sea? In November, the U.S. Air
Force flew two bombers through the East China Sea without notification
after China declared an air defense identification zone. Do you support
additional U.S. military operations that assert freedom of movement and
show support to U.S. allies in the region?
Answer. If confirmed, I would speak clearly to Beijing regarding
not only issues of shared interest, but also our differences, and
faithfully represent the values, interests, and principles of the
United States--including respect for international law and the freedom
of navigation. I am clear-eyed about Chinese behavior vis-a-vis its
neighbors over territorial and maritime matters.
China's announcement of an ``East China Sea Air Defense
Identification Zone (ADIZ)'' caused deep concerns in the region. If
confirmed, I would remind the Chinese that the United States does not
recognize and does not accept the ADIZ, which we believe should not be
implemented. I would make clear to China that it should refrain from
taking similar actions elsewhere in the region. I would also encourage
China to work with other countries, including Japan and the Republic of
Korea, to address the dangers its recent declaration has created and to
deescalate tensions.
If confirmed, I would reiterate that the United States has national
interests in the Asia-Pacific region, including an interest in
preserving the freedom of the seas and airspace. Where appropriate, I
would communicate to China the lawfulness of, and need for, the
activities of U.S. military forces to preserve those rights, freedoms,
and uses of the sea and airspace in the Asia-Pacific region. For over
three decades, the U.S. Government has maintained a Freedom of
Navigation Policy and Program. If confirmed, I would support the
continued development of military-to-military relations as a key
component of the U.S.-China bilateral relationship. Deeper cooperation
is necessary to further reduce mistrust and the risk of miscalculation
between the U.S. and Chinese militaries.
Question. Do you believe that Taiwan should be invited to
participate in U.S.-led military exercises? Do you support arm sales to
Taiwan?
Answer. Taiwan and the United States enjoy unofficial but robust
economic and cultural relations, and Taiwan is an important security
partner to the United States. Consistent with the Taiwan Relations Act
and the United States one-China policy, the United States makes
available to Taiwan defense articles and services necessary to enable
Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability.
Taiwan does not formally participate in international coalitions or
exercises. However, Taiwan does regularly train on weapons or platforms
bought from the United States, which increases not only Taiwan's
deterrence but also its humanitarian assistance capacity. Taiwan plays
an increasingly significant role in disaster relief enterprises, such
as relief to Palau and the Philippines after Typhoon Haiyan in November
2013.
If I am confirmed, my job will be to express to Chinese officials
and people continuing U.S. support for improving cross-strait relations
at a pace acceptable to people of both sides of the strait and to make
clear the United States abiding interest in peace and stability across
the strait.
Question. How would you characterize China's political and economic
relationship with North Korea? What type of policy changes and actions
would you like to see from China regarding North Korea? In what ways
can the United States work with China to pressure North Korea on
denuclearization?
Answer. The United States shares with China a common goal of
achieving a denuclearized Korean Peninsula, which is essential to both
regional stability and broader international security. China is a vital
partner with a unique role to play due to its longstanding economic,
diplomatic, and historical ties with North Korea. The administration
continues to work with all U.N. member states, including China, to
ensure the full and transparent implementation of UNSC sanctions.
As Ambassador, if confirmed, I would urge China to use its
influence to convince North Korea that it has no choice but to
denuclearize. The United States and China need to continue to work
together to hold the DPRK to its commitments and its international
obligations, including those to abandon its nuclear weapons and
existing nuclear programs in a complete, verifiable, and irreversible
manner. If confirmed, I would continue to encourage Beijing to ensure
the full and transparent implementation of U.N. Security Council
sanctions targeting North Korea's nuclear-related, ballistic missile-
related, or other weapons of mass destruction-related programs.
Question. If confirmed, what policies will you support to address
Internet censorship and promote media freedom in China?
Answer. I am concerned that Internet restrictions in China have
worsened. It is troublesome to see the blocking of so many Web sites
due to the ``Great Firewall,'' which limits access to information,
including international media Web sites; new restrictions on social
media, including a crackdown on what the Chinese Government terms
``online rumors''; and the censorship of Internet search engine
results. If confirmed, I would raise objections over the blocking of
media and social media Web sites with Chinese counterparts, making
clear that these actions are inconsistent with China's international
commitment to respect freedom of expression. If confirmed, I would
express to Chinese officials that obstructing the free flow of
information undermines the kind of open environment for free debate and
discussion that supports innovation and economic dynamism.
I am deeply concerned that foreign journalists in China continue to
face restrictions that impede their ability to do their jobs, including
extended delays in processing journalist visas and press credentials,
restrictions on travel to certain locations deemed ``sensitive'' by
Chinese authorities and, in some cases, violence at the hands of local
authorities. These restrictions and treatment stand in stark contrast
with U.S. treatment of Chinese and other foreign journalists.
If confirmed, I would urge China to commit to timely visa and
credentialing decisions for foreign journalists, unblock international
websites, and eliminate other restrictions that impede the ability of
journalists to practice their profession.
NOMINATIONS BATHSHEBA CROCKER, MICHAEL LAWSON, AND ROBERT WOOD
----------
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Bathsheba Nell Crocker, of the District of Columbia, to be
Assistant Secretary of State for International
Organization Affairs
Michael Anderson Lawson, of California, for the rank of
Ambassador during his tenure of service as
Representative on the Council of the International
Civilian Aviation Organization
Robert A. Wood, of New York, for the rank of Ambassador during
his tenure of service as U.S. Representative to the
Conference on Disarmament
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:05 p.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Edward J.
Markey, presiding.
Present: Senators Markey and Barrasso.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Markey. Good afternoon. Welcome to this hearing in
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
Today, we will hear from three highly qualified nominees
who will represent our country's interests before international
organizations.
The first is Mr. Michael Lawson, the United States
Representative on the Council of the International Civil
Aviation Organization, which is headquartered in Montreal. This
is an intergovernmental organization that oversees the safety,
security, and economic sustainability and environmental impact
of civilian air travel.
Air navigation, the safety of air travel, and the security
from terrorist attack have been the focuses of this
organization for many years. More recently, environmental and
energy issues have become a priority, especially aviation's
contribution to climate change. Air travel is currently
responsible for 2 percent of carbon dioxide pollution worldwide
and about 13 percent of all transportation-sector carbon
dioxide. As air travel increases, especially in rapidly
developing economies, emissions are projected to grow in the
coming years.
In early October 2013, it was agreed upon that the goal
of--should create a global market-based system to curb airline
pollution emissions by 2016. Mr. Lawson is extremely well
qualified to represent the United States in these discussions.
He received his J.D. from Harvard Law School in 1978. He has
over 31 years of experience practicing law, most of it as a
partner at the firm of Skadden Arps, here in Washington and
around the world. Since 2005, Mr. Lawson has served on the
Board of Airport Commissioners for the four airports of the
L.A. area, including Los Angeles International Airport. He was
president of that board from 2010 to 2013. While on the board,
he helped manage major improvements to the LAX, including a new
terminal.
Our next nominee is Bathsheba Nell Crocker, President
Obama's nominee to be Assistant Secretary of State for
International Organization Affairs. She will be responsible for
overseeing and advising Secretary Kerry about the U.S.
Government's relationships with the United Nations--U.N.
agencies, such as the IAEA, peacekeeping missions, UNICEF, the
U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, and a number of other
international agencies and organizations.
Ms. Crocker's expertise on foreign policy and her
dedication to public service are truly impressive. She has over
15 years of relevant experience at the State Department, the
United Nations, and the private sector. At the State
Department, she is now the Principal Deputy Director of the
Office of Policy Planning. At the United Nations, she worked as
the Special Assistant on the Peacebuilding Issues and as the
Deputy Chief of Staff in the Office of the Special Envoy for
Tsunami Recovery, former President Bill Clinton.
In the private sector, she has served as a senior policy
advisor for the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and as a
fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies
and the Council on Foreign Relations.
Her credentials are impressive in their own right, but she
is also carrying on a family tradition. With us here today is
her father, Chester Crocker, who was the Assistant Secretary of
State for African Affairs under President Reagan.
Could you please stand, Mr.--right over here? Thank you so
much for being here.
Could we give him a round of applause for his tremendous
service to our country? [Applause.]
We thank you.
He served as Assistant Secretary of State for African
Affairs under President Reagan, and helped lead the
negotiations that led to independence for Namibia and the
withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola.
Mr. Crocker, thank you for your service to our country.
I am told that when Ms. Crocker is confirmed, you will be
the first father-daughter pair to serve as Assistant
Secretaries of State in our country's history.
Our third nominee is Robert Wood, nominated to represent
the United States to the Conference on Disarmament, the
international agency responsible for negotiating arms treaties.
Mr. Wood is a 25-year veteran of the Foreign Service who has
served in Mexico, Nigeria, Pakistan, and South Africa.
Recently, he served as Charge d'affaires in the U.S. Mission to
the International Atomic Energy Agency, where he defended
American interests and tried to help prevent the spread of
nuclear weapons and fissile material. He was also the Deputy
Spokesman of the U.S. Mission to the United Nations, a position
he began the day after the September 11th attacks.
If confirmed, one of Mr. Wood's most pressing
responsibilities would be a preparatory conference this April
for the 2015 Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference. Mr.
Wood will be an essential spokesman, explaining and defending
our country's significant efforts to create a world in which
nuclear weapons no longer exist.
Also, Mr. Wood has the opportunity to start serious
negotiations on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty which would
ban the production of nuclear materials for use in nuclear
weapons.
And we thank each of you for your service, and we thank
each of you for everything that you are going to do for our
country.
And I will begin by recognizing you, Ms. Crocker, in order
to lay out your case to become our representative.
STATEMENT OF BATHSHEBA NELL CROCKER, OF THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA, NOMINEE TO BE AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION AFFAIRS
Ms. Crocker. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman and
distinguished members of the committee. I am honored to appear
before you as President Obama's nominee for Assistant Secretary
of State for International Organization Affairs.
More than 30 years ago, as you have noted, my father
appeared in front of this committee as President Reagan's
nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs. I
have learned a great deal from my father's remarkable career
about the importance of public service, the art of American
diplomacy, and the promise of American leadership. It would be
an honor of a lifetime to carry these lessons forward and help
advance American interests and values at the United Nations and
beyond.
I have also learned a great deal from my mother, who is
also here with us today, a woman who proved that you could have
a successful career and be an extraordinary mother. I am so
pleased they could both be here today.
I also want to recognize my husband, Milan, my daughters,
Asha and Farrin, who are here. I owe them more than I could
ever say. And I have a number of other family members here, as
well, today: my sister, Rennie Anderson; my brother-in-law, Kai
Anderson; my nieces, Tala and Avey; my nephew, Caleb; my
brother-in-law, Anand Vaishnav; and my cousin, John Putnam.
I began my public service----
Senator Markey. May I say that your mother is the first
woman to ever be the wife of, and the mother of, an Assistant
Secretary of State----
[Laughter.]
Senator Markey [continuing]. Which I think is also a
distinction. That might actually be the hypotenuse in this
whole story. [Laughter.]
Ms. Crocker. Well said.
I began my public service career as an attorney advisor at
the State Department more than 15 years ago. I have seen
firsthand how ably our diplomats represent our country. I have
seen their courage on the front lines of conflict, their
resilience and strength in the aftermath of natural disasters,
and their steadfast commitment to standing up to injustice all
over the world. I have also seen firsthand the same
determinations and skill in the peacekeepers, development
professionals, humanitarian workers, and health practitioners I
worked with during my time helping lead the U.N. Asia tsunami
recovery efforts and peace-building programs. That is why I
share President Obama's conviction that America's national
interests are best served by a robust, responsive, and
responsible international system. The challenges of today, from
terrorism to nuclear proliferation, and climate change to
development and food security, cannot be solved by any one
country on its own. And in an age of fiscal austerity, we need
to work harder than ever to ensure that international
organizations are able and willing to meet today's many global
challenges.
Thanks to the administration's efforts, the United States
today is a more engaged, effective, and successful leader in
international and multilateral organizations than it has been
in a very long time. If confirmed, I pledge to work with this
committee to identify and pursue new opportunities to advance
our interests throughout the U.N. system. In particular, I will
focus on three major priorities: efficiency, effectiveness, and
evolution.
First, safeguarding and maximizing U.S. taxpayers'
investment in International Organization will be my unflagging
preoccupation. There is no question that, despite progress,
there are continuing challenges with management and oversight
at the United Nations. As the largest contributor to the U.N.,
we have a special obligation and influence to promote reform
throughout the U.N. system.
Second, I will work to increase the effectiveness of
multilateral institutions. In so many of our foreign policy
priorities, from our sanctions on al-Qaeda, Iran, and North
Korea, to our efforts to support political transitions in Iraq
and Afghanistan, to preventing atrocities and building peace in
war-torn countries, to sounding the alarm on human rights
abuses, the U.N. and international organizations play a vital
role. But, all too often, political posturing by states leads
to political paralysis and inaction, sometimes with devastating
consequences. If confirmed, I will push other governments to
ensure these organizations can deliver on their promise.
Finally, just as the international landscape continues to
evolve, so our international institutions, and the United
States should shape that evolution. It is time for the U.N.
system to do away with preoccupations and processes whose days
have long past, especially the disproportionate and unjust
attention paid to Israel. In the U.N. General Assembly, at the
U.N. Human Rights Council and elsewhere, Israel is subject to
one-sided resolutions and politically motivated investigations.
If confirmed, I will fight bias against Israel whenever and
wherever possible. At the same time, I will continue the
administration's efforts to promote full and equal Israeli
participation in international bodies and support its positive
contributions to the U.N.
All over the world, people's lives depend on the system of
international organizations that the United States helped
conceive and lead. In the Philippines, the U.N. is directing
the global humanitarian response effort to Typhoon Haiyan. In
the Democratic Republic of Congo, U.N. Blue Helmets are helping
secure the peace and rekindle the hopes of tens of millions in
the Great Lakes region. And in schools, health clinics, and
refugee camps all over the world, the U.N. is making sure that
future generations will know a more peaceful and prosperous
world.
Mr. Chairman, we have a deep stake in shaping the continual
renewal of the system of international cooperation and making
sure it is as efficient and effective as possible. I look
forward to working together with you and with this committee to
sustain our leadership in international organizations and our
promotion of U.S. foreign policy priorities.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Crocker follows:]
Prepared Statement of Bathsheba N. Crocker
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee.
I am honored to appear before you as President Obama's nominee for
Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs.
More than three decades ago, my father appeared in front of this
committee as President Reagan's nominee for Assistant Secretary of
State for African Affairs. I have learned a great deal from my father's
remarkable career about the importance of public service, the art of
American diplomacy, and the promise of American leadership. It would be
an honor of a lifetime to carry these lessons forward and help advance
American interests and values at the United Nations and beyond.
I have also learned a great deal from my mother--a woman who proved
that you could have an extraordinary career and be an extraordinary
mother. I could not ask for better role models than my parents and I am
thrilled that they could both be here today. I also want to recognize
my husband, Milan, and my daughters, Asha and Farrin. I owe them more
than I could ever say.
I began my public service career as an Attorney-Adviser at the
State Department more than 15 years ago. I have seen first-hand how
ably our diplomats--Civil and Foreign Service officers alike--represent
our country. I have seen their courage on the front lines of conflict.
I have seen their resilience and strength in the aftermath of natural
disasters. And I have seen their steadfast commitment to standing up to
injustice all over the world.
I have also seen firsthand the same determination and skill in the
peacekeepers, development professionals, humanitarian workers, and
health practitioners I worked with during my time helping lead the
U.N.'s Asia tsunami recovery efforts and peacebuilding programs.
This is why I share President Obama's conviction that America's
national interests are best served by a robust, responsive, and
responsible international system--and by strong and sustained U.S.
multilateral engagement and leadership. The challenges of the 21st
century--from terrorism to nuclear proliferation, and climate change to
development and food security--cannot be solved by any one country on
its own. And in an age of fiscal austerity, we will need to work harder
than ever to ensure that international organizations are able and
willing to meet today's many global challenges.
Thanks to the administration's efforts, the United States today is
a more engaged, more effective, and more successful leader in
international and multilateral organizations than it has been in a very
long time. If confirmed, I pledge to work with this committee to
identify and pursue new opportunities to advance our interests
throughout the U.N. system. In particular, I will focus on three major
priorities: efficiency, effectiveness, and evolution.
First, safeguarding and maximizing U.S. taxpayers' investment in
international organizations will be my unflagging preoccupation. There
is no question that, despite progress, there are continuing challenges
with management and oversight at the United Nations. But these
challenges should not lead us to disengage. Instead, they should lead
us to redouble our efforts to improve efficiency, transparency, and
accountability throughout the U.N. system. As the largest contributor
to the U.N., we have a special obligation and influence to promote
reform. And if confirmed, I will continue to voice our concerns and
lead reform efforts.
Second, I will work to increase the effectiveness of multilateral
institutions. In so many of our foreign policy priorities--from our
sanctions on al-Qaeda, Iran, and North Korea, to our efforts to support
political transitions in Iraq and Afghanistan, to preventing atrocities
and building peace in war-torn countries--the U.N. and international
organizations play a vital role. They prevent the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction. They prevent war and keep the peace. They
sound the alarm on human rights abuses. And they promote global
commerce and universal values we hold dear. But all too often,
political posturing by states leads to political paralysis and
inaction--sometimes with devastating consequences. If confirmed, I will
push other governments to ensure these organizations can deliver on
their promise.
We need active and sustained diplomatic efforts at the
International Atomic Energy Agency to maintain the integrity of the
nuclear nonproliferation regime. We need to continue our active
engagement at the Human Rights Council to hold regimes accountable for
the violation of human rights. We need to continue the progress made to
improve U.N. peacekeeping. We need to work with partners and
institutions to shape the Post-2015 Development Agenda. And we need to
continue to push U.N. humanitarian aid agencies to provide more
flexible, timely, and coordinated responses to humanitarian
emergencies. American leadership in these and other bodies of
international cooperation is essential to achieving our broader policy
objectives.
Finally, just as the international landscape continues to evolve,
so are international institutions. The United States should shape that
evolution, working with allies and partners to define a shared vision
of international norms and cooperation for this century.
It is time for the U.N. system to do away with processes and
preoccupations whose days have long past--especially the
disproportionate and unjust attention paid to Israel. In the U.N.
General Assembly, at the U.N. Human Rights Council, and elsewhere,
Israel is subject to one-sided resolutions and politically motivated
investigations. We cannot allow these counterproductive actions by
member states to undermine the institutions themselves. If confirmed, I
will fight bias against Israel whenever and wherever possible. At the
same time, I will continue the administration's efforts to promote full
and equal Israeli participation in international bodies and support its
proactive and positive contributions to the U.N.
All over the world, people's lives depend on the system of
international organizations that the United States helped conceive and
lead. In the Philippines, the U.N. is directing the global humanitarian
response effort to Typhoon Haiyan. In the Democratic Republic of Congo,
U.N. blue helmets helped secure the peace and rekindle the hopes of
tens of millions in the Great Lakes region. And in schools, health
clinics, and refugee camps all over the world, the U.N. is making sure
that future generations will know a more peaceful and prosperous world.
Mr. Chairman, we have a deep stake in shaping the continual renewal
of the system of international cooperation and making sure it is as
efficient and effective as possible. I look forward to working together
with you and with this committee to sustain our leadership in
international organizations and our promotion of U.S. foreign policy
priorities.
Senator Markey. Thank you so much.
Our inability--Shakespeare said that the will is infinite,
but the execution is confined. So, I would like to continue the
hearing right now, but they have called a rollcall on the floor
of the Senate. And so, I have 5 minutes to run over to make the
rollcall, and I will return as quickly as possible, and then we
will recommence this hearing.
So, this hearing stands in recess.
[Recess.]
Senator Barrasso [presiding]. Well, thank you so much for
your patience in dealing with the floor votes. I just passed
Senator Markey. He was on his way to the floor; I was on my way
back here. He said that he had been through the opening
statements and the comments, so he suggested I just go ahead,
in the interest of your time.
And so, if I could, I just wanted to congratulate all of
you on the appointments, welcome each of you and family members
who are here with you. I appreciate you taking time to be with
us to answer the questions. And, should you serve our Nation in
these important positions, it is important that each of you
provide strong stewardship of American taxpayer resources,
demonstrate professionalism and good judgment, and vigorously
work to advance the priorities of the United States. I hope you
will lay out your vision and goals in each of these positions,
and what your plan is to achieving them.
So, I thank the chairman, and I thank the President for
nominating you.
If I could, Ms. Crocker, start with you--oh, OK, sorry.
Well, I wanted, perhaps, Mr.--I am happy to hear your
testimony, at this point, Mr. Lawson. I do not--and I do not
want to shortchange the chairman from hearing that testimony.
So, you have already spoken?
Ms. Crocker. I have already provided my opening statement,
yes.
Senator Barrasso. All right. So, perhaps if I could just
ask you a few question, and then, as the chairman returns,
finish, and then I will add my questions to that if I--thank
you.
I want to talk about Israel and U.N. Human Rights Council,
the--in your testimony, you talked about the--Israel being
subjected to one-sided resolutions, political investigations,
and U.N. Human Rights Council. In September 2013, Senator
Gillibrand and I sent a bipartisan letter to Secretary Kerry
about the pervasive anti-Israel bias that we see at the United
Nations. I think item 7 of the U.N. Human Rights Council's
Standing Agenda is used to attack Israel. It is the only
permanent agenda item that is exclusively reserved for an
individual member state. While terrible atrocities are being
committed in Syria, human rights abuses are taking place in
Iran; the Council will be neglecting serious issues while, I
believe, wasting hours singling out Israel.
So, could you just talk a little bit about your views on
agenda item No. 7, what steps you would take to accomplish its
removal from the agenda?
Ms. Crocker. Thank you, Senator, for that question. And, as
you note and as I indicated, fighting for the full and equal
participation of Israel throughout U.N. bodies will be one of
my top priorities.
As you note, Israel continues to be subject, among other
things, to agenda item 7 at the Human Rights Council. And this
is something that the administration has taken great steps so
far to try to get rid of, and we will continue to do so, and I
will, as well, should I be confirmed.
At the same time, I think, over the last 4 years that the
administration--that the United States has been a member of the
Human Rights Council, we have been able to make some good
progress in battling back against the bias against Israel at
the Human Rights Council, but also, importantly, making sure
that the Council turn its attention to other important issues,
including a Commission of Inquiry that has been set up on Syria
and that is collecting valuable evidence on Syria; a Special
Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Iran; a Special
Rapporteur on Belarus, on Eritrea, on Sudan; a Commission of
Inquiry on Libya; and other issues. We have been able to run
two resolutions successfully on the situation in Sri Lanka.
So, while there still remains a disproportionate focus on
Israel at the Council, we have really been able to reduce that
focus. And I think it is one of the important--one of those
signs that--of why it is so important for the United States to
be an active and engaged member at the Human Rights Council.
Senator Barrasso. Yes. During the confirmation hearing for
Secretary Kerry, you know, I asked specifically about his views
on the need for management reform at the United Nations. He
stated--he said, ``In an era of fiscal crisis and austerity,
the U.N. must learn to do more with less.''
In your testimony, you expressed your commitment to
safeguarding and maximizing U.S. taxpayers' investment. I made
a reference to that in my opening statement. Could you talk a
little bit about your plans to ensure the United Nations limits
growth in U.N. regular budget and is making more efficient use
of existing resources?
Ms. Crocker. As you know, Senator, that has been a special
focus of the administration. And, if confirmed, I will
certainly do my part to try to continue that focus.
We have been able to make some good progress over the last
5 years, in terms of management reform, including budget reform
at the United Nations; and including, most recently, in the
budget discussions about the 2014-2015 budget, we were able to
successfully reverse the decades-long trend of annual growth in
the U.N. regular budget.
That said, it remains a continuing conversation, and it is
a difficult one up there. Among other things that we were able
to accomplish this time around was a 2-percent staff reduction,
which is obviously an important accomplishment. It is not
enough, but it is a start.
At the same time, we have been able to make good progress
on other important management reforms, such as financial
disclosure requirements, audits being publicly available online
for most of the U.N. funds in specialized agencies. We have
clamped down on some of the abuses in the travel budget of the
U.N., including overuse and misuse of business-class travel by
U.N. staff. We have remained focused, and, if confirmed, I will
be particularly focused on, on trying to constrain the growth
in the budget. And a lot of that will be a focus on
constraining the growth in staff costs, which, as I indicated,
we have had some success on so far, but more work remains to be
done.
Senator Barrasso. Agreed.
Mr. Lawson, just waiting for the chairman to return, I just
have a couple of questions, if it is all right with you if I
could proceed----
Mr. Lawson. Yes.
Senator Barrasso [continuing]. With those.
I want to ask you a little about carbon trading. The
European Union established, in a missions trading scheme that
applies to all flights arriving and departing from European
Union airspace. In September 2012, the Senate unanimously
passed S. 1956, the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme
Prohibition Act, at that time. It was signed into law by the
President, November 2012. The law provides the Secretary of
Transportation the authority to ensure that U.S. aircraft
operators are not penalized, or are not harmed, by the
Emissions Trading Scheme unilaterally created by the European
Union.
Can I--I just--what you believe is the appropriate role for
the International Civil Aviation Organization to play on the
issue of dealing with this, reducing emissions in the aviation
sector.
Mr. Lawson. Well, thank you for that question.
ICAO is at the center of this issue right now. In the last
Assembly, September 2013, we successfully--and we worked very
hard to help this happen, but they--the Assembly passed a
resolution that established a framework for ICAO to put
together a comprehensive scheme for dealing with emissions
trading worldwide. The goal is to have a complete scheme put
together--not scheme, rather, but program put together for the
2016 Assembly, that is coming up, that would include dealing
with, not only a market-based measure worldwide, a global
market-based measure, but also dealing with issues such as
alternative fuels, dealing with operation efficiencies, and
other matters that will reduce the amount of emissions
generated by the aviation industry. The goal is to have this
approved in 2016, in place for 2020, and to work with respect
to 2005 levels, if at all possible.
The framework--the procedural framework for doing that is
in place--is not in place now, but is in the process of being
put together. And so, if I am confirmed, I will work diligently
to make sure that--to help us meet that goal. And it is a very
aggressive goal, especially for an organization with 191
members, 36 member councils that are going to be working very
hard to make that happen.
So, yes, ICAO is in the--is right in the center of that. If
we are successful, it will be a tremendous accomplishment to
have a global market-based measure--structure that the entire
aviation industry will abide by. And, in the meantime, the
issue with respect to the EUETS is that we are--the resolution
that was passed did not prohibit organizations like the EU from
setting up some sort of regional or national market-based
system, but we are concerned about exactly what the Europeans
are trying to put together right now.
It is unclear as to what exactly is going to come out of
the legislative activities. The Commission has proposed an air-
based system. There is not unanimity among the Council and
Parliament and the Commission as to what exactly should be
done. We are doing what we can to engage in our--with our
counterparts in Europe to, hopefully, come up with something
that does not create a distraction to what ICAO is trying to
do. And we will sees what happens.
If they do not come up with legislation, unfortunately what
would happen in April 2014 is that the current stop-the-clock
legislation would expire and the legislation that the EU had
passed some years ago that would have imposed an ETS--Emissions
Trading Scheme--on the totality of flights going in and out of
Europe would come into play. And that is the type of
legislation that the Thune bill, that you mentioned, was
designed to give us the ability to protect our airlines
against. We do not know whether that is going to happen. We
hope that it does not happen. As a matter of fact, there is
optimism that that will not happen. But, ICAO is in the center
of that, and, if I am confirmed, I will work diligently to make
sure that we get that done.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Mr. Lawson.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Markey [presiding]. Thank the gentleman very much.
And, Mr. Lawson, I am now going to recognize you for an
opening statement, although, for the purposes of your opening
statement, you should feel free to delete anything that was
just used as material in response to Senator Barrasso's
questions. [Laughter.]
And that way we can save some time. So, please go forward
for up to 5 minutes.
STATEMENT OF MICHAEL ANDERSON LAWSON, OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINEE
FOR THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR DURING HIS TENURE OF SERVICE AS
REPRESENTATIVE ON THE COUNCIL OF THE INTERNATIONAL CIVILIAN
AVIATION ORGANIZATION
Mr. Lawson. Well, thank you.
Much of my opening statement, actually you gave.
[Laughter.]
Senator Barrasso. Feel free to delete that, too.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Lawson. But, I do want to take a few minutes to welcome
members of my family who are here: Kisha and John Lewis, Marcus
Mason, and my wife of 34 years, Mattie McFadden Lawson. My sons
could not make it, but I am told that they are watching.
But, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today as President Obama's nominee to be the Representative of
the United States at the International Civil Aviation
Organization. I am honored to be here and am grateful to
President Obama for the trust and confidence he has shown in
nominating me for this important position, and for the
opportunity to serve my country as a Permanent Representative
to ICAO.
From the time of the negotiations in the United States at
the end of World War II that resulted in the Chicago Convention
and the creation of ICAO as a specialized agency of the United
Nations devoted to civil aviation, the United States and ICAO
have enjoyed an extraordinarily close and mutually beneficial
relationship. ICAO is the only forum in which global standards
can be set for all aspects of international civil aviation.
Whatever the new developments or challenges in the areas of
civil aviation--safety, security, and the environment--ICAO
provides the mechanisms and the opportunity to address them
effectively through the cooperation of member states.
If confirmed, I will bring the cumulative skills and the
totality of my professional experience to this role. And, as
suggested, I will skip the part of my resume that you effective
described.
As a direct result of my experiences on the Board of
Commissioners--Board of Airport Commissioners for Los Angeles,
I am keenly aware of the many challenges associated with
ensuring the safety and security of airline passengers. For
this reason, I am proud to have been actively involved in the
selection of the excellent team providing on-the-ground
leadership at LAX, including executive director Gina Marie
Lindsay and the current chief of Airport Police Department,
Chief Patrick Cannon. That team was tested on November 1, 2013,
when a gunman entered Terminal 3 of LAX, with the apparent
intent of attacking and killing TSA employees. While I have no
official insights into the tragic events of that day, it is
clear to me that the exceptional professionalism and
integration I saw among the various Federal and local law
enforcement agencies that are present at LAX saved many lives.
Senator Markey and members of the committee, if confirmed,
I believe that the experience I have gained as a member and
president of the Board of Commissioners, as well as the skills
accrued over three decades in the legal profession, will prove
relevant and valuable in representing the United States as
Permanent Representative to ICAO.
Throughout its history, ICAO has principally devoted its
attention to activities involving air safety and air navigation
issues. The recent events at LAX only underscore that aviation
security is an unceasing task. If confirmed, I will work
diligently to advance America's priorities at ICAO and ensure
that ICAO continues to play an active and leading role in
developing and implementing international aviation security
standards.
My experience has also made me keenly aware of the
environmental impact of air travel. ICAO has already undertaken
a great deal of work in this regard. Technical groups are
developing noise and efficiency standards for aircraft and are
beginning to work on the development of a global-market-based
measure for international aviation CO2 emissions.
If confirmed, I will also be committed to bringing
continued attention to good governance and increased efficiency
at ICAO. I will actively pursue the U.S. Government's goals
with respect to budget discipline, transparency, and
accountability in all areas, including ethics rules, fair
procurement practices, financial disclosure for senior
officials, and whistleblower protection.
The agenda of the United States and ICAO is extensive and
vitally important. If confirmed, I look forward to working
closely with this committee to advance our Nation's interests.
And thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today. I look forward to any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Lawson follows:]
Prepared Statement Michael A. Lawson
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today as President Obama's nominee to
be the Representative of the United States to the International Civil
Aviation Organization (ICAO). I am honored to be here and am grateful
to President Obama for the trust and confidence he has shown in
nominating me for this important position and for the opportunity to
serve my country at ICAO.
From the time of the negotiations in the United States at the end
of World War II that resulted in the Chicago Convention and the
creation of ICAO as the specialized agency of the United Nations
devoted to civil aviation, the United States and ICAO have enjoyed an
extraordinarily close and mutually beneficial relationship. ICAO is the
only forum in which global standards can be set for all aspects of
international civil aviation. Whatever the new developments or
challenges in the areas of civil aviation safety, security, and the
environment, ICAO provides the mechanisms and the opportunity to
address them effectively through the cooperation of member states.
If confirmed, I will bring the cumulative skills and totality of my
professional experiences to this role. I have spent the majority of my
professional career as a transactional attorney at the international
law firm of Skadden, Arps, Slate Meagher & Flom LLP where I served for
31 years.
In addition to that experience, I have served since 2005 on the
seven-member Board of Airport Commissioners of the Los Angeles World
Airports, which oversees the operations of Los Angeles International
Airport, Van Nuys General Aviation Airport; Ontario International
Airport; and Palmdale Airport. In December 2010, I was asked to serve
as the President of the Board, a position in which I remained until
August 2013.
The Board of Airport Commissioners is responsible for promoting the
safety and security of the more than 60 million passengers who travel
through its airports on an annual basis. Those responsibilities extend
to the efficient and effective day-to-day operations of the airports,
including environmental sustainability issues.
I am proud to say that during my tenure on the Board, we initiated
the largest public works project in the history of the city of Los
Angeles--a $6 billion capital improvement program designed to return
LAX to a world class status worthy of the third-busiest airport in the
country and the sixth-busiest airport in the world. Those improvements
include a new international terminal, 19 new gates, and upgrades
designed to accommodate the next generation of large passenger
aircraft. Given the program's enormous and complex scale, I take
particular pride in highlighting the responsible, efficient, and
transparent manner in which it has been managed.
As a direct result of my experiences on the Board of Commissioners,
I am keenly aware of the many challenges associated with ensuring the
safety and security of airline passengers. For this reason, I am proud
to have been actively involved in the selection of the excellent team
providing on the ground leadership, including executive director, Ms.
Gina Marie Lindsay and the current chief of the airport police
department, Chief Patrick Gannon. That team was tested on November 1
when a gunman entered Terminal 3 of LAX with the apparent intent of
attacking and killing TSA employees. While I have no formal insights
into the tragic events of that day, it is clear to me that the
exceptional professionalism and integration I saw among the various
federal and law enforcement agencies that are present at LAX saved many
lives.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, if confirmed, I believe
the experience I have gained as a member and president of the Board of
Commissioners as well as the skills accrued over three decades in the
legal profession will prove relevant and valuable in representing the
United States as the permanent representative to ICAO.
Throughout its history, ICAO has principally devoted its attention
to activities involving air safety and air navigation issues. The
recent events at LAX only underscore that aviation security is an
unceasing task. If confirmed, I will work diligently to advance
America's priorities at ICAO, and ensure that ICAO continues to play an
active and leading role in developing and implementing international
aviation security standards.
My experience has also made me keenly aware of the environmental
impact of air travel. ICAO is already undertaking a great deal of work
in this regard. Technical groups are developing noise and efficiency
standards for aircraft, and are beginning work on the development of a
global market-based measure for international aviation CO2 emissions.
If confirmed, I will continue my predecessor's focus on ensuring that
ICAO's environmental standards are technologically feasible,
environmentally beneficial, and economically sustainable with continued
expansion of international aviation.
If confirmed, I am also committed to bringing continued attention
to good governance and increased efficiency at ICAO. I will actively
pursue the U.S. Government's goals with regard to budget discipline,
transparency, and accountability in all areas, including ethics rules,
fair procurement practices, financial disclosure for senior officials,
and whistleblower protection.
The agenda of the United States in ICAO is extensive and vitally
important. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this
committee to advance our Nation's interests.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look
forward to any questions you may have.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Lawson--in 3 minutes and 50
seconds. Excellent.
Mr. Wood, welcome. Whenever you feel comfortable, please
begin.
STATEMENT OF ROBERT A. WOOD, OF NEW YORK, NOMINEE FOR THE RANK
OF AMBASSADOR DURING HIS TENURE OF SERVICE AS U.S.
REPRESENTATIVE TO THE CONFERENCE ON DISARMAMENT
Mr. Wood. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the
committee.
It is a great honor to appear before you as the President's
nominee to be the U.S. Representative to the Conference on
Disarmament, or CD, in Geneva. I am also grateful to Secretary
Kerry and Acting Under Secretary Gottemoeller for their support
and for giving me this new opportunity to serve our country.
I also wish to thank my wife, Gita, and son, Jonathan, for
their love and support.
Five years ago in Prague, President Obama committed the
United States to seek the peace and security of a world without
nuclear weapons, a goal he reaffirmed last June in Berlin. The
President emphasized that achieving this goal will not be easy
and may well take many more years of effort. Step by step,
practical multilateral arms control is an essential part of
this process in which the CD has a valuable role to play.
Throughout its history, the CD and its predecessor bodies
have made significant contributions to global arms control and
nonproliferation efforts. The Outer Space Treaty, the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty, the Biological Weapons Convention,
the Chemical Weapons Convention, and the Comprehensive Nuclear
Test Ban Treaty all were negotiated there on the basis of
consensus and with the benefit of American leadership.
The U.S. priority for the CD continues to be the
negotiation of a treaty banning the further production of
fissile material for use in nuclear weapons or other nuclear
explosive devices, the so-called Fissile Material Cutoff
Treaty, or FMCT. An FMCT is in the national security interests
of the United States because it would end the production of
weapons-grade fissile material needed to create nuclear weapons
in the states where it is still ongoing with capped stockpiles
worldwide and provide the basis for future reductions in
nuclear arsenals. For these reasons, an FMCT is one of the
President's arms-control priorities and the logical next step
in the multilateral nuclear disarmament process.
While fellow CD member state Pakistan has resisted efforts
to begin FMCT negotiations, the United States continues to
discuss with Pakistan and others possible ways to break the
longstanding CD impasse. Moving forward on an FMCT will not be
easy, but, if confirmed, I look forward to using my many years
of multilateral diplomatic experience to achieve this important
U.S. objective.
As part of my disarmament portfolio, if confirmed, I will
also play a role in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, or
NPT, review process. Specifically, I will have responsibility
for issues related to the NPT's article 6, which addresses
nuclear disarmament.
This spring, a preparatory meeting will set the stage for
the NPT's next 5-year review conference, in 2015. If confirmed
by the time of this meeting, I will remind our partners and
friends around the world of the enduring United States
commitment to our arms control and nonproliferation
obligations, and explain our strong record of accomplishment in
this regard. I will also make clear that the road to a nuclear-
weapons-free world is only possible through a realistic, step-
by-step approach, with each step building on the last and
supported with strong verification measures.
This distinguished committee has a long and successful
history of supporting such arms-control efforts, on a
bipartisan basis, which has made the world a much safer place.
In working to achieve this long-term nuclear disarmament
objective, the CD remains an essential multilateral
institution. If confirmed, I will do all that I can to make the
CD an active contributor to international peace and security.
If confirmed, I plan to consult closely with this committee
and other Members of Congress, as well as their staffs.
Thank you so much for the opportunity to come before you
today. I look forward to any questions you may have.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Wood follows:]
Prepared Statement of Robert A. Wood
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee. It is a great honor to
appear before you as the President's nominee to be the U.S.
Representative to the Conference on Disarmament, or CD, in Geneva.
I am also grateful to Secretary Kerry and Acting Under Secretary
Gottemoeller for their support and for giving me this new opportunity
to serve our country. I also wish to thank my wife, Gita, and son,
Jonathan, for their love and support.
Five years ago in Prague, President Obama committed the United
States to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear
weapons, a goal he reaffirmed last June in Berlin.
The President emphasized that achieving this goal will not be easy
and may well take many more years of effort. Step by step, practical
multilateral arms control is an essential part of this process, in
which the CD has a valuable role to play.
Throughout its history, the CD and its predecessor bodies have made
significant contributions to global arms control and nonproliferation
efforts. The Outer Space Treaty, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty,
the Biological Weapons Convention, the Chemical Weapons Convention, and
the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty all were negotiated there, on
the basis of consensus, and with the benefit of American leadership.
The U.S. priority for the CD continues to be the negotiation of a
treaty banning the further production of fissile material for use in
nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices, the so-called
Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty or FMCT.
An FMCT is in the national security interests of the United States
because it would end the production of weapons-grade fissile material
needed to create nuclear weapons in the states where it is still
ongoing, cap stockpiles worldwide, and provide the basis for future
reductions in nuclear arsenals. For these reasons, an FMCT is one of
the President's arms control priorities and the logical next step in
the multilateral nuclear disarmament process.
While fellow CD member state Pakistan has resisted efforts to begin
FMCT negotiations, the United States continues to discuss with Pakistan
and others possible ways to break the longstanding CD impasse.
Moving forward on an FMCT will not be easy, but if confirmed, I
look forward to using my many years of multilateral diplomatic
experience to achieve this important U.S. objective.
As part of my disarmament portfolio if confirmed, I will also play
a role in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, or NPT, review process.
Specifically, I will have responsibility for issues related to the
NPT's Article VI, which addresses nuclear disarmament.
This spring, a preparatory meeting will set the stage for the NPT's
next 5 year Review Conference in 2015. If confirmed by the time of this
meeting, I will remind our partners and friends around the world of the
enduring United States commitment to our arms control and
nonproliferation obligations, and explain our strong record of
accomplishment in this regard. I will also make clear that the road to
a nuclear weapons-free world is only possible through a realistic,
step-by-step approach, with each step building on the last and
supported with strong verification measures. This distinguished
committee has a long and successful history of supporting such arms
control efforts on a bipartisan basis, which has made the world a safer
place.
In working to achieve this long-term nuclear disarmament objective,
the CD remains an essential multilateral institution. If confirmed, I
will do all that I can to make the CD an active contributor to
international peace and security.
If confirmed, I plan to consult closely with this committee and
other members of Congress, as well as their staffs.
Thank you so much for the opportunity to come before you today. I
look forward to any questions you may have.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Wood, very much.
Senator Barrasso.
Senator Barrasso. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I will finish up.
Mr. Lawson, I would like to visit just a little about
Taiwan. June of last year, the House and the Senate unanimously
passed a bill to require the development of a strategy to
obtain observer status, as you know, for Taiwan at the
Triennial International Civil Aviation Organization Assembly.
It was signed. And then, in October, this past October, Taiwan
attended the 38th Assembly meeting as a guest. This was welcome
news, but, again, Taiwan was only invited as a guest, and only
for that specific meeting.
So, I would ask if you support Taiwan joining the
International Civil Aviation Organization Assembly and Council
as an observer, and, if so, what is your strategy to obtain
that status?
Mr. Lawson. Thank you for that question. The answer is
``yes,'' we are absolutely committed to taking whatever steps,
within my power, to achieve that goal.
By way of background, it is United States policy to support
membership status in any organization in which Taiwan--in which
statehood is not a prerequisite, and to support meaningful
participation in any organization in which statehood is a
prerequisite.
Statehood is a prerequisite at the U.N., and ICAO is an
agency of the U.N. Taiwan does not have observer status at the
U.N. Assembly. It can have observer status at the Council.
Because of some arcane--``arcane'' is probably not the right
word--because of some rule, issues with respect to the
Assembly, it may be difficult for Taiwan to obtain observer
status at the Assembly. I believe that it is possible for
Taiwan to obtain observer status at the Council level. But, in
each case, it depends on the consensus of the Council and the
Assembly. The reason they only got--they were--only would get
guest status was an issue with respect to the consensus. We
will work diligently to counter that and make sure that they
get observer status.
It is very important--Taiwan's participation in the global
airspace is highly important, and it is important that they get
access to the information that the typical committees and
bureaus at ICAO have available, on a timely basis.
So, yes, a short answer, we will do all that we can to
ensure that they get that.
Senator Barrasso. All right. And that will include asking
other nations to cooperate and support and----
Mr. Lawson. Absolutely.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Lawson.
Mr. Wood, just a couple of quick questions. Fissile
Material Cutoff Treaty. In your written testimony, you
testified that the treaty is in the national security interest
of the United States. And I am just going to ask you how you--
how will this treaty prevent countries, like North Korea, from
producing more weapons-grade fissile material?
Mr. Wood. Thank you for your question, Senator.
This treaty, if we are able to reach a Fissile Material
Cutoff Treaty, would halt the production of this very sensitive
technology. And we think that is very important and in the
national security interests of not only the United States, but
other countries around the world. It is the first step, and it
is the next logical step, frankly, in the Conference on
Disarmament, in terms of our nonproliferation and arms control
and disarmament objectives.
So, we do think that this treaty will be very useful, in
terms of meeting our national security interests. We hope to be
able to get these negotiations going, but, as I mentioned in my
statement, Pakistan has opposed starting negotiations in the
CD. We hope to be able to try to persuade Pakistan to change
its view. And, if confirmed, that will be one of my priority
missions when I am in Geneva, because we think, again, as I
said, that this treaty is in the best interests of the--the
national interests of the United States, and it is the next
logical step in moving forward.
Senator Barrasso. I know you briefly mentioned President
Obama's speech in Prague, I think in 2009, in your--at the
time, he promised to get rid of the world--rid the world of
nuclear weapons. During his remarks, the President also
proclaimed, he said, ``Rules must be binding, violations must
be punished, words must mean something.'' And I--as you nod
your head, I assume you are in agreement with that, as we are.
So, given the New York Times article last week that
documented Russia's clear violation of its arms-control
obligations under the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty,
why would we continue to negotiate nuclear arms reductions with
Russia if we agree with the President's statement that the
rules must be binding and arms-control treaty violations must
be punished? I mean, it was a, you know, distressing, I think,
news for many, the report last week.
Mr. Wood. Thank you for this question.
The issue of the INF Treaty is something that is not in my
portfolio, but let me just say that issues of compliance, or
noncompliance, are something that the United States Government
takes very, very seriously. And it is important to have, you
know, that trust and ability to be able to know that, when you
enter into an agreement, that it is going to be abided by.
But, you know, with regard to specific questions of
compliance, I would have to refer for--you to the Annual
Compliance Report that the Department compiles.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Markey. The Chair will recognize himself.
Mr. Lawson, last year, I led a bipartisan effort in
Congress to prevent the TSA from allowing passengers to carry
knives onto airplanes. The TSA had proposed a plan to allow
knives back on passenger planes in the United States. And that
legislation passed on the floor of the House of
Representatives, but the TSA decided they changed their mind on
that issue. And I think they made the wise decision.
The TSA has proposed a plan, in part to harmonize, now,
U.S. standards with that of Europe, which has a more lenient
carry-on security standard. Are you committed to ensuring that
the U.S. maintains its tougher security and that all planes
traveling to American soil from abroad abide by our higher
standards? And we can use knives on planes as a good example.
Mr. Lawson. Thank you for that question.
The short answer is, ``yes,'' I am in favor of the more
stringent standard.
Just to be clear, by way of background, ICAO, as a body,
sets minimum standards for safety and security worldwide.
Countries such as the United States can set standards that
exceed the minimum standards that ICAO sets. And so, the United
States is still free to impose the no-small-knives standard on
flights departing from, or entering into, the United States,
and should continue to do so.
I understand the theoretical benefit of harmonizing the
standards worldwide. It makes--there are some efficiencies
involved in that. There are some issues that cannot be denied
in this context, and one of them is that one of the aspects of
safety and security is the perception of the passengers. And I
believe that the United States citizens are still kind of
reeling from 9/11, and one of the issues that we have to
consider is their perception of their own safety during this
period of time. So, I have no problem with the United States
continuing with a higher standard.
Whether we should impose that higher standard on flights
that are not coming into the United States or leaving the
United States, I defer on that question. I am not sure that
there is a U.S. interest in doing so, other than, again, to
harmonize and make it more efficient worldwide. But, our goal
is to protect U.S. citizens, wherever they are. And so, it is
one issue that I will look into, and I will give further
thought to it.
Senator Markey. Please. Thank you.
The United States--you do agree, though, that the United
States does have the authority to impose safety, security, and
environmental requirements in U.S. airspace. Is that correct?
Mr. Lawson. Absolutely, the United States has the authority
to so----
Senator Markey. And----
Mr. Lawson [continuing]. With one caveat with respect to
environmental issues. Under the--we have the--it is kind of a
three-part question--we have the absolute authority to so,
under domestic law, but we are also--under the Chicago
Convention, we are bound to uphold the standards set by ICAO.
And, in this regard, it is important to note that the standards
that are set by ICAO oftentimes give us a leeway to set more
stringent standards.
Senator Markey. OK. So, responding to concerns from the
United States and other countries about exerting authority
beyond European airspace, the European Union is now proposing
to include only aviation emissions from portions of flights
within their airspace within the EU Emissions Trading Scheme.
This has not satisfied all the critics of the EU's pollution
reduction efforts. Even as ICAO works towards a global climate
solution for aviation, if the United States were to support new
efforts to limit the EU's authority over their own airspace,
would we not put at risk our authority over our own airspace?
Mr. Lawson. Not at all. The issue here is, in part, the
interpretation of the resolution that was passed in September
2013 by the Assembly. That resolution does not prohibit
national or regional-based--market-based measures established
by any particular country. But, the resolution does say that
each country--or each region that does this should negotiate
or--with the other countries that may be impacted by their
market-based measures, to get agreement. It does not say
``shall,'' it says ``should.''
And so, the resolution itself does not, in and of itself,
prevent the EU from establishing an airspace standard. On the
other hand, establishing that airspace standard will act as a
distraction from what the--what ICAO is bound to do, has, under
this resolution, said that it will do by 2016.
And the resolution also does not--so, it does not--the
resolution does not endorse the airspace structure that the
Commission has proposed. And, by the way, this is not--as you
say, there are some factions that do not think they are going
far enough, some factions in the EU that think that they are
going too far. So, the ultimate resolution is not quite set
just yet. But, the fact of the matter is that the way the
resolution is drafted, we--by diplomatically and politically
trying to get the EU to pull back from its airspace position--
does not preclude us, and does not preclude anyone, from moving
forward, because the resolution does not mandate that these
things not happen.
Senator Markey. OK, great, thank you.
My time is expired. Any other questions?
Senator Barrasso.
Senator Barrasso. Yea, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Crocker, the testimony you stated we need to continue
our active engagement at the U.N. Human Rights Council to hold
regimes accountable for violation of human rights. Over the
years, the Council has lacked some action on a number of
serious human rights crises, and disproportionally criticized
Israel. The U.N. General Assembly has recently elected China,
Cuba, and Russia to be new Council members in November.
In response to--Ambassador Power stated, ``Fourteen
countries were elected to the Human Rights Council today,
including some that commit significant violations of the rights
the Council is designated to advance and protect.''
In your opinion, does the election of these countries hurt
the credibility of the Council? And please identify, perhaps,
some examples of how the U.N. Human Rights Council has held
regimes accountable for violations against human rights.
Ms. Crocker. Thank you for that question, Senator.
The administration was obviously disappointed with the
reelection of these members to the Council last November, with
good reason. The United States has fought to ensure that
countries with stellar human rights records, or at least good
human rights records, get elected to membership on the Council,
and not otherwise.
That having been said, again, this is an example of why it
is so important for the United States to be engaged as an
active member on the Council, because we have dealt with these
countries being on the Council before. They were on the Council
when we joined, in 2009. And, in fact, we have shown that, by
virtue of our being an active participant, we have been able to
battle back against some of the influence of these countries.
So, as an example, when Cuba was last on the Council, they
fought hard against a lot of the things that the United States
wanted to put in place. And they lost. We were able to get some
of the things that I referenced earlier--the Commission of
Inquiry on Syria, the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in
Iran, the Special Rapporteurs on Belarus, on Eritrea, on Sudan,
the Commission of Inquiry on Libya, the creation, for the first
time in 17 years, of a Special Rapporteur on a functional
issue, which is on freedom of assembly and the importance of
civil society organizations. All of these things were things
that Cuba tried to defeat, and they were not able to defeat, by
virtue of the United States successfully working,
diplomatically, actively across regional groupings in the
Council. And we fully expect that, going forward, we will
similarly be able to limit the influence of these countries.
We also work hard behind the scenes to ensure that the
countries with the worst human rights records hopefully do not
get elected onto the Council. And we were able, for example,
last time around, to just persuade Iran not to run in its bid
for membership on the Council.
Senator Barrasso. Thanks.
Mr. Wood, kind of following--you mentioned Iran. I would
visit a question there. And I think you said you have a role in
the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty review process in your--it
raises a question for me about the issues of Iran as a party to
the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. The interim deal related
to Iran's nuclear program seems to have conceded a very major
point, in that it references a future uranium enrichment
program in Iran. So, does Iran really have a right to uranium
enrichment or plutonium reprocessing technology, in your
opinion, under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty,
specifically, or the nonproliferation regime, you know, just in
general?
Mr. Wood. Thank you for the question, Senator.
I know that Under Secretary Sherman was before the
committee earlier today, and I know she addressed that issue.
But, let me just say, with regard to the question of the right
to enrich, the right to enrich is not explicitly--not stated
explicitly in the NPT.
Senator Barrasso. And your opinion on that?
Mr. Wood. Having read the NPT document, I would agree with
that, sir.
Senator Barrasso. All right. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Markey. Thank you.
Mr. Wood, I have been a longtime advocate for the policy
goals of the Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty, and I am glad that
you mentioned this treaty will be a priority for you. I also
believe the best way to achieve this goal is to stop the spread
of the dangerous technologies that can create fissile material.
Do you agree that stopping the spread of enrichment and
reprocessing technology would help the goals of that treaty?
Mr. Wood. Thank you for your question, Senator.
The United States, as you know, has a longstanding policy
of trying to prevent the proliferation of these sensitive
technologies; specifically, enrichment and reprocessing
technologies. I would just point out that, when the U.S.
engages in bilateral negotiations with countries concerning
civil cooperation agreements, we insist that these agreements,
without question, have the most stringent nonproliferation
conditions that are possible. And, in fact, I would submit that
the United States, in terms of our civil nuclear cooperation
agreements with other countries, have the most stringent, in
terms of nonproliferation conditions, of any country.
Senator Markey. Well, hopefully, that will turn out to be
the case in the Iranian negotiations we are about to have,
because I think it is going to send quite a signal, going
forward. And, as you know, unfortunately, in the United Arab
Emirate agreement for the transfer of nuclear technology, there
is an ability, in the UAE, to enrich uranium as part of the
agreement. So, I think that is a problem that we are going to
have, going forward.
But, at the end of the day, uniformity, consistency, that
is what we are going to have to have on nuclear
nonproliferation policy if we are going to be successful.
So, again, I think all three of you are eminently well
qualified for your position. Let me ask each of you to give us
one minute, in summary, of what it is that you hope to
accomplish--one minute--during the time that you will have this
incredible privilege to represent our country in the positions
that you will be confirmed for.
So, we will begin with you, Mr. Wood, and we will come down
the table.
Mr. Wood. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
One of my primary objectives, if confirmed in my job at the
CD, is to revive it. It has been 17 years since a treaty has
been negotiated at the CD in Geneva. And, as I said in my
statement to the committee, that the issue of a Fissile
Material Cutoff Treaty is the priority for me, you know, if
confirmed.
The CD has a lot of potential. As I mentioned also in my
statement, there have been a number of agreements, significant
agreements, that have been negotiated there, and I think we can
still do very, very important work there. And what I hope to
do, as I said, is to try to revitalize that institution,
because it does have a very important role to play in--you
know, for U.S. national security interests.
Thank you.
Senator Markey. Mr. Lawson.
Mr. Lawson. Thank you.
I think that the one thing that--well, there are two things
that I think are highest on my agenda.
The first is getting the market-based measure and the
environmental issues on the table and ready for approval by the
Assembly in 2016. That is job one. It is not going to be easy,
and it is going to take all of our efforts to get that done in
the period of time that we have allotted to do it. It is a
tremendous task, it is an important task, and that is going to
be job one.
Job number two will be making sure that I do my part to
deal with management issues at ICAO, and make sure that they
are fiscally responsible for--with the monies that the
taxpayers are putting into this organization.
Senator Markey. Thank you.
Ms. Crocker.
Ms. Crocker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I have a few priorities that I will list, and they all lead
up to sort of one thing, which I will mention briefly at the
end.
The first would be budget and general management reform
issues at the United Nations. These are things that have been a
major priority for the administration, and that, if confirmed,
I will continue to push on. I have worked inside the U.N.
system; I have seen the great things about it, and I have seen
what needs to be fixed; and I am committed to continuing to
work on that.
The second, as I also mentioned in my testimony, will be
the defense and the promotion and support of Israel throughout
the U.N. system.
I also want to take a hard look at what we are doing on the
peacekeeping front, and ensure that we are making the best uses
we can out of that tool, which is increasingly important for
U.S. national security interests around the world.
I want to keep up an active dialogue with this committee on
all issues related to the U.N. and the issues that will fall
under my purview, and I look forward to an active conversation
on that.
And, most importantly, I want to make sure that the United
States and the administration are continuing to use the full
gamut of U.N. organizations, agencies, funds, and programs to
the best effect that we can to promote and defend U.S.
interests and U.S. foreign--U.S. national security interests
around the world.
Thank you.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Ms. Corker. And thank you for
mentioning Israel specifically, as well.
We want to thank each of you for your testimony, your
willingness to serve our country. I am proud to support all of
your nominations. I hope we can quickly confirm all three of
these extremely well-qualified individuals.
As amazing as our troops are, they cannot go everywhere or
respond to every crisis in the world, they cannot defend us
against a warming climate or the worsening natural disasters
that will result if the world fails to act. They cannot force
other countries to dismantle and ultimately abolish nuclear
weapons. The State Department plays a crucial role in defending
and advancing the interests of our country. And Secretary Kerry
needs his team in place to do his job, as well.
I ask unanimous consent that the witnesses' full statements
be included in the record.
Members of the committee will have until the close of
business Wednesday, February 5, to submit questions for the
record, with the request to the witnesses that they respond in
writing to the committee in a timely fashion.
With that, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:10 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Questions and Answers Submitted for the Record
Responses of Michael Anderson Lawson to Questions
Submitted by Senator Christopher Murphy
Question. ICAO's effort to craft a strong and effective global
market-based mechanism for airline emissions will falter without
strong, robust efforts on the part of the U.S. representative to ICAO.
What specific steps will your office take to rally like-
minded nations to consistently push for a strong emissions-
capping system at the 2016 ICAO Assembly?
Answer. The United States worked closely with likeminded countries
leading up to the 2013 Assembly to adopt an important climate change
resolution that committed, among other things, to developing a global
market-based measure. If confirmed, I intend to continue to work with
likeminded countries directly through their representatives at ICAO and
through such regional organizations as the European Civil Aviation
Conference (ECAC), the African Civil Aviation Commission (AFCAC), the
Latin American Civil Aviation Commission (LACAC), and key Asia
partners. In the context of this outreach, I will continue to seek the
input of the U.S. airline industry in the structure and design of any
market-based measure that would be proposed at the 2016 ICAO Assembly,
and I will work diligently to ensure that whatever is ultimately
adopted will not adversely affect the U.S. airline industry or
otherwise put the U.S. airline industry at a competitive disadvantage
as compared with other airlines around the world--including airlines of
developing member states.
Question. Further, will you actively pursue an agreement that caps
emissions at 2020 levels, and will you push for more ambitious targets
in the out years?
Answer. We support the ICAO goal of carbon neutral growth from 2020
that is also supported by the international aviation industry. The
United States also has a more ambitious domestic target of achieving
carbon neutral growth by 2020 compared to the 2005 baseline. With
respect to more ambitious targets in the out years, we plan to review
targets for the out years, but are not yet at a point of proposing new
targets.
Question. What benchmarks should we judge your progress by?
Answer. The benchmark by which we should judge is performance--
actually reducing fuel burn and CO2 emissions. ICAO is tracking fuel-
burn information for contracting states. The United States has had a
great record of reducing fuel-burn and CO2 emissions, and we will
continue to track our performance in efficiency improvements and CO2
reductions.
______
Responses of Bathsheba Crocker to Questions
Submitted by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. How can the United States try to advance its priorities
and respond to crises through the United Nations system when the
Security Council is paralyzed? What role does your office play in such
situations?
Answer. U.S. engagement throughout the United Nations system allows
us to leverage both resources and influence with other like-minded
nations toward common goals and to advance American values around the
world. Our engagement at the U.N. touches on almost every issue of
importance to U.S. national security including maintaining
international peace and security, preventing the proliferation of WMDs,
responding to humanitarian crises, and addressing threats to global
health and stability. The U.N., through the Security Council and other
bodies such as the Human Rights Council, is a primary partner in
addressing crises of international concern from Syria to the Central
African Republic to Haiti to North Korea and many other issues of
paramount concern to the United States.
At the Security Council, the United States has differing
perspectives with Russia on Syria, for example, but we share an
interest in reducing violence; securing chemical weapons; and trying to
create a political settlement on the basis of the Geneva Communique.
This enabled us to work with Russia in the Security Council to impose
on Syria responsibilities and a timeline for the destruction of its
chemical weapons. We will continue to use these common interests as the
basis for collaboration toward a resolution of the Syrian crisis.
While the Council has struggled to achieve agreement on Syria, it
has been highly effective in addressing other issues of importance to
the United States. The Security Council has imposed strong sanctions on
both Iran and North Korea, built robust peacekeeping missions in
Liberia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and helped strengthen
fragile states from Afghanistan to Somalia. In 2011, the United States
worked with our partners on the Security Council to prevent a massacre
in Libya and help the Libyan people begin a transition to democracy
after 40 years of brutal dictatorship. In Mali, U.N. peacekeepers have
been critical to our efforts to restore stability, which will help
prevent the creation of an al-Qaeda safe haven in the Sahel region.
The United States also relies on the U.N. system to help address
humanitarian crises that are too big for any one country to face alone.
Organizations such as the World Food Programme, the World Health
Organization, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and
UNICEF have the expertise, capacity, and networks to reach refugees and
conflict victims in highly insecure areas. For example, the U.N. has
played a critical role in coordinating and delivering humanitarian
assistance to millions of people affected by the violence in Syria, as
well as over 2.4 million refugees from Syria who have fled to Turkey,
Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, and Egypt. Similarly, U.N. agencies play a
critical role in U.S. and international efforts to strengthen global
pandemic preparedness, fight infectious disease, improve food security,
and promote development to alleviate poverty in the world's poorest
regions.
Finally, U.S. engagement in the U.N. helps advance human rights and
fundamental American values including freedom of speech, assembly, and
association, protection of minorities and the rights of women and
children. Through the Human Rights Council, the United States has
helped shine a spotlight on the worst human rights abusers, including
North Korea, Syria, and Iran. We were also instrumental in helping to
pass the U.N.'s first-ever resolution on the human rights of LGBT
persons.
The International Organization Affairs Bureau works within the U.N.
system to promote U.S. interests, address international crises, and
improve the effectiveness of the U.N. system to carry out its mandates.
We work with U.N. members in all bodies to advance our mutual
interests, engage in frank discussion of our policy differences, and
firmly stand by our principles, our partners, and our allies. If
confirmed, I will continue both our engagement with the U.N. in pursuit
of U.S. interests, and our efforts to make the U.N. a stronger, more
effective organization.
Question. Short of a security council resolution, is there anything
that can be done to reform United Nations rules that restrict agencies
from delivering humanitarian aid and vaccinating children in rebel-held
regions where the Syrian Government has tried to deny access?
Answer. We commend the U.N. for carrying out aid deliveries across
conflict lines in Syria and continue to urge all parties to allow
unhindered humanitarian access so the U.N. can scale up aid for
besieged and difficult-to-reach areas. The lack of humanitarian access
to many areas in Syria is appalling and most of the blame lies with the
Syrian regime.
Despite access problems, humanitarian assistance provided by the
U.N. and the International Committee of the Red Cross, funded by the
United States, is reaching more than 4.2 million people in Syria,
including opposition/contested areas. But these organizations do not
have unfettered access to communities in need. This is not acceptable,
and the United States, the U.N. and others have been pressing the
regime to facilitate the implementation of humanitarian assistance,
consistent with Syria's primary responsibility to provide and care for
populations in need within its territory.
We continue to engage with the Office of the Coordinator for
Humanitarian Affairs to coordinate on how to best improve humanitarian
access in Syria, and we are engaged in intensive bilateral and
multilateral diplomacy with Russia and other key actors to seek a
breakthrough in gaining access to those beyond the current reach of
humanitarian organizations.
Unfortunately, the Syrian regime has imposed undue restrictions on
the U.N. and other humanitarian organizations, thereby severely
curtailing their access to many communities in need. The Syrian regime
bears the primary responsibility to protect and provide for its
citizens, either directly or by giving humanitarian organizations
access to help all those in need. At this time, the regime is failing
to uphold such responsibilities. On the contrary, it is blocking access
to some of the hardest-hit communities, including Al Hajar Al-Aswad,
East Ghouta, Mouadhamiyah, Yarmouk Camp, as well as the Old City of
Homs, and thereby preventing more than 250,000 people from accessing
humanitarian assistance. The U.N.'s reach is also hampered by ongoing
violence, shifting battle lines, and in negotiating for access with
multiple armed factions.
Question. If confirmed, will you work to discourage international
bodies from upgrading the Palestinian Authority to full member state
status outside a peace agreement between the Palestinian Authority and
Israel?
Answer. Yes. The administration has been absolutely clear that we
will continue to oppose firmly any and all unilateral actions in
international bodies or treaties that circumvent or prejudge the very
outcomes that can only be negotiated between the parties, including
Palestinian statehood. And, we will continue to stand up to efforts
that seek to delegitimize Israel or undermine its security.
We will continue to make clear, both with the parties and with
international partners, that the only path for the Palestinians to
realize their aspiration of statehood is direct negotiations, and that
Palestinian efforts to pursue endorsements of statehood claims through
the U.N. system outside of a negotiated settlement are
counterproductive. The international community cannot impose a
solution. A viable and sustainable peace agreement can come only from
mutual agreement by the parties.
We remain vigilant on this matter and work in extremely close
coordination with the Israeli Government and our other international
partners.
Question. Many close allies of the U.S. support anti-Israel
resolutions in the U.N. General Assembly and the Human Rights Council.
Do you believe the United States can do more to leverage our global
relationships to reduce anti-Israel activity at the U.N.?
Answer. This administration has fought hard for fair and equal
treatment for Israel across the U.N. system, including lobbying the
member states of the U.N. to vote against biased anti-Israel
resolutions at the General Assembly, Human Rights Council, and other
U.N. fora. We continue to oppose anti-Israel statements, resolutions,
and efforts to delegitimize Israel whenever and wherever raised in
international organizations. As President Obama and Secretary Kerry
have made clear, the United States believes that Middle East peace can
only be resolved through direct negotiations between the parties, not
through one-sided and provocative statements and resolutions against
Israel at the United Nations.
Despite concerted diplomatic efforts at U.N. fora, and in capitals
around the globe, we have seen little change in the vote counts on
Israel-related resolutions. But we have made some progress in reducing
the number of those resolutions. For example, prior to American
membership, over half of all of the country-specific resolutions the
HRC adopted concerned Israel. This number has been reduced to well
under one-third since the United States joined the Council. In bodies
including the General Assembly and Human Rights Council, we will
continue to use the U.S. voice and vote against anti-Israel
resolutions, and in the HRC we use our influence to ensure that these
resolutions do not pass by consensus.
We will continue to engage foreign governments and coordinate
closely with Israel and other like-minded states to work to shift the
vote dynamics on anti-Israel resolutions and to improve Israel's status
in various U.N. fora. Israel's recent admission to the Western European
and Others Group in Geneva, which the United States lobbied
aggressively for, and their subsequent reengagement with the Human
Rights Council, will help to create a more positive atmosphere
throughout the U.N. system. We will continue to work closely with
Israel in this regard on continued efforts to improve their status at
the United Nations.
Question. I was disappointed that the government shutdown last fall
forced the United States Government to reschedule its appearance before
the U.N. Human Rights Committee on its Compliance with the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a treaty
ratified under President George H.W. Bush that protects core freedoms.
Could you describe the role your office will play in preparing for the
upcoming review in March, and what other parts of the State Department
have responsibilities for preparing for the ICCPR review?
Answer. Preparation for the U.S. Government's presentation of its
Fourth Periodic Report on its implementation of the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) is a collaborative
interagency effort. The Office of the Legal Adviser (L) has primary
responsibility for preparing the report (submitted in December 2011),
and for coordinating an interagency delegation to respond to the
committee's questions during the upcoming March presentation. That
office coordinates with many different U.S. Government agencies and
bureaus within the State Department, such as the Bureau of
International Organization Affairs (IO), the Bureau of Democracy, Human
Rights, and Labor (DRL), the Bureau of Counterterrorism (CT), the
Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration (PRM), and the Office to
Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons (J/TIP), among others, to
update the committee on developments since the 2011 report and prepare
delegation members for questions that are most likely to arise. The IO
Bureau also provides, through the U.S. Mission in Geneva, critical on-
the-ground support for the U.S. presentation and related events,
including a consultation with civil society organizations on the U.S.
report. The IO Bureau will also participate in the delegation that
appears before the Committee.
Question. Will you continue the work of your predecessors to
highlight in international forums Iran's gross human rights violations
and Tehran's support for terrorist organizations?
Answer. Yes. The United States is committed to continuing our
efforts to hold Iran accountable for its egregious human rights record
and state sponsorship of terrorism at the United Nations.
The United States led efforts with Sweden in the U.N. Human Rights
Council in March 2011 to create a Special Rapporteur on Iran, the first
country-specific human rights rapporteur created since the HRC was
established in 2006. Special Rapporteur Ahmed Shaheed, a former Foreign
Minister of the Maldives and respected human rights advocate, serves as
an independent and credible voice to highlight human rights violations
and abuses in Iran. Each year, the United States works to increase the
vote margins on resolutions to renew Special Rapporteur Shaheed's
mandate. These actions are more than symbolic, as the Iranian
Government has released some prisoners and taken certain other positive
steps when it comes under pressure from the United Nations and in other
international fora.
Additionally, every year the United States works with Canada on an
annual U.N. General Assembly resolution condemning human rights
violations and abuses in Iran. The United States plans to work closely
with Canada and other allies to secure another strong condemnation of
violations and abuses of human rights in Iran at this year's General
Assembly. It is resolutions such as these that deepen the Iranian
regime's isolation and underscore the international community's
condemnation of Iran's abhorrent behavior against its own people, its
concern for the rights of all Iranians, and its call for Iranian
authorities to respect their government's international obligations.
In the U.N., we will also continue to call attention to Iran's
sponsorship of terrorism and work to maintain sanctions pressure on the
regime in Tehran. Engagement at the United Nations has been an
essential part of creating the toughest, most comprehensive sanctions
to date on the Iranian regime. Our U.N. efforts, which include adoption
of four U.N. Security Council (UNSC) resolutions on Iran under Chapter
VII of the U.N. Charter since 2006, have resulted in strong
international measures to counter Iran's illicit activities. The Iran
Sanctions Committee, with the assistance of the Iran Sanctions Panel of
Experts, has investigated and published detailed reports on Iranian
noncompliance with its UNSC obligations and its attempts to evade the
sanctions imposed on it. It has also outlined for member states through
``Implementation Assistance Notices'' published on its Web site a
number of evasion techniques used by Iran to circumvent sanctions, and
made observations regarding member state obligations for implementing
the sanctions.
Question. Is there anything that can be done to address situations
where countries serve on international bodies while violating the
fundamental goals of those organizations--e.g., Iran or North Korea
chairing international bodies on disarmament, or one-party
dictatorships serving on the U.N. Human Rights Council?
Answer. The United States remains very concerned about such
situations. In the case of the HRC, the United States actively
encourages countries with strong records to seek seats and promotes
competitive elections for the HRC. Elections to the Council are done by
secret ballot among all 193 members of the General Assembly. The United
States has worked behind the scenes with other countries to
successfully oppose the election of some of the worst human rights
violators to the Human Rights Council and other important U.N. bodies
on numerous occasions in the past, including efforts last year to
pressure Iran to drop its HRC bid, which Iran did. The United States
will continue to do so.
In the Conference on Disarmament, the presidency of the CD serves
to facilitate discussion among the CD member states and rotates among
all members of the CD every 4 weeks. Because the CD operates by
consensus, no decision can be taken by the CD president without the
approval of the United States and other CD member states. While the
presidency of the CD is largely ceremonial and involves no substantive
responsibilities, the United States has taken appropriate action when a
country's policies and actions contravene the fundamental goals of the
Conference. For example, during Iran's presidency from May 28-June 24,
2013, the United States was not represented at the ambassadorial level
during any meeting presided over by Iran, did not meet with the Iranian
President during his 4-week term, and continued to call for Iran to
comply fully and without delay with all of its obligations under the
relevant U.N. Security Council resolutions and to meet its obligations
under its safeguards agreement. During North Korea's rotation to the CD
presidency in July 2011, the United States also was not represented at
the ambassadorial level, did not meet with the DPRK president during
the 4 weeks of his term, and called on the DPRK to comply fully with
U.N. Security Council resolutions, safeguards obligations, and its
commitments under the September 19, 2005 Joint Statement.
NOMINATIONS OF LUIS MORENO, JOHN ESTRADA, AND NOAH MAMET
----------
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Luis G. Moreno, of Texas, to be Ambassador to Jamaica
John L. Estrada, of Florida, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Trinidad and Tobago
Noah Bryson Mamet, of California, to be Ambassador to the
Argentine Republic
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3 p.m., in room
SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert Menendez
(chairman of the committee) presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez and Rubio.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will come to order.
Thank you for your patience. As I think some of you may
know, we were on the floor voting, including voting for the
next U.S. Ambassador to China. So we appreciate your
forbearance.
We have three nominees before us. They are Luis Moreno to
be Ambassador to Jamaica; John Estrada, nominated to be the
Ambassador to the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago; and Noah
Bryson Mamet to be Ambassador to the Argentine Republic.
Mr. Moreno is a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service, class of minister counselor, as the Deputy Chief of
Mission of the U.S. embassy in Madrid, Spain. From 2010 to
2011, he served as Political Military Affairs Minister
Counselor, as well as Force Strategic Engagement Cell Director,
at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad in Iraq. He has also served as
Deputy Chief of Mission in Tel Aviv, Israel; Counselor General
Principle Officer in Monterey, Mexico; Deputy Chief of Mission
at the U.S. Embassy in Port-au-Prince, Haiti; and a list of
other experiences. And we appreciate your service.
John Estrada is senior manager for Lockheed Martin Training
Solutions, Incorporated. Prior to this career in the private
sector, Sergeant Major Estrada served in the United States
Marine Corps for 34 years, rising to become the 15th sergeant
major of the United States Marine Corps, the Nation's highest
ranking enlisted marine. And so we are pleased to have you
here, Sergeant Major, to be the President's nominee as
Ambassador to Trinidad and Tobago.
Our third nominee is Noah Bryson Mamet. Mr. Mamet is
founder and president of Noah Mamet and Associates. He serves
as a member of the Pacific Council on International Policy, the
American Council of Young Political Leaders. He also sits on
the boards of the Los Angeles-based Green Dot Public Schools
and NatureBridge. And we appreciate having him here as well.
We welcome you all to the committee. We welcome any family,
friends who may be joining us today to offer their support. And
we know how proud you all must be. We also recognize the
sacrifice of families who are willing to share their loved one
in the service of the Nation, and we understand that it is an
equal sacrifice to them as well. So we thank you for your
support and your service.
I understand that our distinguished colleague from Colorado
is here to join in the introduction of Mr. Mamet, and I would
like to recognize him at this time. Senator Bennet?
STATEMENT OF HON. MICHAEL F. BENNET,
U.S. SENATOR FROM COLORADO
Senator Bennet. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and it is a
privilege to be here with these nominees. And congratulations
to you and the committee on the successful vote on our next
Ambassador to China.
It is also a privilege to introduce Noah Mamet, the
President's nominee to serve as the Ambassador to the Argentine
Republic. I have known Noah for a number of years, and I
enthusiastically support his nomination.
Throughout his career, Noah has worked to build democracy
abroad and support international economic development. He
represented the National Democratic Institute in monitoring the
first democratic elections in Sierra Leone since the country's
civil war.
Noah was instrumental in helping to establish the Clinton
Foundation. His work was critical in developing and producing
the first Clinton Global Initiative, which has convened leaders
from across the globe to create and implement practical,
innovative solutions to some of the most pressing challenges
our world faces.
Noah's involvement with the U.S. Institute of Peace has
helped bolster that organization's ability and reach its
mission to help manage and resolve international conflicts
through nonviolent means.
He is also a member of the Pacific Council on International
Policy. This association's focus on addressing global
transformation from an eastern Pacific Ocean perspective I
think will serve Noah well in this new role.
These experiences have given him a deep understanding and
appreciation of our Nation's role in the world and the
challenges that we face abroad.
Just another small point, but Noah also shares my
commitment on the question of education and the need to improve
outcomes for children living in poverty in this country. He has
served on the board of the largest and most prominent public
charter school operator in the country, Green Dot Public
Schools.
And, Mr. Chairman, with that, I can say I think we will be
very well served by Noah Mamet.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Bennet. I appreciate you
making the introduction before the committee.
I know your schedule, so please feel free to be excused at
any time.
Your full statements will be included in the record,
without objection. I would ask you to summarize your statement
in about 5 minutes or so so that the members of the committee
can engage in a dialogue with you. We will start off with Mr.
Moreno and then Mr. Estrada, as I introduced you, and Mr.
Mamet.
Mr. Moreno.
STATEMENT OF LUIS G. MORENO, OF TEXAS,
TO BE AMBASSADOR TO JAMAICA
Mr. Moreno. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Rubio. Thank
you for inviting me to appear before you today. I am honored to
be the President's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to
Jamaica. I want to express my gratitude to the President and
Secretary Kerry, as well as to Assistant Secretary Roberta
Jacobson, for their trust and confidence.
Please allow me the opportunity to introduce my wife,
Gloria, who is here with me. Without her patience,
unconditional support, and loving understanding, I certainly
would not be sitting here in front of you. My oldest daughter,
Sabina, is following online from Florida and my youngest
daughter, Denise, along with my friends and colleagues from the
Embassy, are also following online from Spain.
As I acknowledge the support of my family, I would be
remiss not to mention my parents, both deceased, who played a
major role in my choice of career. My dad was a refugee, a
medical doctor who fled the political violence in his native
born Colombia and found refuge in New York City. His medical
degree was not recognized and he did not speak a word of
English. What followed was a classic American success story.
During his career, he became the head of orthopedic surgery at
Columbia Presbyterian Hospital and helped develop the
artificial hip replacement. With my mom, a nursing student born
in Cuba, he raised two boys in the United States, both of whom
ended up in the senior ranks of the Department of State and in
whom he ingrained a passion for service to their country. My
brother Ed recently retired after 25 years of service from
Diplomatic Security where he last served as the Assistant
Director for Diplomatic Security, Domestic Operations. I know
that both our parents would be very proud of the service of
both of their sons if they were here today.
I have been privileged to serve my country for 31 years in
postings in the Western Hemisphere, the Middle East, Europe,
and Washington, including three postings as Deputy Chief of
Mission in Port-au-Prince, Tel Aviv, and most recently and
presently in Madrid. In fact, in my 28 years of overseas
postings, Madrid has been my only nondanger, nonhardship post.
I have covered a wide range of issues throughout my career:
narcotics and law enforcement, refugee issues in Haiti, and
Kurds from northern Iraq that were resettled in the United
States via Guam, political-military and transitional issues in
Iraq, as well as playing a small role in the Middle East peace
process while in Israel.
While my assignments have afforded me a diverse and
multifaceted background, there is a clear commonality among
most of my assignments. I work toward team-building and finding
solutions to challenges in tough places. If confirmed as
Ambassador, it will be along those same lines that I will lead
our mission in Jamaica. I will lead the Embassy team to find
solutions to the toughest problems this close friend and
neighbor is currently experiencing.
The United States and Jamaica enjoy a strong, cooperative
relationship that crosses many spheres, including citizen
security, law enforcement, strengthening democratic
institutions, the rule of law, respect for human rights,
energy, climate change, and economic development. Jamaica has a
well-earned reputation as a tourist destination, hosting over 2
million American visitors every year. The safety and security
of these visitors and the 40,000 Americans who currently live
in Jamaica will be my highest priority.
Despite this reputation as a tropical paradise, a well-
earned one, Jamaica, a mere 51 years after independence, is
facing severe challenges which could have a long-lasting impact
if we do not help Jamaica mitigate them now. I would like to
highlight two of the most daunting challenges we have: the
economic reform Jamaica has agreed to undertake as of last
year, and ensuring the safety and security of both our nations
and citizens. Jamaica, along with much of the Caribbean, is
particularly vulnerable not only to these manmade risks but
also to natural disasters such as devastating hurricanes or
earthquakes.
Mr. Chairman, ensuring stability abroad, both in terms of
citizen security and economic development, in countries like
Jamaica increases our own security at home. Our current
assistance to Jamaica, including through the Caribbean Basin
Security Initiative and USAID's bilateral assistance, seeks to
partner with Jamaica to address shared regional challenges that
affect the everyday concerns of Jamaica's citizens. If
confirmed, I will work as Ambassador to most efficiently use
the available resources to ensure Jamaica continues on the path
of sustainable economic and social development. This is in the
interest of both Jamaica and the United States.
Last May, Jamaica signed an economic reform package with
the IMF, the International Monetary Fund, to help tackle its
huge public debt, almost 1\1/2\ times its annual gross domestic
product, one of the highest ratios in the world. This package,
together with loans from the World Bank and the Inter-American
Development Bank, adds up to nearly $2 billion. Approximately 3
years of this agreement remain for Jamaica to get its financial
house in order and to begin to grow its economy, something it
has not been able to do in three decades. If confirmed--most
likely I will be there for the majority of that time--let me
reassure you that this issue will be among my highest
priorities. I will work with our Jamaican partners to encourage
them through the difficult economic times that will, no doubt,
take place while reminding them about the enduring and
sustainable benefits of partnership with the United States and
prospects that will emerge as a result of reform and more
economic stability.
I will skip ahead to the end, Senator, in the interest of
time.
This is a historic opportunity for Jamaicans to build a
stronger, more prosperous country. If confirmed, I pledge to
serve our country, just as I have for the past three decades,
and to work with our Jamaican friends to continue to strengthen
the partnership between our two countries.
Mr. Chairman, Senator Rubio, thank you for the opportunity
to appear before you today, and I certainly welcome your
questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Moreno follows:]
Prepared Statement of Luis G. Moreno
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for inviting
me to appear before you today. I am honored to be President Obama's
nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to Jamaica. I want to
express my gratitude to President Obama and Secretary Kerry, as well as
to Assistant Secretary Roberta Jacobson for their trust and confidence.
Please allow me the opportunity to introduce my wife, Gloria, who
is here with me today. Without her patience, unconditional support and
understanding, I would not be sitting here in front of you. My oldest
daughter, Sabina, is following online from Florida and my youngest
daughter, Denise, along with my friends and colleagues from the Embassy
are also following online from Spain. As I acknowledge the support of
my family, I would be remiss not to mention my parents, both deceased,
and who played a major role in my choice of career. My dad was a
refugee, a medical doctor who fled the political violence in his native
born Colombia and found refuge in New York City. Naturally, his medical
degree was not recognized and he did not speak a word of English. What
followed was a classic American success story. During his career he
became the head of orthopedic surgery at Columbia Presbyterian Hospital
and helped develop the artificial hip replacement procedures. With my
mom, a nursing student born in Cuba, he raised two boys born in the
United States, both of whom ended up in the senior ranks of the
Department of State, and in whom he ingrained a passion for service to
their country. My brother, Ed recently retired after 25 years of
service from Diplomatic Security where he last served as the Assistant
Director of DS for Domestic Operations. I know our parents would be
very proud of the service of both their sons if they were here today.
I have been privileged to serve my country for 31 years in postings
in the Western Hemisphere, the Middle East, Europe, and in Washington,
including three postings as Deputy Chief of Mission in Port-au-Prince,
Tel Aviv, and most recently, Madrid. In fact, in my 28 years of
overseas postings, Madrid has been my only nondanger, nonhardship
posting. I have covered a wide range of issues throughout my career:
narcotics and law enforcement in Colombia, Peru, and Panama; refugee
issues in Haiti and with Kurds from Northern Iraq that were resettled
in the U.S. via Guam; political-military, and transitional issues in
Iraq, as well as playing a small role in the Middle East peace process
while in Israel. While my assignments have afforded me a diverse and
multifaceted background, there is a clear commonality among most of my
assignments--I work toward team-building and finding solutions to
challenges in tough places. If confirmed as Ambassador, it will be
along those same lines that I will lead our mission in Jamaica. I will
lead the Embassy team to find solutions to the toughest problems this
close friend and neighbor is currently experiencing.
The United States and Jamaica enjoy a strong, cooperative
relationship that crosses many spheres, including citizen security, law
enforcement, strengthening democratic institutions, the rule of law,
respect for human rights, energy, climate change, and economic
development. Jamaica has a well-earned reputation as a tourist
destination, hosting over 2 million American visitors every year. The
safety and security of these visitors and the 40,000 Americans who
currently live in Jamaica, will be my highest priority. Despite this
reputation as a tropical paradise for tourists, Jamaica, a mere 51
years after independence, is facing severe challenges which could have
a long-lasting impact if we don't act to help Jamaica mitigate them
now. I would like to highlight two of the most daunting challenges: the
economic reform Jamaica agreed to undertake last year ensuring the
security of both our nations and our citizens. Jamaica, along with much
of the Caribbean, is particularly vulnerable to not only these man-made
risks but also to natural disasters such as devastating hurricanes or
earthquakes.
Mr. Chairman, since 9/11 the U.S. has emphasized the need to
strengthen our borders. The Caribbean is our third border. Ensuring
stability abroad, both in terms of citizen security and economic
development in countries like Jamaica, increases our own security at
home. Our current assistance to Jamaica, including through the
Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI) and USAID's bilateral
assistance, seeks to partner with Jamaica to address shared regional
challenges that affect the everyday concerns of Jamaica's citizens. If
confirmed, I will work as Ambassador to most efficiently use the
available resources to ensure Jamaica continues on the path of
sustainable economic and social development. This is in the interest of
both Jamaica and the United States.
Last May, Jamaica signed an economic reform package with the
International Monetary Fund to help tackle its huge public debt--almost
1\1/2\ times its annual Gross Domestic Product, one of the highest
ratios in the world. This package, together with loans from the World
Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank, adds up to almost $2
billion. Approximately 3 years of this agreement remain for Jamaica to
get its financial house in order and begin to grow its economy--
something it hasn't been able to do in nearly three decades. If
confirmed, I will likely be there during most of that time. Let me
reassure you that this issue will be among my highest priorities. I
will work with our Jamaican partners to encourage them through the
difficult economic times that will no doubt take place, while reminding
them about the enduring and sustainable benefits of partnership with
the U.S. and the prospects that will emerge as a result of reform and
more economic stability. The ingredients for success are evident. For
example, through a USAID activity supporting Jamaica's Tax
Administration, the Government of Jamaica has identified and recouped
over $100 million in unpaid taxes, thereby increasing its revenue base
and creating a foundation for sound, transparent, and self-sustaining
revenue forecasting and collections.
This is a historic opportunity for Jamaicans to build a stronger,
more prosperous country. If confirmed, I pledge to serve our country
just as I have been doing for the past three decades and to work with
our Jamaican friends to continue to strengthen the partnership between
our two countries.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Let me, before I turn to Mr. Estrada, recognize the former
United States Ambassador to Haiti and Croatia, James Foley. I
appreciate you being here, Mr. Ambassador. I understand Mr.
Moreno was your Deputy Chief of Mission in Haiti. So you are
still backing him up here. So I appreciate it.
Mr. Estrada.
STATEMENT OF JOHN L. ESTRADA, OF FLORIDA, TO BE AMBASSADOR TO
THE REPUBLIC OF TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO
Mr. Estrada. Mr. Chairman, Senator Rubio, good afternoon.
It is an honor to appear before you today. I want to
express my gratitude to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for
the trust and confidence they have placed in me with this
nomination to represent my country as the next Ambassador to
the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago.
Please allow me the opportunity to introduce my wife, Dr.
Elizabeth Cote Estrada, who is here with me today.
I am particularly thrilled at the prospect of representing
the United States in the country of my birth, if confirmed. I
was born in Trinidad and Tobago, and at age 14, I immigrated to
the United States to forge a new life. I brought with me a
respect for diversity and an inherent sense of the equal value
of all people. I served with honor in the United States Marine
Corps, attaining the Corps' highest enlisted rank, 15th
Sergeant Major of the Marine Corps. After retiring from the
Marine Corps, I continued service to my country as a
presidential appointed commissioner on the American Battle
Monuments Commission and as a committee member on the Defense
Advisory Committee for Women in the Services. In the private
sector, I led Lockheed Martin Training Solutions, Incorporated,
a company specializing in flight training and logistics
solutions for our military.
I firmly believe that one of the greatest aspirations of
all free people is to live their lives to the fullest without
limitations based on their ethnicity, class, race, gender, or
sexual orientation. If confirmed as Ambassador, with that ideal
as my guide, I would seek to strengthen the ties between the
citizens and elected representatives of our two great nations.
Trinidad and Tobago is an important Caribbean partner of
the United States. The relationship between our countries rests
on a strong foundation. We share a common language and a firm
commitment to democratic principles, the rule of law, and a
free market system.
The United States mission to Trinidad and Tobago has three
strategic objectives. On security, the mission works with the
Government of Trinidad and Tobago to improve the capacity of
Trinidadian law enforcement and just sector institutions to
reduce violent crime and illicit trafficking, safeguard human
rights, and create safer communities. The mission promotes
increased commerce and a transparent investment climate to
enhance our mutual prosperity. On social inclusion, the mission
conducts extensive outreach and encourages regional leadership
by Trinidad and Tobago to protect vulnerable populations,
including at-risk youth. If confirmed, I look forward to
leading our efforts in these crucial areas.
The United States and Caribbean partners have developed the
Caribbean Basin Security Initiative, an ongoing, multifaceted
citizen security initiative for the Caribbean, of which
Trinidad and Tobago is a key player. In creating the Caribbean
Basin Security Initiative, the United States and Caribbean
partners prioritized three pillars: substantially reducing
illicit trafficking of narcotics and arms, increasing public
safety and security, and promoting social justice. I will do my
utmost, if confirmed, to increase cooperation and encourage
Trinidad and Tobago to become a leader in security in the
Caribbean.
As a resource-rich country, Trinidad and Tobago is full of
opportunities for energy companies. The United States works
closely with Trinidad and Tobago to develop new avenues for
regional energy and conservation. I am excited Trinidad and
Tobago is playing a growing role in the region and promoting
business relationships in the hemisphere. If confirmed, I would
advocate on behalf of U.S. companies and commercial interests
to assure a level playing field and support their engagement
with Trinidad and Tobago.
I firmly believe that my service in the Marine Corps and my
experience in the private sector, coupled with my personal
history, have prepared me to represent the government and the
people of the United States to the government and the people of
Trinidad and Tobago.
If confirmed, it would be my great honor to work closely
with this committee and others in Congress to advance our
objectives in the Caribbean.
Thank you for allowing me the opportunity to appear before
this distinguished committee. I look forward to answering your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Estrada follows:]
Prepared Statement by John Learie Estrada
Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of this committee, good
afternoon. It is an honor to appear before you today. I want to express
my gratitude to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the trust and
confidence they have placed in me with this nomination to represent my
country as the next Ambassador to the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago.
Please allow me the opportunity to introduce my wife, Elizabeth
Anne Cote Estrada, who is with me here today.
I am particularly thrilled at the prospect of representing the
United States in the country of my birth, if confirmed. I was born in
Trinidad and Tobago, and at age 14, I immigrated to the United States
to forge a new life. I brought with me a respect for diversity and an
inherent sense of the equal value of all people. I served with honor in
the U.S. Marine Corps--attaining the Corps' highest enlisted rank as
the 15th Sergeant Major of the Marine Corps. After retiring from the
Marine Corps, I continued serving my country as a Presidential-
appointed Commission member of the American Battle Monuments Commission
and as a committee member on the Defense Advisory Committee for Women
in the Services. In the private sector, I led Lockheed Martin Training
Solutions, Inc., a wholly owned subsidiary company specializing in
flight training and logistics solutions.
I firmly believe that one of the greatest aspirations of all free
people is to live their lives to the fullest without limitations based
on their ethnicity, class, race, gender, or sexual orientation. If
confirmed as Ambassador, with that ideal as my guide, I would seek to
strengthen the ties between the citizens and elected representatives of
our two great nations.
Trinidad and Tobago is an important Caribbean partner of the United
States. The relationship between our countries rests on a strong
foundation. We share a common language and a firm commitment to
democratic principles, the rule of law, and a free market system.
The U.S. Mission to Trinidad and Tobago has three strategic
objectives: On security, the Mission works with the Government of
Trinidad and Tobago to improve the capacity of Trinidadian law
enforcement and justice sector institutions to reduce violent crime and
illicit trafficking, safeguard human rights, and create safer
communities. The Mission promotes increased commerce and a transparent
investment climate to enhance our mutual prosperity. On social
inclusion, the Mission conducts extensive outreach and encourages
regional leadership by Trinidad and Tobago to protect vulnerable
populations, including at-risk youth. If confirmed, I look forward to
leading our efforts in these crucial areas.
The United States and Caribbean partners have developed the
Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI), an ongoing, multifaceted
citizen security initiative for the Caribbean, of which Trinidad and
Tobago is a key player. In creating CBSI, the United States and
Caribbean partners prioritized three pillars: substantially reducing
illicit trafficking of narcotics and arms, increasing public safety and
security, and promoting social justice. I will do my utmost, if
confirmed, to increase cooperation and encourage Trinidad and Tobago to
become a leader in security in the Caribbean.
As a resource-rich country, Trinidad and Tobago is full of
opportunity for energy companies. The United States works cooperatively
with Trinidad and Tobago to develop new avenues for regional energy
security and conservation. I am excited Trinidad and Tobago is playing
a growing role in regional integration and promoting business
relationships in the hemisphere, including by hosting the upcoming 2014
Americas Competitiveness Forum. The United States welcomes and supports
Trinidad and Tobago's membership in and chairmanship of the Pathways to
Prosperity initiative. If confirmed, I would advocate on behalf of U.S.
companies and commercial interests to assure a level playing field and
support their engagement with Trinidad and Tobago.
Education is the foundation for economic growth. If confirmed, I
will work with the government of Trinidad and Tobago to explore ways in
which we can provide at-risk youth and other vulnerable populations
with tools that can help them succeed.
I firmly believe that my service in the Marine Corps and my
experience in the private sector, coupled with my personal history,
have prepared me to represent the government and people of the United
States to the government and people of Trinidad and Tobago.
If confirmed, it would be my great honor to work closely with this
committee and others in Congress to advance our objectives in the
Caribbean.Thank you for allowing me the opportunity to appear before
this distinguished committee. I look forward to answering your
questions.
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Estrada. I am thankful that
you did not put us through a Marine Corps drill. [Laughter.]
That is a plus.
Mr. Mamet.
STATEMENT OF NOAH BRYSON MAMET, OF CALIFORNIA,
TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC
Mr. Mamet. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Rubio, and
members of the committee.
It is a privilege and an honor to be here today as the
President's nominee to be the Ambassador of the United States
to the Argentine Republic. I am deeply grateful to President
Obama and Secretary Kerry for their confidence and trust and
for sending my name to the Senate for your consideration. If
confirmed, it will be my privilege to work closely with you,
Mr. Chairman, this committee, and your distinguished colleagues
on our partnership with Argentina.
I would like to thank Senator Bennet for his kind
introduction. I believe he is one of the great public servants
in the country today.
On a personal note, growing up in California, I was
fortunate enough to have two wonderful and supportive parents,
Bryan and Millie, who instilled in me the values of hard work,
dedication, and love of country. I am thrilled that my mother
was able to fly here today and is visiting the U.S. Senate for
the very first time.
Although my father is no longer with us, he would be proud
beyond belief that I am here today in front of this
distinguished committee. Rather uniquely, both my father and
grandfather volunteered and served as enlisted men together in
World War II. In fact, I believe my grandfather was one of the
oldest enlisted men in the Navy at one point. Through them, I
was raised to believe that public service in any capacity is
the highest calling, so I am deeply honored to be here today.
After spending many years in Washington, I founded my own
company a decade ago. I have built a successful business,
consulting for many companies, organizations, and NGOs,
including the Clinton Global Initiative, the National
Democratic Institute, as well as numerous national political
leaders such as President Clinton and Secretary Albright. This
experience has taught me the power of partnership, that no one
sector alone can be as effective as the combined efforts of the
public sector, the private sector, and civil society. If
confirmed, I look forward to putting all of my experience into
furthering our bilateral relationship with Argentina.
The people of the United States and Argentina have a long
history of friendship and close collaboration that stretches
back nearly two centuries. The guiding principles for today's
relationship are based on core democratic values, shared
interests, and a natural affinity between two societies. If
confirmed, I will work to expand cooperation with Argentina on
mutually important issues, including energy, human rights,
nuclear nonproliferation, and educational exchanges.
Considering that nearly half of Argentina's population is
under the age of 35, I will be committed to expanding
educational exchange programs for students from both Argentina
as well as the United States. If confirmed, I look forward to
drawing on my extensive experience working with NGOs in the
United States to strengthen our current relationships and build
new ones with a vibrant Argentine civil society.
Expanding scientific discovery and technological
innovations is another promising area for greater cooperation.
Our two countries have more than 60 joint projects underway in
energy, health, science, and technology. In fact, a successful
trip to Argentina by NASA Administrator Charles Bolden
highlighted our longstanding cooperation on earth observation
satellites.
In addition to our bilateral partnership, the United States
has a strong cooperation with Argentina in multilateral fora
such as the U.N. and the IAEA, where Argentina is a strong
voice in support of human rights and nuclear nonproliferation.
Argentina's highly educated population and diversified
industrial base have attracted more than 500 U.S. companies.
The United States is strongly committed to working with
Argentina to increase two-way trade that creates jobs in both
countries. However, the United States and other governments
remain concerned over some protectionist policies. If
confirmed, I will continue the administration's efforts to
address these concerns. I will also urge Argentine officials at
the highest levels to resolve such economic legacy issues as
Argentina's Paris Club arrears and to normalize relations with
all of its creditors, both public and private.
Although there are some challenges, I am optimistic that
the future of our relationship with Argentina is bright. As
Secretary Kerry has expressed, the United States has a vested
and shared interest in a vibrant, strong, and prosperous
Argentina. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the
Argentine Government, their officials, as well as the private
sector and civil society, as we further our bilateral
relationship and strengthen longstanding ties between our two
great nations.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you, Mr.
Chairman, and your distinguished colleagues and staff to
advance U.S. interests in Argentina.
Thank you. I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Mamet follows:]
Prepared Statement of Noah B. Mamet
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a privilege and an
honor to be here today, as the President's nominee to be the Ambassador
of the United States to the Argentine Republic. I am deeply grateful to
President Obama and Secretary Kerry for their confidence and trust, and
for sending my name to the Senate for your consideration. If confirmed,
it will be my privilege to work closely with this committee and with
your distinguished colleagues on our partnership with Argentina.
I'd like to thank Senator Bennet for his kind introduction. On a
personal note, growing up in California, I was lucky to have two
wonderful and supportive parents, Bryan and Millie, who instilled in me
the values of hard work, dedication, and love of country. I'm thrilled
my mother was able to fly here today and is visiting the U.S. Senate
for the first time. Although my father is no longer with us, he would
be proud beyond belief that I am here today in front of this
distinguished committee. Rather uniquely, both my father and
grandfather volunteered and served together as enlisted servicemen in
WWII at the same time. In fact, I believe my grandfather was one of the
oldest enlisted men in the Navy at one point. Through them, I was
raised to believe that public service, in any capacity, is the highest
calling, so I am deeply honored to be here today.
After spending many years in Washington, I founded my own company a
decade ago. During these years, I've built a successful business,
consulting for many companies and leaders in various sectors. I've also
worked with many NGOs including the Clinton Global Initiative and the
National Democratic Institute (NDI), as well as with numerous national
and international political leaders, including President Bill Clinton,
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, and Secretary of State Madeleine
Albright. This experience has taught me the power of partnership, the
truth that no one sector alone can be as effective as the combined
efforts of the public sector, the private sector, and civil society. If
confirmed, I look forward to putting all of my experience into
furthering our bilateral relationship with Argentina.
The people of the United States and Argentina have a long history
of friendship and close collaboration that stretches back nearly two
centuries. The guiding principles for today's relationship are based on
core democratic values, shared interests, and natural affinity between
two societies. In fact, just over a month ago, Argentina celebrated the
30th anniversary of its return to democracy, a very important milestone
for the people of Argentina. If confirmed, I will work to expand
cooperation with Argentina on mutually important issues, including
energy, human rights, nuclear nonproliferation, and educational
exchanges.
I have always believed in the importance of public diplomacy and
people-to-people relationships. Like much of the world, many Argentines
maintain a great interest in American culture, and if confirmed, I look
forward to drawing on my extensive experience working with NGOs in the
United States to strengthen current relationships and build new ones
with a vibrant Argentine civil society.
Considering that nearly half of Argentina's population is under the
age of 35, I will be committed to expanding educational exchange
programs for students from both Argentina and the United States. If
confirmed, I will broaden our ties through our 14 Binational Centers,
English language programs, and exchanges.
Expanding scientific discovery and technological innovations is
another promising area for greater cooperation. Our two countries have
more than 60 joint projects under way in energy, health, science, and
technology. In fact, a successful trip to Argentina by NASA
Administrator Charles Bolden highlighted our longstanding cooperation
on earth observation satellites.
In addition to our bilateral partnership, the United States has
strong cooperation with Argentina in multilateral fora such as the U.N.
and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), where Argentina is a
strong voice in support of human rights and nuclear nonproliferation.
If confirmed, I look forward to continuing cooperation with Argentina
on these critical issues of mutual concern.
Argentina's highly educated population and diversified industrial
base have attracted more than 500 U.S. companies. The United States is
strongly committed to working with Argentina to increase two-way trade
that creates jobs in both countries. However, the United States and
other governments remain concerned over some protectionist policies. If
confirmed, I will continue the administration's efforts to address
these concerns. I will also urge Argentine officials at the highest
levels to resolve such economic legacy issues as Argentina's Paris Club
arrears and its remaining debts to U.S. bondholders.
Although there are some challenges that have been well documented
in the media recently, I am optimistic and confident that the future of
our relationship with Argentina is bright. As Secretary Kerry has
expressed, the United States has a vested and shared interest in a
vibrant, strong, and prosperous Argentina. If confirmed, I look forward
to a productive dialogue with Argentine Government officials, as well
as the private sector and civil society as we seek to further our
bilateral relationship and strengthen the longstanding ties between our
two great nations.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and your
distinguished colleagues and staff to advance U.S. objectives in
Argentina.
The Chairman. Thank you. Thank you all.
Let me start off with a question I ask of all of our
nominees, and I would like each of you to answer simply yes or
no, if you can. If you feel you have to equivocate, we will
start off on a difficult process.
Do each of you commit to this committee that, if confirmed,
you will be responsive to inquiries and questions that the
committee poses as you are in your posts?
Mr. Estrada.
Mr. Estrada. Mr. Chairman, most definitely. I look forward
to working very closely with this committee.
The Chairman. Mr. Moreno.
Mr. Moreno. Unequivocally, yes.
The Chairman. Mr. Mamet.
Mr. Mamet. Absolutely, yes.
The Chairman. Good. So we are starting off well.
[Laughter.]
In recent years, Mr. Moreno, there has been a high level of
concern about the increasing use of the Caribbean as a drug
transit zone. According to the Department of State in its 2013
International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, Jamaica is the
Caribbean's largest supplier of marijuana to the United States
and reportedly an emerging transit point for cocaine passing
through Central America destined to the United States.
What is your assessment--I know you are not in post yet,
but I am sure you have had discussions with the State
Department--of the Jamaican Government's cooperation with the
United States on antinarcotic efforts? And if confirmed, will
you make this one of your significant issues at your post?
Mr. Moreno. Certainly, Mr. Chairman. With my background, it
is kind of a natural that it would be one of my priorities.
I think that there is increasing analytical and anecdotal
evidence that, in fact, as a transshipment point, the Jamaican
corridor has really picked up. That is due, in a way, to the
success we have had with the Merida Initiative, the success we
have had in Colombia, and as you know, the balloon effect is
now branching out.
I want to take a very close look at resource allocation on
our side as well. I want to make sure that we have the right
resources pointed in the right direction and doing the right
thing. We have a very big INL program, which is bolstered by
funding from the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative. We work
with the constabulary force. We work with the Jamaican defense
forces. We have an FMF program that works on small ships and
patrol boats that the Jamaican Coast Guard and Navy use.
The cooperation has been good. We are seeing an increase of
quite a high percentage, almost double the amount of cocaine
seized in 2013 versus 2012, and I think they are probably at a
record-setting margin this year.
As you know, from my service in Colombia and Mexico, I have
personally witnessed the damage that drug trafficking does to
societies. Corruption including--as a matter of fact, many
Jamaican politicians and leaders recognize that corruption
perhaps is the most destructive facet of drug trafficking, and
we are seeing that. But we are seeing the Jamaican Government
address that. We have seen a commitment on their part to move
with us. We work with the anticorruption force and the
constabulary force. We work, along with the British and with
the Canadians. We work with the major organized crime task
force. We even set up a 1-800 corrupt cop number that INL pays
for. We are also really urging the Jamaicans to move forward
and create an independent commission that addresses corruption
specifically.
So we are engaged and the Jamaicans are engaged, but it is
a tough battle and one which, as we can see what happened in
Mexico, as we see the struggles that Colombia went through,
that this is a very serious issue. And I think we need to
address it and we need to look at resources and the way we
allocate them.
The Chairman. And in that regard, the Caribbean Basin
Security Initiative that you alluded to--we have spent about
$35 million in Jamaica in that respect. I hope that you will
look at how Jamaica has used that money and what our evaluation
of it is.
One of the things that I am concerned about is law
enforcement capacity-building. The other thing is ports and the
security at ports and the screening and scanning, I should say,
at ports because ultimately we trade with these countries, but
they have access to our ports and those drugs end up here.
Mr. Moreno. Yes, sir, absolutely. As a matter of fact, we
are using antiterrorist funds administered by the Diplomatic
Security to work with the port security program in Jamaica. I
started the port security program in Cartagena, Colombia and in
Barranquilla. So I am pretty familiar with how port security
programs should work.
We are addressing that, and the Caribbean, as you know,
Basin Security Initiative, $263 million in total, of which
Jamaica, as you mentioned--I am really anxious, if confirmed,
to get down on the ground and see, as I said, about how
resources are being allocated, how the Jamaicans have used
their resources, and how we can continue to be more effective
and more efficient in this because this is the kind of problem
that once it starts--you will recall back in the 1980s and
early 1990s when we put the above-the-horizon radars in and
then we forced the traffickers again to go through the Central
America-Mexico route, and we are seeing the consequences of
that now. Now, as we apply pressure, I think we have to really
pay close attention to that and really take a look at our
resource allocation.
The Chairman. Well, I appreciate that. I am very concerned
as we squeeze elsewhere that the Caribbean becomes an
increasingly large traffic point.
And so that brings me to Mr. Estrada. With Venezuela
increasingly becoming a primary transit point for the
trafficking of drugs to markets in Europe and the United
States, do you have a sense--and I recognize again you are not
in post. But do you have a sense of what Trinidad and Tobago's
proximity to the Venezuelan coast has made it vulnerable to
trafficking operations?
Mr. Estrada. Senator, I definitely agree because of the
proximity. As you know, the closest point is about 7 miles off
the coast of Venezuela. It has become a transshipment point.
Just last month, there was a large cocaine bust in the port of
Norfolk that originated in Trinidad and Tobago being
transported in juice cans. So it shows that they do have a key
challenge, and we are partnering with them to address this
issue. We will continue to engage. And if confirmed, I will
continue to lead our efforts in supporting the improvement of
the Trinidad and Tobago law enforcement capacity to address
this issue.
The Chairman. Well, your example, an example of why I care
so much about port security, is an example of how drugs end up
on the streets of our community. And having the largest port in
the Northeast, the Port of Elizabeth in Newark, I can see what,
in fact, happens in our communities.
Let me ask you. Also according to U.N. statistics, more
than 13,000 people in Trinidad and Tobago are estimated to be
living with HIV. In an effort to combat that, the country has
received assistance under the President's PEPFAR program, which
we recently reauthorized. How would you assess these efforts
and the support the United States has provided to Trinidad and
Tobago?
Mr. Estrada. Senator, thank you for the question.
The assistance that Trinidad has received thus far--a lot
of it has to do with their prevention, strengthening their
laboratory efforts, public outreach. And the CDC is on the
ground in Trinidad and Tobago. Yes, there is a 1.5-percent
prevalence in adult HIV rate. And this program thus far--again,
through this assistance, it does seem to be working and with
the embassy doing the outreach via social media and through
other avenues that are available.
The Chairman. And then finally, I will have questions for
Mr. Mamet, but my time has expired. So I am going to turn to
Senator Rubio.
How is it going to feel to go back as the United States
Ambassador to Trinidad and Tobago which was originally your
native country?
Mr. Estrada. Senator, a great question, and I am glad you
asked. As you very well know, I left as a 14-year-old.
The Chairman. We only ask great questions. [Laughter.]
Mr. Estrada. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. At least members here think so.
Mr. Estrada. I have been back to Trinidad probably four
times since I left in March 1970. The first time I went back to
Trinidad was in 2004 as a guest speaker for the Marine Corps
Ball. I was a sitting sergeant major for the Marine Corps then.
So I had not been.
Yes, I do have family members--small family members still
in the country. I respect Trinidad. It is a beautiful country.
I look forward to working with the government and the people of
Trinidad and Tobago and getting to know them very well.
Obviously, I do not know them as much as I did when I left as a
14-year-old.
My loyalty with my distinguished service in the United
States Marine Corps--there should be no doubt in anyone's mind
where it stands. I am American and I represent the United
States of America's interests.
The Chairman. We have no doubt about that. I just wanted to
have the emotional element of it.
Senator Rubio.
Senator Rubio. Thank you. Thanks to the chairman.
Thank you all for being here, particularly Mr. Estrada and
Moreno for your longtime service to our country. We are very
grateful for that, and we are sure you will do a great job at
these posts.
Let me just overlay my questions with a general observation
that in the Western Hemisphere in general there is this
emerging trend, which I find as a direct threat, and that is
the growing authoritarianism that really poses a risk to both
free markets and the democratic consensus that we find
throughout the region. One of the countries that will be
discussed here today, unfortunately--Argentina--perhaps falls
in that camp.
I thought that situation, by the way, was on full display
in Havana a few weeks ago when all these heads of state met
under the auspices of the sole totalitarian regime and state
sponsor of terrorism in our hemisphere and which yesterday, by
the way, arrested, as you know, Mr. Chairman, a well-known
dissident. We call him Antunez who had actually met with us. He
traveled here to Washington. He was arrested, along with his
wife I believe, yesterday.
So for anyone who has fantasies about what Cuba is and to
these heads of state that travel there, particularly the
President of Argentina about 2 weeks ago, to gain advice from
Fidel and Raul Castro, well, I am not sure what you are going
to get advice in unless you are looking to become a
totalitarian government because that is the only thing they are
good at.
And by the way, it is a tremendous hypocrisy. The only head
of state in the Western Hemisphere that had the dignity to meet
with members of the beleaguered democratic opposition was the
President of Chile, Pinera--and I wanted to publicly
acknowledge that--as he has done many times in the past as
well.
I am also concerned--and I am no longer the ranking member
of this subcommittee, but I am glad I am here today--by what
best can be characterized as an indifferent foreign policy--and
both parties are guilty of this--toward the hemisphere and its
issues and at worst is quite frankly negligence, this rising
tide of authoritarianism that we find in the region.
There are some issues as well largely focused on Argentina
in the time that is permitted here today.
But I did want to ask you, Mr. Moreno. You are an expert in
counternarcotics. Jamaica is believed to be potentially the
largest Caribbean supplier of marijuana to the United States.
Is there any evidence that recent efforts to legalize the use
of marijuana in certain States here have had an impact on the
situation?
Mr. Moreno. In fact, it has had an impact. There had been
movement both in the Jamaican Parliament and in the press to
argue for either legalization for medical reasons, religious
reasons, or to decriminalize personal possession of small
quantities. We have been very clear on what our position is,
that marijuana is considered a category 3 dangerous drug and as
such, we will continue to enforce all Federal statutes
involving marijuana.
Also, the Embassy has been instructed to--and they followed
up magnificently in reporting all these developments.
There is a pending piece of legislation in the Jamaican
parliament--we are not sure how far that could possibly go--
that would decriminalize certain aspects of possession of
marijuana. They make the argument that, oh, that is going to
improve tourism, that it is going to help the small farmer, et
cetera, et cetera. We, of course, reject those arguments and we
maintain that marijuana is still a dangerous drug and we are
going to enforce our Federal statutes.
Senator Rubio. Marijuana-improved tourism. Will that be in
their promotion material?
Mr. Moreno. Not my argument, Senator.
Senator Rubio. No, I understand. I know that is their
argument.
Anyway, more in the form of a statement than a question,
the 2003 reporting period for the Trafficking in Persons report
found that the Government of Jamaica did not convict any
trafficking offenders or any officials complicit in human
trafficking. And I would just encourage you, when you are in
that post, to be a strong voice on behalf of those victims
because Jamaica, I believe it is Tier 2. But in any event,
there is a human trafficking problem there as there is here.
And I hope that you will be a strong voice.
Mr. Moreno. Absolutely. As a veteran Foreign Service
officer I am well aware of how important that is. In the many
posts that I have served, it has become a very serious issue.
Senator Rubio. And then, Mr. Estrada, on the issue of
Trinidad and Tobago, there was a citizen from there that was
convicted and received a life sentence in U.S. Federal court
for a 2007 plot to bomb a jet fuel pipeline at John F. Kennedy
International Airport. The individual had ties to Trinidad's
militant group that attempted to overthrow the government there
back in the 1990s.
By the way, the individual has also been linked by
Argentina's special prosecutor to the 1994 terrorist attack
that many believe Iran was behind. In fact, there is strong
evidence that Iran was behind it.
So my question is, do we have concerns that Islamic
radicalism is a problem in Trinidad and Tobago?
Mr. Estrada. Thank you for the question, Senator.
The United States Government considers the Government of
Trinidad and Tobago to be a committed partner in combating
terrorism in the Caribbean and preventing terrorist attacks
against the United States. If confirmed, I will continue to
work the Government of Trinidad and Tobago to strengthen this
partnership.
As of now, there are no known indigenous terrorist groups
based in Trinidad and Tobago, but we continue to monitor the
situation.
Senator Rubio. Along the lines of the statement that I made
just a moment ago, in the same Trafficking in Persons report,
Trinidad and Tobago is a Tier 2 Watch List country for
trafficking. It means it is a destination and a transit country
for adults and children that are subjected to both forced labor
and to sex trafficking. There has been information that public
officials there have been complicit in trafficking-related
incidents. In fact, the 2013 report states that although the
government had infrastructure to screen for trafficking
victims, law enforcement officials repeatedly treated victims
as criminals and charged them with solicitation charges.
There has also been, by the way, certain public officials
that have been identified as severely hampering the
government's efforts to combat trafficking.
So I would hope that--and I expect that you will, when you
are in that post, be a strong voice on behalf of those victims
and be willing to--I know it makes the operating space
uncomfortable, but to be willing to be a forceful voice in
condemning these actions to the extent that there is the
unwillingness of these government officials to address this
very serious human tragedy.
Mr. Estrada. Senator, I fully concur. Like all countries,
Trinidad and Tobago does face some challenges, but they have
shown the will to try to address this issue. We will continue
to partner with them. I will lead our efforts. I will be a
strong advocate on behalf of human rights for all people in
that area.
The Chairman. Mr. Mamet, let me ask you. What is our
national interest in Argentina?
Mr. Mamet. Thank you, Senator.
I think we have a number of national interests. As you
know, number one, there are over 500 U.S. companies that are
doing business in Argentina. Some have been there for nearly a
century. They have, by all accounts, continued to do relatively
well, but they have had issues I mentioned in my opening
statement on regulation, on import-export controls, and other
areas around that.
I think it is very important to note, as you well know,
that they are on the U.N. Security Council. They are at the
IAEA and they have been a good, constructive partner with us on
nuclear nonproliferation, as well as human rights, antihuman
trafficking. So there is, I think, a range of international
issues we work well on.
There are a number of issues that we do not have the best
relationship with, but as Ambassador, Senator, if I can work
with you, work with this committee, and have the full force of
the White House behind me, I will bring tough messages, when
needed, to allies. I think that it is important to tell the
truth. And we obviously have some irritants in our relationship
largely around a number of economic issues and financial
issues.
The administration has strongly urged the Argentine
Government to clear its arrears, both public and private, as
well as to normalize its relations with the international
financial community, as well as its creditors and investors.
The Chairman. Well, I would have wanted to hear from you,
although you alluded to it at the end there, that part of our
national interest is having a country that meets its Paris Club
debt, of which we hold a significant amount, that we have a
series of bondholders that have not been paid and they have
done nothing to not merit payment, that we have a real concern
about judicial independence and press freedom in Argentina. So
I think our national interests are broader, and I hope that you
will think about it in that context.
You know, last week, referring to mounting challenges
stemming from currency depreciation, rising inflation, recent
nationalizations and broader signs of macroeconomic
instability, a New York Times editorial stated that Argentina
was facing a financial crisis caused largely by misguided
government policies. And a Washington Post editorial stated
that Argentina is headed for another stretch of economic and
perhaps political turmoil.
Do you agree with that assessment?
Mr. Mamet. Well, Senator, as you know, the administration
follows very closely economic activity in the country. The
Department of the Treasury obviously monitors this very
closely.
I agree with what you say. There are a number of issues
that are irritants in our relationship. I think they have made
some progress, not nearly as much as we would hope, on a number
of fronts, whether that is presenting at least an outline of a
payment plan to the Paris Club, which I think just last night,
the Paris Club came back and said they want to have those
negotiations and have those discussions. It has been a long
time coming. No question about it, but that is one of the
issues that we have pushed the government on, and I think it is
too early. I do not want to prejudge how that comes out. We
will see.
I think later this month the Argentine Government is going
to present to the IMF a new inflation index, a new CPI, and so
obviously, we need to see how that plays out as well.
The ICSID agreements, which you know are the final arbitral
ICSID awards that they paid--I believe it was $667 million to
three American companies.
So those are, I think, at least positive steps in the right
direction. There is a lot more to do. And although I know the
Spanish company Repsol is not a U.S. company, that has been an
issue on the docket that we have talked to them about. We have
urged them, as other governments have as well, because
unfortunately when they nationalized that, they did not deal
with it for a long time. But now it does look like they are in
final stages of a deal with that company.
The Chairman. I know you mentioned the Paris Club. The
offer to negotiate its Paris Club debt--is that any different
than past offers? They have made past offers, but they have not
followed through.
Mr. Mamet. That is exactly why I said I did not want to
prejudge yet to see what happens. I think we are right in the
middle of that. I completely agree, Senator. It is an ongoing
issue, as I called it an irritant in our relationship, that we
need to deal with. I think that is exactly why we need to have
an ambassador there to dialogue at the highest levels and
deliver those tough messages.
The Chairman. How does Argentina's default on U.S.
Government debt affect other aspects of U.S. relations with the
country?
Mr. Mamet. On the Paris Club, among other things?
I think there is that basket of issues, IMF, Paris Club.
The ICSID agreements I think did actually move forward the
relationship a little bit. But, unfortunately, I think we have
to be vigilant and keep an eye every single day on what is
going on. I think these import controls, export controls, some
of the regulation I think has made it a very difficult place at
times to do business, although U.S. businesses, as I understand
it, Chairman, are doing OK. But at the same time, I think we
really need to be engaged with the country every single day,
have the full force of this committee and the White House
pushing Argentina to do what is in their own best interest.
The Chairman. How do you see Argentina aligned within that
Western Hemisphere?
Mr. Mamet. Well, Mr. Chairman, as you know, they are the
third-largest economy in Latin America. They obviously are a
major player on all sorts of issues. Internationally, as I
said, they work pretty well with us on a number of issues,
nuclear nonproliferation, human rights, antihuman trafficking.
So they are a major country with a major economy that we work
with at the U.N., the IAEA, and a number of other multilateral
fora.
The Chairman. Well, to piggyback on Senator Rubio, not only
in Cuba, but President Kirchner has taken the country in
alliance with those in many respects who do not share our
values with Venezuela, with Bolivia, with Ecuador. It seems to
be aligned in the universe of those who are willing to change
their constitutions in order to perpetuate their existence in
government and reelection even beyond the constitutional
mandate. So they arbitrarily and capriciously change
constitutions. As a matter of fact, is it not true that
President Kirchner was looking to do exactly that in Argentina?
Mr. Mamet. Well, Senator, in regards to Cuba, if I can just
say that the administration, as you know, respects the rights
of all countries to have their own bilateral relations, but
this is a very important point. As you know, in my background,
I have worked on democracy issues. This is something that is
very important to me personally.
And working with this committee, I think that we need to
continue to encourage Argentina to show a strong commitment to
democracy, the rule of law, freedom of expression, and to hold
their partners and their neighbors in the region accountable to
the same basic standards that they believe in. As you know,
they just had a 30th anniversary of return to democracy. They
know, as well as anybody I think, the benefits of democracy,
but we have to hold them accountable to make sure they push
their neighbors, push their partners on those issues that we
cherish that I personally hold dear and I know you do as well.
The Chairman. Well, beyond Cuba, certainly the countries
they are engaging with and seem to align themselves with are
generally not within the universe of U.S. national interests.
I also get concerned at someone who is willing to change
the constitution and may have only been thwarted because they
did not win the majorities necessary in the Congress to
ultimately change the constitution. Otherwise they likely would
have.
And then I look at last year's leading human rights
organizations such as Human Rights Watch and the U.N. Special
Rapporteur on the independence of judges, which expressed deep
concern about reforms passed by the Argentine Congress and
moves taken by the Kirchner administration that pose a risk to
the independence of the judiciary in Argentina.
And then I see what has happened with press freedom in
Argentina with the Clarin, which is one of the few media
outlets to challenge Ms. Fernandez's policies, being besieged
by the Kirchner administration.
So I have a larger view about what is happening in
Argentina. And just a rosy view that we have business, yes, we
have business there, but we have bondholders who do not get
paid. We have debt to the United States that they keep playing
with by saying we are going to renegotiate and never get to
that renegotiation. We have judges that are being interfered
with. We have freedom of the press that is being violated. And
we have a currency crisis that is going on. So our national
interest universe here is much broader.
Senator Rubio.
Senator Rubio. I just wanted to take off on that point and
say--I think you have stated it accurately, Mr. Chairman. Here
is what I would add. Mr. Mamet, have you been to Argentina?
Mr. Mamet. Senator, I have not had the opportunity yet to
be there. I have traveled pretty extensively around the world,
but I have not yet had a chance.
Senator Rubio. Well, here is why I ask--and this is with
all due respect. You have an impressive resume of work and so
forth, and obviously, we are very interested in your testimony
and what we learn in the days to come leading up to your
nomination. I think this is a very significant post because I
think Argentina is right where the chairman is describing. We
have this trend in Latin America of people who get elected but
then do not govern democratically, and Argentina is an example
of this. Now, are they where Venezuela is? Cuba did not even
try to have elections. But Venezuela or Nicaragua or Bolivia or
Ecuador? That is where they are headed and that is who they
align with.
The chairman talked for a moment about the government-
sanctioned censorship that you are seeing going on there. For
example, Kirchner has replaced independent media regulators
with a board charged with overseeing the distribution of media
licenses. This was put in effect basically in order to repress
opposition media outlets by imposing ridiculous restrictions
upon them. You have an antiterrorism law passed in 2011 that
now holds the media liable for reporting on issues that could,
``terrorize the public.'' This is a trend throughout the
region, and now Argentina is at the forefront of these sorts of
things.
I will bring another point up to you. In January 2013, the
President of Argentina announced a memorandum of understanding
with Iran to create what she calls a truth commission to
reinvestigate the 1994 terrorist attack on the Argentine
Israelite Mutual Association. This understanding is a reversal
of years of work and of exhaustive reporting on that attack by
a special prosecutor, whom I have met, Alberto Nisman, who
concluded that the attacks were approved by the Supreme Leader
of Iran himself and by senior officials in the Iranian
Government.
Again, these are things that are very concerning to us, and
I bring these things to light because in your answer to the
chairman's question a moment ago, you identified Argentina as
an ally. Is Argentina truly an ally? I should not say the
people of Argentina or even the nation. Is this government
under this President in Argentina--is that country an ally of
the United States?
Mr. Mamet. Senator, in my perspective, they are an ally who
we disagree with and have fundamental disagreements about
certain policies. I think mature democracies can disagree and
do it very directly and forcefully when needed, either publicly
or privately. And I think that is all the more reason that we
need to engage. We need to be down there talking to them at the
very highest levels.
Senator Rubio. Well, again, I do not disagree that we
should not talk at the highest levels, but again, I take issue
with the idea that Argentina is a mature democracy. Mature
democracies do not target newspaper and media outlets. Mature
democracies do not interfere with the judicial branch. Mature
democracies do not take the sort of actions that they are
taking. They certainly have elections. I am not disputing they
have elections. But elections alone do not make you a
democracy.
Let me give you another example. The Argentine-United
States security cooperation between our countries is virtually
nonexistent and it is nonexistent because of their
unwillingness to work with us. And as I am sure you are aware,
even in the agreements that we had with them in the past--I
think it was 3 years ago--led by the Foreign Minister himself--
they seized American equipment. Those are not the actions of an
ally. I do not recall the last time that Canada seized our
equipment. I do not recall the last time that Mexico seized our
equipment. I do not recall the last time Israel, South Korea,
Japan, or any of our other real allies seized our equipment.
Again, this is not a reflection on the people of Argentina
or even on the national character of a country that I do
believe has strong affinities to our shared culture. But I do
take issue with this government who I do not consider an ally
of the United States, nor an enemy either. But they need to
make a decision about who they are and where they are headed
government-wise. And I can just tell you that these signals
that we are getting are not the signals of a mature democracy
and they are not the actions of an ally.
I did want to raise one more point in particular, and I
know the chairman has already raised it, but I have people in
Florida that have been impacted by this. And that is, for more
than a decade, they have refused to honor their bond
obligations. They have repeatedly defied U.S. courts, and they
refuse to negotiate in good faith with its foreign
stakeholders, including U.S. creditors who hold bonds with a
face value of $8.7 billion at the time of the 2001 default.
And by the way, it looks like they are headed for another
default because all the actions they are taking today seem to
be designed to avoid a short-term default. But long term, their
structural problems are extraordinary, which is that I
anticipate, quite frankly, that there is a very high likelihood
that, if you are confirmed, while you are in that post, you are
going to have another similar collapse in Argentina to what you
saw economically just a decade ago. This is a very serious
problem.
So let me ask you. If you are confirmed as an Ambassador,
will you send a clear message to that government in Argentina
that it must engage? If it wants to be an ally, if it wants to
have a better relationship with the United States, it must
engage in good faith negotiations with its creditors, and it
must honor its international financial obligations.
Mr. Mamet. Absolutely, Senator, I will do that, and I will
have the backing of this committee, this chairman, and the
White House as we go in and we talk about the exact issues that
you mentioned. The JCET incident from a couple years ago
obviously was--it was a very difficult part in our
relationship--a very difficult time in our relationship between
the two countries. They have been, though--Argentina has twice
been a victim of a major terrorist attack. They understand.
They are committed to fighting terrorism, and the
administration does stand ready to increase cooperation on a
number of fronts, if asked. So I think absolutely we need to be
engaged. If you want, we can talk about the AMIA bombing or
Iran. There are a lot of other things I know you brought up.
But the answer to your question, whether it is debt to U.S.
bondholders or the debt to the Paris Club or whether it is
incidents like the JCET incident that you referenced, I think
we absolutely have to have a frank and tough discussion. But I
think allies can disagree, but at the same time, we need to be
in there fighting for our interests. And if confirmed, Senator,
that will be my top priority, working with you, to absolutely
fight for our interests and, at the same time, look for those
areas that we can cooperate on.
Senator Rubio. This is the most unique ally I think we have
in the world then because Argentina is an ally that, according
to what you have said, Argentina is an ally that does not pay
American bondholders the money they owe them, does not
cooperate with our military, and basically is open to
reinvestigating and in my opinion potentially reinterpreting
the fact that a terrorist attack authorized--according to their
own special prosecutor who found this evidence--authorized by
the Supreme Leader of Iran was carried out against the Jewish
community in Buenos Aires. I mean, if it was not Iran, who else
was behind it? And the evidence is pretty compelling. And
instead of taking the advice of their own special prosecutor,
this ally of ours has now decided to reopen it in the hopes of
reinterpreting it. These are, in my opinion, not the actions of
an ally. It could change. There could be a new President and a
new direction for their government.
But last but not least, I would just say that the
antidemocratic direction that Argentina is going reminds me a
lot more of Ecuador and Bolivia and Venezuela than it does of
Mexico and Chile and Peru and Colombia. Those are allies. I
think the Argentinean Government needs to make up its mind what
they are toward the United States.
Thank you.
The Chairman. One final set of questions.
This assignment for which you have been nominated is a big
country in terms of the access of--with all due respect to the
other two nominees, those are important countries as well. But
this is a big to-do about, in my opinion as someone who has
followed the hemisphere for 21 years, where the hemisphere
goes.
How would you define Argentina's positions vis-a-vis
intellectual property and narcotics trafficking and money
laundering?
Mr. Mamet. Well, Senator, as I mentioned earlier, we have
had a good relationship over the years working with them on a
number of fronts. Ever since the JCET incident, we have scaled
back and there is little cooperation on whether it is defense-
related training exercises or other issues. The administration
stands ready to increase cooperation, if asked, on that
particular note.
The Chairman. And on intellectual property rights?
Mr. Mamet. Senator, on that, I do not have a full answer on
that, but I would be happy to--because you deserve a full,
complete answer on intellectual property. Obviously, it is very
important for our companies that are doing business down there.
And if I may get back to you on intellectual property, I would
be happy to do that.
[The written response submitted by Mr. Mamet to the
requested information follows:]
The United States carefully monitors intellectual property rights
protection in Argentina and presses for more effective enforcement.
Areas of concern include counterfeiting, online piracy, and the unfair
commercial use and unauthorized disclosure of data submitted to
regulatory agencies to obtain approval for the sale of pharmaceuticals.
In these and related matters, Argentine courts have not provided
adequate protection. Argentina also does not efficiently address patent
issues and applications. For these and other reasons, the Office of the
U.S. Trade Representative includes Argentina on its Priority Watch
List.
Argentina is making progress to better protect intellectual
property rights, albeit slowly. In 2012, the number of enforcement
raids increased and regulatory officials improved cooperation with
industry actors. The judiciary granted a civil injunction related to
the online distribution of pirated content, though criminal action has
been lacking. We urge Argentina to devote more attention and
investigative and prosecutorial resources to this issue. As a
consultant to corporations that operate overseas, I recognize the vital
role the U.S. Government plays in advocating for the protection of U.S.
intellectual property. If confirmed, I would be a vigorous advocate for
U.S. companies in Argentina, working closely with the local American
Chamber of Commerce to identify and address the most serious
intellectual property concerns.
Argentina also should do more to curtail money laundering, which
facilitates narcotics trafficking, corruption, and tax evasion. The
United States is not alone in making this observation; since 2009, the
Financial Action Task Force has been working with Argentina to address
deficiencies in its legal framework and enforcement approach.
I recognize the challenge Argentine authorities face in a country
where cash is commonly used for transactions and a high percentage of
economic activity occurs in the informal sector. Argentina has made
progress implementing legislation and building its capacity to address
technical deficiencies.
Nevertheless, problems persist. If confirmed, I would urge
Argentine officials to pay greater attention to this issue, improve
regulatory coordination, and ensure that the appropriate laws and
regulations are established and enforced. The Financial Action Task
Force recommends that, in addition to technical compliance,
effectiveness must be considered when evaluating a national antimoney
laundering strategy.
Argentina is an important transit zone for South American cocaine
being shipped to Europe. Argentina is also seeing increased domestic
consumption and, with it, a rise in violent crime. In my work in
impoverished neighborhoods in Los Angeles, I have seen the awful
consequences of illegal drugs on communities, particularly on youth,
and I support Argentina's efforts to address trafficking and addiction.
Argentina has focused its efforts in Greater Buenos Aires and in
vulnerable, low-income communities. It has made new investments in
demand reduction. Improved coordination among its federal and
provincial law enforcement agencies and deployments in the country's
north of additional equipment and personnel would bolster operational
capacity. Additionally, Argentine courts face backlogs in drug cases
that limit their ability to bring narcotics traffickers to justice and
allow their punishments to serve as a deterrent.
Argentina and the United States share an important interest in
confronting this alarming increase in illicit drug trafficking. If
confirmed, I would urge Argentina to resume the more robust level of
information-sharing and case coordination that occurred before
Argentina seized a U.S. military plane and cargo in 2011 and
subsequently reduced its security cooperation with the United States.
Argentina's Ministry of Security reactivated some cooperation with U.S.
authorities, including the Drug Enforcement Administration, in 2012.
These limited joint efforts led to significant arrests, most notably of
Colombian national Henry Lopez Londono in Buenos Aires in October 2012.
However, far greater collaboration is possible given the scope of the
challenge and, if confirmed, I would make this a priority.
The Chairman. Well, let me inform you a little bit.
Argentina has been on the special 301 priority list of the
United States for a number of years because of its deficiencies
in intellectual property rights enforcement.
And with reference to drug trafficking and money
laundering, it is pretty outrageous that our bilateral
cooperation on counternarcotics issues has decreased
dramatically following Argentina's February 2011 seizure at the
Buenos Aires airport of U.S. military cargo and training
materials, materials for an exercise that had been approved by
the Argentine Government.
So this is why we have some real concerns about what this
relationship is and what our nominee will do in this country
because we love the Argentinean people. We think they deserve
better, and we think that Americans who ultimately invest in
Argentina deserve much better than what they have experienced.
With no other members before the committee and with our
thanks to all of you for your testimony, the record will remain
open until the close of business tomorrow.
I would urge the nominees, if they receive questions from
the committee members who may not have been here today but will
submit questions for the record, for you to answer them
expeditiously. The sooner you answer them, the more likely we
can consider you for a business meeting.
And seeing no other member wishing to ask questions, this
hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:55 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Questions and Answers Submitted for the Record
Responses of Luis G. Moreno to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What is your assessment of the Jamaican Government's
cooperation with the U.S. on antinarcotics efforts? If confirmed, what
efforts will you take to deepen this cooperation?
Answer. The United States has a history of close and fruitful law
enforcement cooperation with the Jamaican Government. If confirmed, I
would continue this partnership with the Jamaican Government, working
closely with the many U.S. agencies represented in our Embassy, and
Jamaican counterparts focused on counterterrorism and counternarcotics
activities. I would support Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI)
funding for programs focusing on capacity-building for security forces
and the criminal justice system.
Our joint efforts through the CBSI to counter the growing threat
posed by narcotics and weapons trafficking to the security of our
citizens and our economies have resulted in the arrest of lottery
scammers, the extraditions of drug traffickers, and the seizure of
illegal drugs and contraband. In 2013, Jamaican authorities, with U.S.
support, seized 1,230 kg of cocaine, compared to 338 kg in 2012.
U.S. relationships with the Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF) and
Jamaica Defense Force (JDF) are excellent. Ship container and airport
interdiction initiatives have proven beneficial in seizing drugs,
identifying targets, and developing leads to the United States and
other countries. The Embassy is working to assemble joint training for
Jamaicans customs and select law enforcement groups, coordinated by
U.S. and British law enforcement/security agencies, particularly in the
area of drug interdiction.
Question. What accounts for Jamaica's increased homicide rate in
the past year? What is the Jamaican Government doing to curb violence?
What role can U.S. assistance play?
Answer. Jamaica recorded 1,197 murders in CY 2013, a 9-percent
increase over 2012. Jamaican officials, including National Security
Minister Peter Bunting, attributed the 2013 spike in homicides to
increased use of violence in robberies, the recent prison releases of
alleged gang leaders, a general increase in intragang battles, and a
return to Caribbean drug routes--owing to law enforcement efforts in
Mexico and Central America that brought with it an increase in weapons
and drug trafficking.
To curb this violence, the Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF)
launched Operation Resilience in October 2013, an antigang measure that
resulted in hundreds of arrests and seized weapons. The Jamaican
Government is building capacity by increasing the JCF's budget, and
improving its organized crime and anticorruption task forces and its
forensic capabilities.
Jamaica is a partner in the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative
(CBSI), through which the U.S. Government has been working in Jamaica
since 2010 to increase the capacity of its rule of law institutions as
well as address the root causes of crime.
USAID's CBSI-funded Community Based Policing project provided a
standard curriculum and training for every member of the JCF on
improved interaction with community members and a partnership approach
to policing. Other USAID CBSI activities focus on intervening with at-
risk youth, who are highly susceptible to choosing a life of crime and
violence and providing them with life and job skills training.
CBSI also provides nonlethal equipment and training,
institutionalizes community-based policing, and supports the JCF's
Anti-Corruption Branch. In 2012, with the assistance of INL-provided
equipment the National Forensics Sciences Laboratory's ability to
analyze and process ballistic evidence for the prosecution of gun
crimes increased by 62 percent; firearms account for 70 percent of all
murders in Jamaica.
Question. How would you assess the Caribbean Basin Security
Initiative in Jamaica? In your opinion, is this assistance having an
impact?
Answer. The Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI) is
positively contributing to improved Jamaican law enforcement responses
to increasing transnational criminal activity throughout the region.
As a member of the Caribbean-U.S. Joint Working Group, Jamaica
played a key role in developing this initiative and plays a critical
leadership role in the region. The initiative is improving the safety
of the United States and improving the security of all countries in the
region. USAID's CBSI-funded Community Based Policing (CBP) project
provides a standard curriculum and training for every member of the
Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF) on improved interaction with community
members and a partnership approach to policing. The CBP project has
also been used as a template for other countries within the region to
develop their own CBP activities. The next phase of the CBP project
will improve community safety by increasing the capacity of
communities, police, and other stakeholders to address the root causes
of crime and insecurity. USAID is working with Jamaica's at-risk
communities to ensure they play an active role in the fight against
crime and violence.
Other CBSI activities focus on intervening with at-risk youth who
are highly susceptible to choosing a life of crime and violence, and
providing them with life and job skills training. CBSI funding focused
on law enforcement professionalization has provided 6,000 frontline JCF
officers with nonlethal force equipment and training and supported the
JCF internal affairs division.
Question. How would you assess U.S assistance to Jamaica's efforts
to combat HIV/AIDS? What progress has Jamaica made in combating the
HIV/AIDS epidemic?
Answer. The Government of Jamaica has been a robust partner with
the United States in combating the HIV/AIDS epidemic. While the
President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) program began in FY
2008, Jamaica was making investments with its own limited resources to
address HIV/AIDs as far back as FY 2000. However, Jamaica has one of
the highest levels of HIV prevalence in the Caribbean. Still, there are
fewer deaths due to HIV/AIDS in recent years due to universal access to
antiretroviral drugs and the increase in treatment sites.
In 1999, the rate in the general population was 0.7 percent. In the
2012 Global AIDS response report, the figure is 1.7 percent. There has
been significant underreporting because it is estimated that 50 percent
of the people living with HIV do not know their status as they are
reluctant to be tested, even though testing is widely available in
Jamaica. Stigma and discrimination of people living with HIV/AIDS
drives the epidemic underground and there are challenges to ensure
people adhere to the treatment program.
The U.S. interagency PEPFAR team, along with UNAIDS, Global Fund,
and the EU, consults with the Government of Jamaica to discuss strategy
and avoid duplication of efforts. USAID works closely with the Ministry
of Health to improve the capacity of civil society to respond to the
epidemic and to enhance the sustainability of services and programs.
The majority of resources and technical inputs have been in HIV
prevention through behavioral changes targeting key populations (sex
workers and out-of-school youth). The Jamaican Ministry of Health and
key nongovernmental organizations are encouraging testing and
counseling of the general population as well as supporting the
reduction of stigma and discrimination among people living with HIV/
AIDS and key populations.
Question. Jamaica has a law that in effect criminalizes
homosexuality, and according to Jamaican human rights groups, LGBT
people in Jamaica have been singled out and killed because of their
sexual orientation. The Guardian newspaper reported that the British
honorary consul in Montego Bay was found dead in 2009, with a note on
his body reading ``This is what will happen to all gays.'' What
specific steps will you take as the next U.S. Ambassador to Jamaica to
promote greater tolerance and acceptance of LGBT rights? And, what
specific U.S. programs and assistance will you prioritize to counter
anti-LGBT sentiment in Jamaica and to support individuals and
organizations working to build a safer environment for the Jamaican
LGBT community?
Answer. U.S. support for protecting the human rights of lesbian,
gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons is grounded in our
commitment to ``the equal and unalienable'' human rights enshrined in
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and reflected in our
Constitution. If confirmed, I would work closely with our Embassy team
and Jamaican partners to advance LGBT rights.
Embassy Kingston maintains excellent access and strong relations
with Jamaican officials, nongovernmental organizations, academic
institutions, and community leaders. If comfirmed I will continue to
engage with the Ministry of Health and Ministry of Justice on human
rights issues, including issues of specific concern to the LGBT
community.
U.S. programs and activities seek to enhance and expand
understanding and appreciation for the human rights of LGBT individuals
through internal discussion and dialogue. One important aspect of
embassy activity is to meet regularly with local NGOs that engage on
LGBT issues to gain insight on issues of discrimination and discuss
opportunities for greater U.S. involvement.
Priority programs include funding for ``Panos Caribbean'' that
works to strengthen and improve the livelihoods of those in the gay
community through public awareness campaigns. The program promotes
tolerance and accountability for those impacted by HIV/AIDS. The
Embassy also funded a ``Respect and Tolerance'' program with a local
university that supports activities that promote a culture of respect
and social tolerance for diversity.
If confirmed, I will speak out on the needs of LGBT youth, women,
and racial and ethnic minorities who often face multiple forms of
discrimination. I will also maintain regular contact with academic
institutions to stay informed on LGBT issues; ensure that the Embassy's
Law Enforcement Working Group addresses LGBT issues in the criminal
justice system; and work with other diplomatic missions in Kingston to
promote respect for LGBT persons.
______
Responses of John L. Estrada to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. To what extent can Trinidad and Tobago supply its
regional neighbors with natural gas and decrease the Caribbean's
reliance on using oil and diesel for electricity generation? To what
extent does Trinidad and Tobago have energy efficiency or renewable
energy programs to improve environmental outcomes and free up more
natural gas for export?
Answer. Trinidad provides significant energy resources, mostly oil,
to its Caribbean neighbors and it will continue to play an important
role. While oil can be shipped without significant capital investment,
the same is not true for natural gas. The capital cost to develop the
infrastructure to transport natural gas is an important factor in the
Eastern Caribbean energy market. The administration is advocating on
behalf of a U.S. company that is working with partners from Trinidad
and Tobago to develop a pipeline to Barbados and the neighboring French
islands. If feasible, this project could increase energy security in
the Eastern Caribbean. As a result of the shale gas revolution in the
United States, Trinidad, and Tobago has already shifted its export
market for its gas from the United States to Latin America and Asia.
While Trinidad and Tobago is rich in oil and gas resources, its
leaders recognize that renewable energy is critical to environmental
protection and economic sustainability. They are considering how to
expand renewables locally. Trinidad and Tobago has committed itself to
renewable energy for the Caribbean region by signing a memorandum of
understanding with the U.S. Government to launch a regional renewable
energy center under the Energy and Climate Partnership of the Americas.
Question. How would you assess Trinidad and Tobago's cooperation
with the United States on counternarcotics programs and what steps
would you take as our Ambassador to strengthen this collaboration? To
what degree has Trinidad and Tobago's proximity to the Venezuelan coast
made it vulnerable to trafficking operations?
Answer. Trinidad and Tobago is an important partner in Caribbean
Basin Security Initiative (CBSI) efforts to stem the flow of illegal
drugs from South America. Through CBSI, the United States has
instituted a comprehensive interagency anticrime and counternarcotics
strategy aimed at assisting local law enforcement agencies to detect
and interdict narcotics and to develop the skills to effectively
prosecute these crimes. In Trinidad and Tobago, the government has
struggled to coordinate and adequately fund its counternarcotics
efforts; seizures in 2012 were down from 2011. If confirmed, I would
bolster our CBSI programs and those initiated by the Drug Enforcement
Administration to disrupt the flow of narcotics to the United States
and would work with Trinidad and Tobago to strengthen its capacity to
fight transnational criminals. I would also work to support its efforts
to convince its youth to turn their backs on the false promise of the
drug trade.
Question. What factors account for the high level of violence in
Trinidad and Tobago? How is the Trinidadian Government responding to
the high murder rate? What steps would you take as U.S. Ambassador to
help the Government of Trinidad and Tobago address violence in its
country.
Answer. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago recognizes violent
crime as a key challenge and is seeking taking steps to address it,
including to procuring the necessary equipment, training, and personnel
to address it. I understand that through the Caribbean Basin Security
Initiative (CBSI), the United States provides assistance to help the
Government of Trinidad and Tobago to address the root causes of crime,
which include the destabilizing effects of the illicit narcotics trade
and lack of economic opportunity, and also by providing support to
demand-reduction programs.
There is no greater priority for a U.S. Embassy than protecting its
citizens, including from crime. The U.S. Government has focused its
efforts to combat crime by building Trinidad and Tobago's law
enforcement capacity. If confirmed, I would seek to bolster the
existing U.S. Government interagency efforts to combat crime and build
Trinidad and Tobago's law enforcement capacity. Law enforcement efforts
targeting other specific types of crime have resulted in a marked
decrease in some of those categories of crime, such as kidnappings for
ransom. If confirmed, I would promote these existing programs and work
for their expansion.
Question. According to U.N. statistics, more than 13,000 people in
Trinidad and Tobago are estimated to be living with HIV and the adult
prevalence rate in the country is 1.5 percent. In an effort to combat
HIV/AIDS, Trinidad and Tobago receives assistance under the President's
Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). How would you assess these
efforts and the support that the United States has provided to Trinidad
and Tobago to reduce the incidence and limit the spread of HIV/AIDS?
Answer. Trinidad and Tobago has implemented a national program to
combat HIV/AIDS. The country has a 1.5 percent adult HIV prevalence
rate, with significantly higher rates among those engaged in high-risk
behaviors.
Trinidad and Tobago, along with 11 partnering Caribbean countries,
signed the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR)
Partnership Framework in April 2010. The Framework guides the
collaboration among the U.S. Government's PEPFAR implementing agencies
and the participating host government partners. In Trinidad and Tobago,
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has the most
active role of the U.S. Government's implementing agencies. CDC's
programming focuses on improved data collection, prevention strategies,
laboratory strengthening, and building public health capacity.
______
Responses of Noah Mamet to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. A recent New York Times editorial stated that Argentina
is ``facing a financial crisis caused largely by misguided government
policies'' and a Washington Post editorial stated that Argentina is
``headed for another stretch of economic and perhaps political
turmoil.'' Do you agree with these assessments? Does the current
economic situation in Argentina have the ability to potential to affect
economies throughout the region?
Answer. A stable and prosperous Argentina is in the best interest
of Argentina, the United States, and the region. Encouraging sound
economic policies is one of the key U.S. objectives in Argentina, and
it would be one of my top priorities if confirmed as Ambassador. I
believe strongly in the power of free and fair rules-based trade and
the importance of a market-led economy for economic development.
From 2003 to 2007, Argentina was buoyed by high demand and high
prices for its agricultural exports. Government policies helped bring
about fiscal and current account surpluses and the accumulation of
international reserves. Recently, however, growth has slowed and
Argentina has experienced imbalances in its fiscal and current
accounts, due in part to increasing subsidies for energy. Many informed
observers both inside and outside Argentina believe these imbalances
must be addressed to put Argentina on a sustainable and prosperous
trajectory.
If confirmed, I will encourage the maintenance of a stable,
transparent, and predictable investment climate that promotes
investment and fair and open competition. I would also ensure that the
U.S. Embassy in Buenos Aires continues to serve as a strong advocate
for the fair treatment of U.S. companies and investors.
Question. What are the United States primary national interests in
its bilateral relationship with Argentina with regard to trade,
investment, energy, military, and counternarcotics issues.
Answer. Notwithstanding important areas of disagreement in recent
years, including Argentina's failure to honor its international
obligations to public and private creditors and its inconsistent
security cooperation, the United States and Argentina have a long
history of cooperation. If confirmed, I will strongly advocate for U.S.
interests in areas where our governments have not found common ground
and in areas where we continue to cooperate.
Our countries share many values that provide the foundation for
collaboration on peacekeeping, human rights, nuclear nonproliferation,
counterterrorism, education, and science. We do not always agree with
Argentina's positions in international fora, but it has been a
constructive partner at the International Atomic Energy Agency and the
U.N. Human Rights Council. If confirmed, I will highlight the interests
and values Americans and Argentines share, as well as the potential
benefits of closer cooperation between our countries on the regional
and global stages.
My emphasis on cooperation should not be mistaken for reluctance to
engage in areas of disagreement. Argentina's 2011 seizure of classified
U.S. cargo brought into Argentina by a U.S. Army Joint Combined
Exercise Training team was completely unjustified and unacceptable.
Since this regrettable incident, we have been working to restore the
level of trust necessary for more fulsome cooperation on security and
counternarcotics.
If confirmed, I will continue the administration's efforts to
highlight Argentina's responsibility to meet its international trade
and financial obligations, including by removing trade barriers in
accordance with WTO rules and addressing other impediments to business
and investment.
Despite frustrations and difficulties, our economic relationship
with Argentina is significant and mutually beneficial. More than 500
U.S. companies operate in Argentina and employ more than 170,000
Argentines. The United States is Argentina's largest foreign direct
investor. The U.S. trade surplus with Argentina was $9.4 billion in
2012. Given Argentina's educated workforce and natural resources, there
is room for investment and trade to expand dramatically to the benefit
of both economies.
If confirmed, I will strongly encourage Argentina to take all
appropriate steps to strengthen our economic ties.
Question. What is your assessment of Argentina's participation in
the Mercosur trade bloc and do you see Mercosur as an effective
platform for economic integration and growth in South America?
Answer. The administration welcomes all efforts at regional
integration that aim to reduce obstacles to trade, further economic
development, and increase shared prosperity. We appreciate that support
for democracy is enshrined in Mercosur's foundational documents, and
its implicit commitment to promote those values in the region.
If confirmed, I would work to increase trade and investment with
Argentina and ease market access for U.S. businesses.
Question. In your opinion, who are Argentina's major political
allies in Latin America? What is your assessment of relations between
Argentina and Chile? And, what is your view on Argentina's closeness
with the ALBA countries (Venezuela, Nicaragua, Bolivia, Ecuador, and
Cuba).
Answer. Argentina is active in a variety of regional multilateral
bodies, including the Organization of American States, and it
participates in the Summits of the Americas. It is also an active
member of the Union of South American Nations and the Community of
Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC).
Argentina's relationship with neighboring Chile is cooperative,
including participation in joint military exercises to coordinate
potential joint peacekeeping deployments. Argentina and Chile are
demonstrating their regional leadership on nonproliferation by
organizing this year a joint exercise on response and mitigation to a
potential terrorist attack involving the release of radioactive
material.
The Argentine Government maintains close ties to Venezuela, whose
President, Nicolas Maduro, visited Argentina in May 2013. Although not
a member of the Bolivarian alliance, Argentina has at times associated
itself with the group's positions and objectives.
Argentina and Cuba have had bilateral relations since 1973. In
2009, Argentine President Christina Fernandez de Kirchner visited Cuba
and signed a range of agreements. She returned to Havana last month to
participate in a CELAC summit. Like any country, Argentina is free to
choose its bilateral partners. That said, if confirmed, I would urge
Argentina to take a stronger and more consistent position
internationally on behalf of democratic values and fundamental human
rights, consistent with its own national history.
Question. What is your assessment as to why Argentina has been slow
to settle its outstanding debts? As Ambassador, what tools will you
have at your disposal to encourage the Argentine Government to settle
its outstanding debts? Will you urge the Argentine Government to
negotiate in good faith with its private creditors?
Answer. Resolution of Argentina's legacy debt issues has dragged on
for more than a decade, tarnishing Argentina's reputation among current
and potential investors, damaging its international relationships, and
resulting in certain restrictions to U.S. assistance.
If confirmed, I will strongly urge Argentina to clear its arrears
and normalize relations with all of its creditors, both public and
private.
In my outreach to senior Argentine officials, I will strongly
emphasize that the settlement of these longstanding financial disputes
is in Argentina's interest, as it would send a strong signal that
Argentina is a reliable and attractive destination for foreign and
domestic investment.
Question. What is your assessment of Argentina's most recent offer
to renegotiate its outstanding Paris Club arrears? How does Argentina's
default on U.S. Government debt affect other aspects of U.S. relations
with the country?
Answer. Argentina's unpaid debt to the U.S. Government is a chronic
source of tension in our relationship. If confirmed, I will urge
Argentina to clear its $9 billion in outstanding arrears to the United
States and other members of the Paris Club, and press Argentine
officials to normalize relations with all of its creditors.
Argentina's failure to pay its Paris Club debt has had
consequences. The impasse has tarnished Argentina's reputation among
current and potential investors, damaged its international
relationships, resulted in certain restrictions to U.S. assistance, and
a change in U.S. policies toward Argentina at the multilateral
development banks and at the Export-Import Bank of the United States.
For these reasons, the U.S. and other members of the Paris Club
regarded the restarting of negotiations with Argentina as a positive
step and a basis for further discussion.
If confirmed, I will urge Argentina to reach an agreement with the
Paris Club that brings about the prompt and full repayment of its
debts.
Question. Do you believe that judicial independence is under threat
in Argentina? What message would you deliver to the Argentine
Government regarding the links between upholding judicial independence
and its ability to attract international investment and resolve
financial challenges in the country?
Answer. The separation of the executive, legislative, and judicial
branches, and the protection of their independence, are fundamental
components of democratic governance. The administration follows this
issue closely throughout the hemisphere, including in Argentina.
In 2013, the Argentine Government took steps to alter the size and
selection process of the country's Council of Magistrates, which
oversees the judiciary. It also sought to limit the use of judicial
injunctions against the government, and to establish new appellate
courts. The proposals prompted concerns about judicial independence,
and provoked criticism from Human Rights Watch and the U.N.'s Special
Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers. Argentina's
Supreme Court ultimately struck down as unconstitutional the
controversial election process of the Council of Magistrates proposed
by the executive branch and approved by the legislature.
In the Human Rights Report in 2011 and 2012, the United States
cited risks to judicial independence in Argentina, noting in particular
political pressure on judges to shape judicial outcomes. If confirmed,
I will be steadfast in my defense of judicial independence, and
emphasize that any future attempts at judicial reform not undermine its
independence and the separation of powers.
Question. Do you believe that the Kirchner administration is taking
steps to undermine press freedom in Argentina? If confirmed, will you
make issues of press freedom and the defense of internationally
recognized democratic principles one of your priorities? What message
would you have for the Argentine Government regarding its actions
against Grupo Clarin?
Answer. Freedom of expression, including for members of the press,
is a fundamental right, and in the words of the Inter-American
Democratic Charter, an ``essential component'' of a functioning
democracy. Argentines enjoy a diverse media environment, which
facilitates vibrant policy debates across the ideological and partisan
spectrums. Journalists generally operate free of intimidation or
violence. Criticism of the government is common in the most widely
viewed print and electronic media.
In recent years, however, this media environment has come under
threat, and journalism advocates have raised concerns about government
actions that they believe pose a threat to free expression. A 2009
media law that reduced the concentration of TV and radio ownership was
accompanied by a highly polarizing and intensified conflict between the
government and certain private media groups, including Clarin. In 2011,
counterterrorism legislation also raised concerns about potential
constraints to the free exercise of journalism. The Argentine
Government has defied local court orders to equitably distribute
official advertising across all media outlets, instead favoring those
sympathetic to government views. In 2013, the Argentine Government
pressured major supermarkets and electronics retailers to cease
advertising in certain newspapers, depriving critical outlets of an
important revenue source. These and other actions led Freedom House to
classify Argentina's media environment as only ``partly free'' in its
2013 report. The organization warned that the government had ``hampered
the public's ability to access unbiased information.''
If confirmed, I will speak out both publicly and privately about
the importance of free expression and the right of citizens to benefit
from an independent and diverse media that operates without government
interference.
Question. Is the Argentine Government adequately addressing the
underlying causes of macroeconomic instability? Are you concerned how
the current environment could impact U.S. investment, particularly U.S.
companies already invested in Argentina?
Answer. The Obama administration closely monitors Argentina's
economy and its macroeconomic policies, including actions related to
the country's currency regime. In recent months, Argentina experienced
rising inflation and a loss of reserves driven by imbalances in its
fiscal and current accounts. As the third-largest economy in Latin
America, its economic stability is critically important to the region.
It is also important to the many U.S. companies with investments in
Argentina; in 2012, two-way trade in goods and services totaled $23
billion, and the U.S. trade surplus with Argentina was $10.4 billion.
If confirmed, I will encourage the Argentine Government to adopt
policies that will contribute to economic stability, including policies
that promote a stable investment climate to encourage investment, both
foreign and domestic. A stable and growing Argentine economy will help
bring about shared prosperity in Argentina, while strengthening the 500
U.S. businesses that operate in the country.
Question. What is your understanding of the progress of
negotiations between the Argentine Government and Spanish oil company
Repsol? Do you believe that the nationalization of Repsol assets in
Argentina has implications for U.S. companies seeking to invest in the
country?
Answer. The Obama administration has repeatedly expressed its
concerns about Argentina's nationalization of Repsol-YPF, which
proceeded initially without fair compensation. The administration
called it a ``negative development'' that dampened the investment
climate in Argentina.
The administration has noted developments indicating that YPF and
Repsol agreed in principle on a mutually satisfactory compensation
arrangement. That appears to be a positive step for Argentina. Without
question, an open and competitive market for commodities has proved the
most successful path to modern, efficient, and innovative development
of energy resources across the globe. In the United States, privately
owned energy companies are global leaders that use advanced
technologies and methods for energy exploration and production. U.S.
firms have a lot to offer to countries that present a favorable
investment environment.
In Argentina, oil and natural gas production have been declining in
recent years, and Argentina has gone from being a net exporter of
energy to a net importer. Despite these trends, Argentina has enormous
potential to help supply world energy markets and contribute to global
energy security. The Department of Energy estimates that Argentina has
some of the world's largest shale oil and gas resources. Attracting
private investment, including from U.S. firms, will be essential for
Argentina to regain energy self-sufficiency. The Argentine Government
has demonstrated a clear interest in having U.S. companies act as
partners in their efforts to re-invigorate their energy sector; several
U.S. firms have begun to make sizable investments, including in
Argentina's Vaca Muerta shale oil and shale gas field.
If confirmed, I will continue to raise the administration's concern
at the highest levels of the Government of Argentina about actions that
negatively affect the investment climate in Argentina. At the same
time, I will seek to build a strong bilateral partnership on energy
issues, including through our Bilateral Energy Working Group, to
advance the common interests of our countries.
Question. How do you assess Argentina's IPR enforcement and what
are the most significant efforts that Argentina could make that would
take it off the Special 301 Priority Watch List?
Answer. The United States carefully monitors intellectual property
rights protection in Argentina and presses for more effective
enforcement. Concerns include counterfeiting, online piracy, and the
unfair commercial use and unauthorized disclosure of data submitted to
regulatory agencies to obtain approval for the sale of pharmaceuticals.
Argentine courts have not provided adequate protection. Argentina also
does not efficiently address patent issues and applications. For these
and other reasons, the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative includes
Argentina on its Priority Watch List. On February 12, 2014, it singled
out Argentina in its Notorious Markets report, noting that Buenos Aires
is home to South America's ``largest black market.''
Argentina is making progress to better protect intellectual
property rights, albeit slowly. In 2012, the number of enforcement
raids increased and regulatory officials improved cooperation with
industry actors. The judiciary granted a civil injunction related to
the online distribution of pirated content, though criminal action has
been lacking. If confirmed, I would urge Argentina to devote more
attention and investigative and prosecutorial resources to this
important issue.
Having been a consultant to corporations that operate overseas, I
recognize the vital role the U.S. Government plays in advocating for
the protection of U.S. intellectual property. If confirmed, I would be
a vigorous advocate for U.S. companies in Argentina, working closely
with the local American Chamber of Commerce to identify and address the
most serious intellectual property concerns.
Question. What is your assessment of Argentina's efforts to
confront illicit trafficking networks in the Tri-Border area? What is
your assessment of U.S.-Argentine counternarcotics cooperation?
Answer. The Tri-Border area of Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay
remains an important regional nexus of arms, narcotics, and human
smuggling, counterfeiting, pirated goods, and money laundering--all
potential funding sources for terrorist organizations. If confirmed, I
will ensure that we continue to monitor this region closely and
maintain close communication with this committee on this important
issue.
Argentina recognizes the need for continued to focus on policing
its remote northern and northeastern borders--including the Tri-Border
area--against such threats as illicit drug and human trafficking,
contraband smuggling, and other forms of transnational crime. In my
work in impoverished neighborhoods in Los Angeles, I have seen the
awful consequences of illegal drugs on communities, particularly on
youth, and I support Argentina's efforts to address trafficking and
addiction.
Argentina also focuses on Greater Buenos Aires and vulnerable, low-
income communities. It made new investments in demand reduction.
Improved coordination among its federal and provincial law enforcement
agencies and deployments in the country's north of additional equipment
and personnel would bolster operational capacity. Argentine courts face
backlogs in drug cases that limit their ability to bring narcotics
traffickers to justice and allow their punishments to serve as a
deterrent.
Argentina and the United States share an important interest in
confronting this alarming increase in illicit drug trafficking. The
most consistent cooperation to date is Immigration and Customs
Enforcement's work with Argentine customs. If confirmed, I would urge
Argentina to resume the more robust level of information-sharing and
case coordination that occurred before Argentina seized a U.S. military
plane and cargo in 2011 that resulted in a subsequent reductionin
effective security and law enforcement cooperation with the United
States. Argentina's Ministry of Security reactivated some cooperation
with U.S. authorities, including with the Drug Enforcement
Administration, in 2012. These limited joint efforts led to significant
arrests, most notably of Colombian national Henry Lopez Londono in
Buenos Aires in October 2012. However, far greater collaboration is
possible given the scope of the challenge and, if confirmed, I would
make this a priority.
Question. In your opinion, what are the factors contributing to
money laundering in Argentina? What is the State Department's
assessment of the extent of this problem and what steps would you take
as Ambassador to develop greater bilateral cooperation to address these
issues?
Answer. Argentina should take additional steps to curtail money
laundering, which facilitates narcotics trafficking, corruption, and
tax evasion. We are not alone in making this observation; since 2009,
the Financial Action Task Force has been working with Argentina to
address deficiencies in its legal framework and enforcement approach.
I recognize the challenge Argentine authorities face in a country
where cash is commonly used for transactions and a high percentage of
economic activity occurs in the informal sector. Argentina has made
progress implementing legislation and building its capacity to address
money laundering.
Nevertheless, serious problems persist. If confirmed, I would urge
Argentine officials to pay greater attention to this issue, improve the
capacity and coordination among regulatory, law enforcement and
judicial elements to ensure that the appropriate laws and regulations
are fully implemented and enforced. The Financial Action Task Force
recommends that, in addition to technical compliance, effectiveness
must be considered when evaluating a national antimoney laundering
strategy.
Question. What is your assessment of special prosecutor Alberto
Nisman's reports on Iranian involvement in the 1994 bombing of the
Argentine Israeli Mutual Association? What is the State Department's
position on the Argentina-Iran ``truth commission?''
Answer. The U.S. position on the AMIA bombing is clear and
consistent. For nearly 20 years, the United States and the
international community have joined the Argentine Government and
victims of this horrific terrorist attack in demanding justice. I am
familiar with Special Prosecutor Alberto Nisman's findings, and I know
that our Embassy personnel have met with Nisman on a number of
occasions. If confirmed, I would reach out to Special Prosecutor Nisman
as one of my first acts as Ambassador.
The Obama administration is highly skeptical that a solution can be
found to the AMIA case through the January 2013 Argentina-Iran
agreement, which includes the establishment of a truth commission.
Jewish groups in Argentina share that perspective, and they have
expressed concern that Argentina's cooperation with Iran will only
cause further delays. In recent months, the Argentine Government itself
has acknowledged a lack of progress, though it remains committed to the
agreement.
If confirmed, I will ensure the U.S. Government continues to
support the AMIA investigation so that nearly two decades after the
bombing in Buenos Aires killed 85 people and wounded 300, the
perpetrators might finally be held accountable. I take this issue
extremely seriously, and I will do all I can to help bring justice to
the victims and their families.
Question. What is the State Department's assessment of Argentina's
current nuclear power sector? Also, what is your assessment of U.S.-
Argentine cooperation in the nuclear power sector, including issues of
safety and research?
Answer. Argentina operates two nuclear power reactors capable of
generating up to 10 percent of Argentina's total energy production.
Argentina is expected to begin operating a third reactor this year.
Both General Electric and Westinghouse are interested in supplying new
reactors to Argentina. The United States and Argentina coordinate
effectively on nuclear safety, nuclear security, nuclear research and
development, nuclear safeguards, and nonproliferation through the U.S.-
Argentina Binational Energy Working Group and the U.S.-Argentina Joint
Standing Committee on Nuclear Energy Cooperation, the Nuclear Suppliers
Group, and at the International Atomic Energy Agency, where Argentina
has been a constructive and like-minded partner on issues related to
Iran.
The United States and Argentina have long cooperated in addressing
our shared energy needs and economic opportunities in the energy
sector, and we continue to do so, including at the next meeting of the
Joint Standing Committee on Nuclear Energy Cooperation, to be held in
Argentina later this year.
Question. What is your assessment of the Kirchner administration's
claims that the Falklands are Argentine territory? Should President
Kirchner seek to refer this case to the International Court of Justice
at The Hague, what position would you recommend that the United States
take?
Answer. The U.S. Government acknowledges that there are conflicting
claims of sovereignty between Argentina and the United Kingdom. As a
matter of long-standing policy, the United States recognizes de facto
British administration of the islands, but takes no position regarding
sovereignty claims of either party.
If confirmed, I would encourage British and Argentine cooperation
on practical matters related to the islands, while urging a peaceful
resolution to the core issue.
______
Response of Noah Mamet to Question
Submitted by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. The Argentinian Government's ongoing failure to pay past
debts remains a significant concern, undermining its credibility in the
global marketplace.
The Republic of Argentina has refused to settle debts owed by Caja
National de Ahorra Y Seguro (CAJA) to the TIG Insurance Company (TIG)
from my home State of New Hampshire. I have written a number of letters
to the Argentinian authorities urging them to resolve these outstanding
debts. The legitimacy of TIG's claim was validated by two final U.S.
District Court judgments in 2001 and 2002, and the company has made
five settlement offers to which the Argentine Government has never
responded.
Will you continue to emphasize the importance of resolving
outstanding debt issues between the Argentinian Government and
American debt holders? What are we doing to encourage Argentina
to settle their obligations, including to TIG?
Answer. If confirmed, resolution of Argentina's outstanding debt
issues will be a priority for me, just as it has been for the U.S.
Embassy in Buenos Aires and U.S. agencies in Washington, who raise the
issue with the Argentine Government at every appropriate opportunity.
It is in Argentina's interest to normalize its relationship with the
international financial and investment communities by clearing its
arrears to the U.S. Government and other public and private creditors.
Settling its disputes with U.S. and foreign firms is an important part
of that process, and I would strongly urge senior Argentine officials
to do so.
Argentina has taken positive steps in recent months, including the
settlement of outstanding arbitral awards with three U.S. companies,
and the resumption of discussions regarding the payment of Argentina's
debts to Paris Club members. These preliminary steps are encouraging,
but much more needs to be done. If confirmed, I will press Argentina to
honor all of its international financial commitments. The resolution of
long-standing financial disputes would improve Argentina's investment
climate and strengthen our bilateral relationship.
______
Responses of Noah Mamet to Questions
Submitted by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. During your confirmation hearing on February 6, you
repeatedly described the Government of Argentina as an ally of the
United States. Please describe the status of our bilateral relations
and U.S. interests in Argentina.
Answer. Notwithstanding important areas of disagreement in recent
years, including Argentina's failure to honor its international
obligations to public and private creditors, the United States and
Argentina have a long history of cooperation. If confirmed, I will work
to strengthen that partnership, while strongly advocating for U.S.
interests in areas where our governments have not found common ground
and delivering tough messages when necessary.
Our countries share many values that provide the foundation for
important collaboration on areas of mutual interest, such as
peacekeeping, human rights, nuclear nonproliferation, counterterrorism,
and science. We do not always agree with Argentina's positions in
international fora, but they have often been a constructive partner on
key issues at bodies like the IAEA in Vienna, and the Human Rights
Council in Geneva.
If confirmed, I will highlight the common interests and values
Americans and Argentines share, as well as the potential benefits of
closer cooperation between our countries on the regional and global
stages.
People-to-people connections through education, tourism, science,
and business are strong between our countries. During the 2011-2012
academic year, 1,800 Argentine students studied in the United States
while 4,500 U.S. students did so in Argentina. U.S. tourism to
Argentina has grown in recent years, and our consular section in Buenos
Aires is one of the top visa-issuing posts in the world with more than
600,000 Argentines having visited the United States in 2012. This
interchange strengthens the U.S. economy while helping Argentines
better understand U.S. culture.
If confirmed, I will seek to bring prominent Americans to Argentina
to highlight the dynamism, diversity, and openness of our country. It
is my hope that through these efforts, Argentines will increasingly
look to the United States as a partner in nurturing a peaceful,
prosperous, and sustainable global community.
My emphasis on cooperation should not be mistaken for reluctance to
engage in areas of disagreement. Argentina's 2011 seizure of classified
U.S. cargo brought into Argentina by a U.S. Army Joint Combined
Exercise Training team was completely unjustified and should never
happen again. If confirmed, I will continue the administration's
efforts to highlight Argentina's responsibility to meet its
international financial obligations, as well as its need to remove
trade barriers and address related policies. I will aggressively
address these and other areas of disagreement, while finding
opportunities to advance mutual interests.
Question. How would you characterize the current status of media
freedom in Argentina?
Answer. Freedom of expression, including for members of the press,
is fundamental and in the words of the Inter-American Democratic
Charter, an ``essential component'' of a functioning democracy. I
couldn't agree more.
Argentines enjoy a diverse and active media environment, which
facilitates vibrant policy debates across the ideological and partisan
spectrums. Journalists operate generally free of intimidation or
violence. Criticism of the government is common in the most widely
viewed print and electronic media.
In recent years, this media environment has come under threat, and
journalism advocates have raised concerns about government actions that
they believe are obstacles to free expression. A 2009 law reduced the
concentration of TV and radio ownership, but was accompanied by a
highly polarizing and intensified conflict between the government and
certain specific private media groups. In 2011, counterterrorism
legislation raised concerns about potential constraints to journalism.
In recent years, the Argentine Government has defied local court orders
to equitably distribute official advertising across all media outlets,
instead favoring those more sympathetic to government views. In 2013,
the Argentine Government pressured major supermarkets and electronics
retailers to cease advertising in newspapers, thereby depriving
critical outlets of yet another important revenue source. These and
other actions led Freedom House to classify Argentina's media
environment as only ``partly free'' in its 2013 report. The
organization warned that the government had ``hampered the public's
ability to access unbiased information.''
If confirmed, I will speak out both publicly and privately about
the importance of free expression and the right of citizens to benefit
from an independent and diverse media that operates without government
interference.
Question. What is your view of efforts by the Argentine Government
in 2013 to provide for the election of magistrates to oversee the
judiciary?
Answer. The separation of the executive, legislative, and judicial
branches, and the protection of their independence, are fundamental
components of democratic governance. An independent judiciary provides
a vital check on the powers of the other branches of government, and
offers a venue for the peaceful and fair settlement of disputes. The
administration follows these issues closely in the hemisphere,
including in Argentina.
In 2013, the Argentine Government took steps to alter the size and
selection process of the country's Council of Magistrates, which
oversees the judiciary. It also sought to limit the use of judicial
injunctions against the government, and to establish new appellate
courts. The proposals prompted concerns about risks to judicial
independence, and provoked criticism from Human Rights Watch and the
U.N.'s Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers.
Argentina's Supreme Court ultimately struck down as unconstitutional
the controversial election process of the Council of Magistrates
proposed by the executive branch and approved by the legislature.
In the Human Rights Report in 2011 and 2012, the U.S.
administration cited the risks to judicial independence in Argentina,
noting in particular political pressure on judges to shape judicial
outcomes. If confirmed, I will be steadfast in my defense of judicial
independence.
Question. What is your assessment of the current state of democracy
in Argentina?
Answer. Throughout its history, Argentina has experienced episodes
of economic turbulence and political instability, with only five
Presidents completing their terms over the past seven decades.
Encouragingly, in in 2013, Argentina celebrated the 30th
anniversary of its return to democracy following a tragic period of
dictatorship and civil conflict. In the so-called ``dirty war,'' as
many as 30,000 Argentines died at the hands of the country's security
forces. That national trauma instilled in Argentines a deep
appreciation for human rights and democratic norms, such as free and
fair elections. Argentina has several well-established political
parties and movements that hold office at various levels and compete
vigorously in elections, most recently, in October 2013, Argentina held
free and fair national mid-term elections. Argentina's democratic
values are also evident in many of its positions the country has taken
at international fora such as the Organization of American States and
the U.N. Human Rights Council.
As in all democratic societies, maintaining the proper checks and
balances between among Argentina's public government institutions
requires vigilance. In recent years, some executive and legislative
actions have been seen as providing unfair electoral advantages to the
governing party, and in other cases in Argentina have threatened the
independence of the judiciary. Democracy consists of more than holding
elections. If confirmed, I will promote strong institutions that
provide fair and impartial application of national law and citizen
rights, supported by appropriate separation of powers that guarantees
checks and balances among government branches.
I would also hope that Argentina's national experience over the
past three decades with the defense of democratic values would
consistently translate into a defense of those same values
internationally. Unfortunately, Argentina's foreign policy has not
always reflected its domestic commitment to democracy. This is most
notably evident in our hemisphere, where Argentina has steadfastly
defended one-party rule and the denial of basic human rights for the
people of Cuba. It has embraced the authoritarian regime in Havana. By
expressing solidarity with that government, where citizens are denied
the right to choose their leaders or express opinions on matters of
national importance and journalists cannot operate freely, Argentina
does a disservice to its own historical legacy and interest in
strengthening democracy worldwide.
If confirmed, I would promote continued cooperation with Argentina
both bilaterally and multilaterally to spread our shared democratic
values, while urging Argentina to hold its neighbors in the region and
countries around the world to the same standards for political freedoms
and human rights.
Question. Is the Government of Argentina is following a prudent
economic model--the ``modelo'' as it is called?
Answer. A stable and prosperous Argentina is in the best interest
of Argentina, the United States, and the entire region. Encouraging
sound economic policies is
one of the key objectives of U.S. policy in Argentina, and it would be
one of my top priorities if confirmed as Ambassador. I believe strongly
in the power of free and fair rules-based trade and the importance of a
market-led economy for economic development.
From 2003 to 2007, Argentina was buoyed by high demand and high
prices for its agricultural exports. Government policies helped bring
about fiscal and current account surpluses and the accumulation of
international reserves. Recently, however, growth has slowed and
Argentina has experienced imbalances in its fiscal and current
accounts, due in part to increasing subsidies for energy. Many
economists believe these imbalances must be addressed to put Argentina
on a sustainable and prosperous trajectory.
It is also important that Argentina normalize its relationship with
the international financial and investment communities by clearing its
arrears to the U.S. Government and other public and private creditors.
The administration has raised these issues at high levels with the
Government of Argentina for several years. Recently, Argentina has
taken positive steps, including paying arbitral awards to U.S.
companies; working toward implementation of a new consumer price index
in coordination with the International Monetary Fund to improve its
economic data; and resuming discussions regarding repaying Argentina's
debts to Paris Club members.
These preliminary steps are encouraging, but if confirmed, I will
urge Argentina to deepen its efforts to resolve these longstanding
irritants in our relationship. I will encourage the maintenance of a
stable, transparent, and predictable investment climate that promotes
investment and fair and open competition. I would also ensure that the
U.S. Embassy in Buenos Aires continues to serve as an advocate for the
fair treatment of U.S. companies and investors.
Question. What will your message be to the Argentine Government
relative to their interventionist economic policies and the impact that
has had on inflation, business, trade, and commerce?
Answer. In any country, predictable and transparent economic
policies offer the best environment for broadly inclusive national
development and for attracting investment. Business investment, both
local and foreign, generates economic opportunity and promotes shared
prosperity.
If confirmed, I will urge the Government of Argentina to adopt
transparent and predictable policies and regulations that promote fair
and open competition. Policies that protect intellectual property are
an important component of a favorable business climate, as is an
independent judiciary.
The United States has expressed serious concern, both bilaterally
and at the World Trade Organization (WTO), regarding Argentine measures
that restrict imports in an arbitrary and nontransparent manner,
including in a WTO complaint the United States filed against Argentina
in August 2012.
More than 500 U.S. companies operate in Argentina and employ more
than 170,000 Argentines. The United States is Argentina's largest
foreign-direct investor. Meanwhile, the U.S. trade surplus with
Argentina in goods and services reached approximately $9.4 billion in
2012. Given Argentina's workforce and natural resources, there is room
for this investment and trade to expand dramatically to the benefit of
both national economies. If confirmed, I will strongly encourage
Argentina to take all appropriate steps to strengthen our economic
relationship.
Question. Argentina relies heavily on the sale of commodities like
soy to support their economy. Should there be a decline in soy prices,
or the Argentines ability to produce soy for soy hungry nations like
China, what impact would that have on the Argentine economy?
Answer. Argentina has long benefited from its remarkably fertile
and plentiful agricultural land. Led by agricultural production,
including soy, its exports totaled $75.2 billion in 2012.
Agricultural prices are often volatile, and all economies benefit
from diversification in exports and trading partners. A decline in soy
prices would have a negative impact on Argentina's revenue collection
as well as its balance of payments. That said, the Argentine economy
exports a range of other products and services, in agriculture, energy,
and other sectors. The United States consumes more than 5 percent of
Argentine exports; in 2012, it imported $411 million in iron and steel
products from Argentina, as well as hundreds of millions of dollars in
fresh fruit, wine, and aluminum. Argentina also exports oil and natural
gas to the United States and other trading partners.
Question. With alarming government expansion into the private
market expected to continue under President Fernandez de Kirchner, what
impact do you foresee on the Argentine people and economy? If
confirmed, how would you recommend the U.S. engage on these issues?
Answer. Argentines benefit when private economic activity serves as
an engine of growth, creates jobs, and provides government revenue to
address social needs. U.S. companies have long identified opportunities
in Argentina, and more than 500 operate in that country today.
Businesses in Argentina, both domestic and foreign, have faced
serious obstacles in recent years. These include nationalizations
without prompt, fair, and effective compensation; restrictions on
imports; limited access to foreign currency; barriers to the
repatriation of profits; price controls; and inadequate protection of
intellectual property. These policies discourage local and foreign
investment.
If confirmed, I will be a tireless champion for the U.S. business
community in Argentina and urge better cooperation between the private
sector and the government. As I learned first-hand during my years
working for Members of the U.S. Congress and later as a business
consultant, an effective partnership between businesses and government
is essential for countries to reach their full economic potential. I
will work closely with my colleagues throughout the U.S. Government--
including at the Departments of State, Commerce, Treasury, Agriculture,
Energy, Labor, and Justice, and at the Office of the U.S. Trade
Representative and the U.S. Congress--to ensure that our national
economic interests are promoted in Argentina and that Argentina honors
its international obligations.
Question. In 2012, the Government of Argentina renationalized the
country's largest oil company, YPF, which accounts for 35 percent of
Argentina's oil and gas market. What impact is this likely to have on
energy prices and production?
Answer. The administration has long expressed its concerns about
the Government of Argentina's nationalization of Repsol-YPF, which
proceeded initially without due compensation. At the time, we called it
a ``negative development,'' and we believe it clearly dampened the
investment climate in Argentina. More recently, we have noted
developments indicating that YPF and Repsol have agreed in principle on
a mutually satisfactory compensation arrangement. Without question, an
open and competitive market for energy and other commodities has proved
the most successful path to modern, efficient and innovative
development of energy resources across the globe.
Oil and natural gas production in Argentina are declining.
Argentina has gone from being a net exporter of energy to a net
importer. Despite these trends, Argentina has enormous potential to
help supply world energy markets and contribute to global energy
security. Attracting private investment will be essential for Argentina
to regain energy self-sufficiency. The Argentine Government has
demonstrated a clear interest in having U.S. companies be partners in
their efforts to reinvigorate their energy sector.
If confirmed, I will continue to raise the administration's concern
at the highest levels of the Government of Argentina about actions that
negatively affect the investment climate in Argentina. At the same
time, I will seek to build a strong bilateral partnership on energy
issues, based upon the common interests of our countries.
Question. There are several failed models in Latin America of
nationalized energy firms. How would you work with other agencies of
the U.S. Government and American firms to try and prevent Argentina
from duplicating mistakes made elsewhere in the region?
Answer. In the United States, privately owned energy companies are
global leaders that use advanced technologies and methods for energy
exploration and production. U.S. firms have a lot to offer to countries
that present a favorable investment environment.
Every country has the sovereign right to decide how to best take
advantage of its natural resource endowments. All policies need to
adhere to requirements under local and international law. Regardless of
the system, what matters most are transparency, efficiency,
accountability, predictability, and responsible business practices.
If confirmed, I would encourage Argentina to adopt predictable and
competitive policies to attract the level of investment it needs to
meet the country's vast energy potential. I would work with U.S.
Government agencies--including the Departments of Energy and Interior--
to share U.S. best practices with Argentine counterparts on
environmental and regulatory matters, including through our Bilateral
Energy Working Group. There are several U.S. companies interested in
investing and offering their services to develop Argentina's shale oil
and gas fields, which are among the largest in the world. I would
consult regularly with these and other U.S. firms and when appropriate,
advocate with Argentine authorities on their behalf.
Question. U.S.-Argentine security cooperation, particularly between
our militaries, has been nonexistent due to Argentine unwillingness to
work with us.
(a) If confirmed, what steps should the Argentine
Government take to improve military-military relationship?
(b) Is the Argentine Government a committed U.S. partner in
the fight against terrorism?
Answer. If confirmed, I will try to build renewed trust between our
governments and reestablish a constructive partnership based on mutual
interests and mutual respect, and I will look for similar intent from
the Argentine Government. After all, our countries share many security
priorities. Defending national borders against the flow of illegal
narcotics, for example, is a goal of both our nations. Argentina, twice
a victim of major terrorist attacks in the 1990s, also shares the U.S.
commitment to combat international terrorism, and cooperation in this
area continues.
Security cooperation with Argentina has been limited since
Argentina's 2011 seizure of classified U.S. cargo brought into
Argentina by a U.S. Army Joint Combined Exercise Training team. The
team had proper prior authorization from Argentine authorities, and
there was no legitimate reason for the seizure. Differing perspectives
in multilateral defense and security fora have further complicated our
bilateral cooperation.
While many aspects of our defense relationship today remain
challenging, U.S. security and defense cooperation and training are
important goals for the administration, including for international
peacekeeping capacity-building, emergency response preparedness, and
for regional counternarcotics efforts. The United States engages the
Argentine Armed Forces through commercial and foreign military sales.
Some exchange of students between our militaries also continues,
including through the International Military Educational and Training
program.
Question. The intelligence relationship between Argentina and the
U.S. is important. The Tri-Border region between Argentina, Brazil, and
Paraguay contains a large illicit trade and trafficking zone where
foreign operators like Hezbollah are able to sell counterfeit goods,
launder money, and raise funds for Shia groups and Iranian proxies like
Hezbollah.
If confirmed, will you pledge to focus on the Tri-Border
area and work to commit the U.S. to monitor Islamic influence
and activities in the Southern Cone and work with Argentina,
Paraguay, and Brazil on this matter?
Answer. The Tri-Border area of Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay
remains an important regional nexus of arms, narcotics, and human
smuggling, counterfeiting, pirated goods, and money laundering--all
potential funding sources for terrorist organizations. If confirmed, I
will work to ensure that we continue to monitor this region closely and
maintain close communication with this committee on this issue.
Ideological sympathizers in South America and the Caribbean
continue to provide financial support to terrorist groups in the Middle
East and South Asia. If confirmed, I will work with my U.S. Government
colleagues and the Government of Argentina to expose and combat such
activity. I will urge Argentine officials to improve domestic law
enforcement and regulatory coordination, and to establish and enforce
appropriate laws and regulations to curtail money laundering. I will
emphasize to Argentina the importance of working with its neighbors,
Brazil and Paraguay, as well as others in the region to adopt
complementary measures.
If confirmed, I will make heightened cooperation a priority.
Question. In January 2013, President Fernandez de Kirchner
announced a memorandum of understanding with Iran to create a so-called
``truth commission'' to reinvestigate the 1994 terrorist attack on the
Argentine Israeli Mutual Association (AMIA).
The MOU is a reversal of years of work and exhaustive reporting on
the AMIA attack by Special Prosecutor Alberto Nisman, who has concluded
that the attack was approved by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and senior
officials in the Iranian Government.
(a) What is the U.S. Government's assessment of the work of
Special Prosecutor Nisman?
(b) Are you familiar with his 2006 and 2013 reports?
(c) What are the administration's views on this so-called
``truth commission?''
Answer. The U.S. position on the AMIA bombing is clear and
consistent. For 20 years, the United States and the international
community have joined the Argentine Government and victims of this
horrific terrorist attack in demanding justice. I am familiar with
Special Prosecutor Alberto Nisman's findings, and I understand that our
Embassy personnel have met with him on a number of occasions to discuss
them.
The Obama administration is highly skeptical that a solution can be
found to the AMIA case through the January 2013 Argentina-Iran
agreement, which includes the establishment of a truth commission.
Jewish groups in Argentina share that perspective, and they have
expressed concern that Argentina's cooperation with Iran will only
cause further delays. In recent months, the Argentine Government itself
has acknowledged a lack of progress, though it remains committed to the
agreement.
If confirmed, I will ensure that the U.S. Government continues to
support the AMIA investigation so that nearly two decades after the
bombing in Buenos Aires killed 85 people and wounded 300, the
perpetrators might finally be held accountable. I take this issue
extremely seriously, and I will do all I can to help bring justice to
the victims and their families.
Question. Argentina is a Tier 2 country for sex and labor
trafficking according to the 2013 Trafficking in Persons report.
Argentine women and children from the rural areas are often subjected
to trafficking in the urban centers.
(a) If confirmed, how will you engage with the government
on the issue of trafficking?
(b) What specific steps should the Argentine Government
take to prevent the trafficking of rural citizens to urban
centers?
Answer. As the Government of Argentina itself has recognized, far
too many men, women, and children in Argentina are subjected to sex
trafficking, forced labor in sweatshops and homes, and forced
prostitution in cities. In spite of progress made by the Government of
Argentina in the fight against trafficking in persons during the past
year, serious challenges remain.
Notable recent accomplishments include passage of a federal
antitrafficking law, the conviction of 17 trafficking offenders in
2012, and law enforcement efforts to arrest trafficking suspects and
rescue victims.
This has been an area of constructive bilateral engagement in
recent years. The U.S. Government provided advanced training to
national and provincial authorities, facilitated by the Immigration and
Customs Enforcement agency, to combat trafficking in persons. We have
also provided material support to NGOs engaged in strengthening the
protection and rights of victims of trafficking.
Argentina remains a Tier 2 country on the U.S. Government's annual
Trafficking in Persons report. If confirmed, I will support the
Government of Argentina in its efforts to strengthen its
antitrafficking regime, including prevention activities, victim
services, and the conviction of criminals who profit from this
destructive activity.
NOMINATIONS OF MATTHEW TUELLER, DOUGLAS SILLIMAN, MARK GILBERT, AND
JOSEPH WESTPHAL
----------
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Matthew Tueller, of Utah, to be Ambassador of the Republic of
Yemen
Douglas Alan Silliman, of Texas, to be Ambassador to the State
of Kuwait
Mark Gilbert, of Florida, to be Ambassador to New Zealand and
to serve concurrently as Ambassador to Samoa
Joseph William Westphal, of New York, to be Ambassador to the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:01 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Tim Kaine
presiding.
Present: Senators Kaine, Risch, and Barrasso.
Also present: Senator Susan M. Collins.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. This meeting of the United States Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations is called to order. I want to
thank all who are attending on this day, when both the Federal
Government and the Senate are shut down. But this is an
important hearing and I am glad we were able to hold it, and I
especially appreciate my ranking member, Senator Risch's,
willingness to do this hearing today.
The hearing is about ambassadorial nominees to four
critical allies and partners of the United States: Saudi
Arabia, New Zealand, Yemen, and Kuwait. Some of the nominees
have waited for a bit and so we wanted to make sure that we
could do this today, and I appreciate everyone making this
happen.
I will make a few introductory comments about each of our
four nominees today. I will ask Senator Risch as ranking member
of the Subcommittee on Near East, South and Central Asian
Affairs to make opening comments as well. At that point, we are
fortunate to have with us Senator Collins of Maine, who will
introduce one of our nominees, Secretary Westphal.
After that introduction--and we would understand if the
Senator--everybody is making moves--might need to leave at that
point. We would certainly understand that. I will ask each of
the nominees, beginning with Ambassador Tueller and just moving
across the line, to make opening statements. At that point we
will move into 7-minute rounds of questions and we may do that
for a bit. But nevertheless, welcome to all.
A word about each of the four nominees in no particular
order. Dr. Westphal, welcome, nominated to be the Ambassador to
Saudi Arabia, a very, very important partner of the United
States in the Middle East. Dr. Westphal was appointed Under
Secretary of the Army in 2009, has quite a bit of experience
across the Federal Government both in the Department of Defense
and in other agencies, including the EPA, as well as an
extensive academic background.
Dr. Westphal's background as a scholar and public servant
will come in handy, and especially his work at the DOD will be
important in his position with Saudi Arabia, one of our
critical military partners in terms of so many important issues
in the Middle East.
Dr. Westphal goes to Riyadh at a very critical time, when
there has been some at least public strain in the narrative or
friction in the relationship. Dr. Westphal's skills will help
us find ways where our countries, who are partners, but who
will nevertheless have differences, as all partners do, find
ways to communicate those differences and continue to work in
partnership. Dr. Westphal, we are glad to have you with us
today.
Mark Gilbert is the President's nominee to be Ambassador to
New Zealand. I said to Mr. Gilbert, who is a friend: You are
kind of--if they look at the lineup of countries, who does not
belong here? Well, we have three Middle Eastern countries and
New Zealand. But we are rearranging geography because it is
important that Mark, whose nomination has been up for a while,
is here today, and we are glad to have you and your family.
Mark has an interesting background: a long-time business
background in the financial sector for a number of companies--
Goldman Sachs, currently Barclay's, where he has done a lot of
important economic development work, and with the New Zealand
trade relationship that will come in handy. But one of the
interesting things about Mark is he also played pro baseball
for the Chicago White Sox and other minor league teams, and
Mark is somebody who has been a very, very good friend and
would bring a lot to bear. He and his family will be wonderful
representatives of the country.
Senator Nelson was going to be here to introduce Mark today
and was not able to come because of the weather, but submitted
a statement. The entire statement will be included in the
record, but let me just read an excerpt from Senator Nelson's
statement: ``I'm very pleased to introduce to the committee an
outstanding Floridian, Mr. Mark Gilbert, to be our next
Ambassador to New Zealand. Mark has been a friend of mine for
many years and is without a doubt a terrific candidate for this
important post. Mark has a background in economics, having
served as a director of Barclay's Wealth in West Palm Beach,
senior vice president of Goldman Sachs in Miami, and senior
vice president, sales manager, of Drexel Burnham Lambert in
Boca Raton. Before his successful career in finance, Mark was a
professional baseball player for several years, even playing in
the major leagues with the Chicago White Sox in 1985.
``Mark's combined skills and professional experience make
him an excellent nominee to serve as our next U.S. Ambassador
to New Zealand. A major trade and regional partner, New Zealand
will continue to pay a crucial role in U.S. efforts.
``I am so pleased that the President has recognized Mark
and named him to this important post and I look forward to
supporting his speedy confirmation by the full Senate.''
The entire statement will be included in the record, but I
wanted you to know that Senator Nelson thinks so highly of the
nomination.
[The prepared statement of Senator Nelson follows:]
Prepared Statement of Senator Bill Nelson
Introducing Nominee Mark Gilbert
I am very pleased to introduce to the committee an outstanding
Floridian--Mr. Mark Gilbert--to be our next Ambassador to New Zealand.
Mark has been a friend of mine for many years and is, without a
doubt, a terrific candidate for this important post.
Mark has a background in economics--having served as a director at
Barclays Wealth in West Palm Beach; senior vice president of Goldman
Sachs in Miami; and the senior vice president sales manager of Drexel
Burnham Lambert in Boca Raton.
Before his successful career in finance, Mark was a professional
baseball player for several years--even playing in the major leagues
with the Chicago White Sox in 1985.
Mark's combined skills and professional experiences make him an
excellent nominee to serve as our next U.S. Ambassador to New Zealand.
A major trade and regional partner, New Zealand will continue to
play a crucial role in U.S. rebalance efforts toward Asia.
In addition to being a strong economic partner, helping to forge
the Trans-Pacific Partnership Free Trade Agreement, we have a
significant bilateral trade relationship--totaling $11 billion in 2011.
And while New Zealand is currently our 56th-largest trading
partner, I'm certain that Mark will help lower that number once he has
settled in the post.
Mark will also represent the United States to a crucial military
partner. Like its neighbor Australia, New Zealand has fought alongside
the United States time and again.
New Zealand's military commitment in Afghanistan has been vastly
importantly. Their special forces have been deployed there since 2001,
contributing to ISAF headquarters and the U.N. mission in Afghanistan.
They've also contributed to the Provincial Reconstruction Team in
Bamyan province, strengthening security and stability there.
During the last few years, I've been pleased to see a new chapter
in our bilateral, defense cooperation. Joint operations in the region
now include maritime security, counterterrorism, humanitarian
assistance, and disaster relief.
New Zealand's participation in recent, multination military
exercises has greatly increased our interoperability throughout the
pacific.
Our continued security and economic cooperation with New Zealand
will continue to be very important. I'm certain that as Ambassador,
Mark will reinforce and build upon this strong and mutually beneficial
relationship.
I'm so pleased that the President has recognized Mark and named him
to this important post, and I look forward to supporting his speedy
confirmation by the full Senate.
Senator Kaine. In Kuwait, the nominee we will hear from
today is Mr. Doug Silliman of Texas, who has had a superb and
an extensive record as a career Foreign Service officer. Both
he and the next nominee, Ambassador Tueller, have served in
very difficult and challenging environments, sometimes able to
take their families, sometimes not able to take their families.
But they relish challenges, and Kuwait is a very important
position.
Mr. Silliman embodies a wonderful tradition within the
Foreign Service. He speaks Arabic, French, and Turkish and he
has years of experience in the Middle East. During a time of
growing security tension across the Middle East and concerns
over Iran and Syria, our close partnership with Kuwait, formed
both in peace and in war, is more crucial than ever.
A career diplomat like Mr. Silliman, who represents the
best of our Foreign Service, who is just returning from a
posting in Baghdad, where he was able to see what a lot of
people thought would not be possible, the reestablishment and
actually formation of very strong relations between Iraq and
Kuwait, gives him exactly the kinds of experiences necessary to
handle our important relationship with our ally in Kuwait.
You follow in the footsteps of an illustrious predecessor,
the next man I will introduce, Ambassador Tueller. Ambassador
Tueller is just completing service in Kuwait and has been
nominated for the important, challenging position of U.S.
Ambassador to Yemen. Mr. Tueller is also a career Foreign
Service officer. Actually, he had a career before he had a
career, because he grew up as the son of a Foreign Service
officer and served with his family originally as a child in
Latin America.
His career in the Foreign Service has been in both Latin
America and in the Middle East, and he has served with
distinction, most recently in Kuwait, and is now assuming, upon
confirmation, upon vote of the Senate, this position in Yemen.
Every day American diplomats risk their lives around the
world and nowhere is that more true than Yemen, a country where
political and economic normalization is in the direct security
interests of the United States. Mr. Tueller, who most recently
served in Kuwait, was previously posted in Yemen at a time in
the early 2000s, has familiarity with the country, and brings a
great deal of experience to this important task, where there is
an ongoing national dialogue about the formation of a new
government that might be a federal government--these were just
announced earlier in the week--where there are potential issues
from the U.S. security and counterintelligence programs to
Guantanamo. All impact this mission in Yemen.
We are pleased to have you here, and all the nominees,
congratulations on your recommendations, nominations by the
President, and we look forward to this hearing today.
With that, I will turn the meeting over to my ranking
member, Senator Risch, for his comments as well.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much. From what
I can tell, this must be an extremely important hearing,
inasmuch from what I can tell everybody left in Washington, DC,
is in this room. [Laughter.]
Senator Risch. Thank you for holding the hearing. Certainly
some of these countries are real challenges. I look forward to
hearing the testimony of the three nominees and I suspect we
will have some exhilarating questions after that. Thank you,
Mr. Chair.
Senator Kaine. Thank you. I also appreciate Senator
Barrasso for joining us today.
Senator Collins is here, Senator from Maine, to offer a
word of recommendation about the nominee to be Ambassador to
Saudi Arabia, Dr. Westphal. Senator Collins, great to have you
here.
STATEMENT OF HON. SUSAN M. COLLINS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MAINE
Senator Collins. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Mr.
Chairman, I would expect that your two colleagues and I,
because of the States we come from, would be able to brave this
weather and think nothing of it. But I am particularly
impressed that someone from Virginia, the Commonwealth of
Virginia, is able to be with us today and to preside over this
hearing. So with that, I will begin my formal comments.
Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Risch, I am pleased to
appear before you today to introduce Dr. Joseph Westphal, who
has been nominated to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. I have known and worked with Dr.
Westphal in two different capacities, both here in Washington,
where he serves as Under Secretary of the Army, and back home
in Maine, where he was Chancellor of the University of Maine
System from 2006 to 2009.
Dr. Westphal has a reputation as a talented leader and
manager in both the Federal and State government. His extensive
experience and knowledge of national security policy are just
two of the essential skills that he will bring to the task of
strengthening our bilateral relationships with the Saudis
during what is a turbulent, complicated time in the Middle
East.
Dr. Westphal's long career in academia and public service
began when he received his Ph.D. in political science from the
University of Missouri and then taught for 12 years at Oklahoma
State University. His career took a turn toward public policy
when he went to work for one of our colleagues, Senator Thad
Cochran, from 1995 through 1997. He also served as a Senior
Policy Advisor at the Environmental Protection Agency, before
becoming an Assistant Secretary of the Army in 1998. In 2001 he
served as Acting Secretary of the Army, responsible for
organizing, training, and equipping the 1.1 million men and
women serving in that branch of our military services.
Since being nominated and confirmed as Under Secretary of
the Army in 2009, Joe has dedicated his considerable energy to
keeping our country safe. I have worked very closely with him
on several issues affecting military readiness and personnel
and I can attest to his dedication to public service, his
pragmatic approach to solving problems, and his unwavering
commitment to our troops.
Secretary Westphal is also a charter member of the Deputy
Secretary of Defense Advisory Group, which deals with all
matters related to strategy, policy, budgeting, acquisition,
personnel, and readiness in the Department. This group also
provides advice to the Secretary of Defense on matters related
to Department activities in support of operations in the Middle
East and gulf region, and it has focused on issues related to
Syria, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Iran, and other countries in
the Central Command area of responsibility.
Secretary Westphal has been heavily involved in this group
and as a result has a deep understanding of the strategic
challenges faced by the United States in this region.
Mr. Chairman, again thank you for this opportunity to
introduce Dr. Joseph Westphal. I am confident that if confirmed
he will carry out the duties of this important position with
the same commitment and unique set of practical and policy
skills that he has brought to every position that he has held
in his extensive previous public service.
Thank you very much, and I thank the members of this
committee.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Collins. We understand
that you may need to depart, but we appreciate you being here
today to offer those words on behalf of Dr. Westphal.
Senator Collins. Thank you.
Senator Kaine. We will now move into opening statements by
our nominees. I think we will start with Ambassador Tueller and
move across the table. Your entire written statement will be
included in the record. Iwould like to ask you to make your
opening comments to about 5 minutes. The entire written
statement will be included.
Ambassador Tueller, welcome.
STATEMENT OF HON. MATTHEW TUELLER, OF UTAH, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF YEMEN
Ambassador Tueller. Thank you. Chairman Kaine, Ranking
Member Risch, members of the committee, let me first extend my
personal gratitude, and I think I can speak on behalf of all my
fellow nominees, for your dedication in ensuring that this
hearing goes ahead today despite the weather conditions.
It is an honor to appear before you today as President
Obama's nominee to serve as Ambassador to the Republic of
Yemen. I am grateful to the President for his nomination and to
Secretary Kerry for his continued trust and confidence. I am
sorry that my wife Denise and our five children are unable to
attend today's session, but thank them for their continued love
and support.
I welcome the opportunity to discuss Yemen today and ask
that my full testimony be submitted for the record.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, if confirmed I
will work to advance critical U.S. foreign policy and national
security interests in Yemen. My top priorities will be to
support the people of Yemen in their ongoing transition to
democracy, to bolster U.S. security cooperation with the Yemeni
Government, to foster greater regional and global security, and
ensure the safety and security of U.S. citizens and embassy
employees.
The United States has a strong and growing partnership with
Yemen. Since the November 2011 signing of Yemen's transition
agreement, the people of Yemen have accomplished what many
thought impossible. Under the leadership of President Hadi,
Yemen has embarked on a serious reform effort to better meet
the political, economic, security, and social aspirations of
its citizens.
If confirmed, I will work to promote the various reforms
underpinning this transition. A successful transition will also
bolster our domestic security as the Yemeni Government develops
its capacity to directly counter the threat of terrorism and
root out the underlying causes of violent extremism.
President Obama underscored last May that AQAP is the most
active organization plotting against the United States. This
threat emanates from Yemen. The Yemeni people have borne the
brunt of AQAP's vicious attacks. President Hadi and the Yemeni
people stand strongly committed to stamping out this threat to
the peace and security of their country. If confirmed, I will
work to deepen our two nations' commitment to close
coordination in this shared fight by continuing strong United
States support for programs that develop the capability of
Yemen's security forces, counter violent extremism, and build
the capacity of law enforcement.
Despite Yemen's transition accomplishments, significant
humanitarian challenges remain. The gains in political and
security sector reforms have not yet translated into large-
scale improvements in the daily life of average Yemenis and
over half of the population is in need of some form of
humanitarian assistance.
Yemen's transitional government is working to address these
issues, but the support of the international community will
remain critical to prevent these acute needs from derailing the
transition process. If confirmed, I will continue our efforts
to address Yemen's most pressing needs while assisting Yemen on
its path to sustainability and self-sufficiency through
economic reform and development.
Above all, if confirmed my most important responsibility
will be to protect our Embassy and our mission staff. We must
continue to have a strong presence in Yemen despite the threat
environment.
Mr. Chairman, I have had the extraordinary privilege of
serving as a Foreign Service officer for nearly 30 years now,
currently as Ambassador to Kuwait. Growing up as the child of a
Foreign Service officer, I learned early of both the privileges
and responsibilities that come from a commitment to service to
one's country. My formative years in North Africa, Europe, and
Latin America inspired a desire to pursue a career building
ties between the United States and our partners around the
world. My service in Baghdad, Riyadh, Cairo, among other
challenging posts, has helped prepare me to represent our
country in Yemen.
In October 2000 after the attack on the USS COLE, I was
given the task of opening and heading a U.S. office in Aden in
support of the investigation. For me that was an early
indicator of the pressing need to develop partnerships across
the region so that the United States could meet the threat
posed by violent extremists. It is gratifying to see how much
progress has been made in this respect in our counterterrorism
cooperation with the Government of Yemen. If confirmed, I
pledge to continue this important work, furthering United
States interests in Yemen and in the region.
Again, I am honored by this nomination and greatly
appreciate the opportunity to appear before you today. I will
be pleased to answer any questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Tueller follows:]
Prepared Statement of Ambassador Matthew H. Tueller
Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee, it
is an honor to appear before you today as President Obama's nominee to
serve as Ambassador to the Republic of Yemen. I am grateful to the
President for his nomination and to Secretary Kerry for his continued
trust and confidence. If confirmed, I will work steadfastly to advance
critical U.S. foreign policy and national security interests in Yemen.
In service of those U.S. interests, my top priorities will be to
support the people of Yemen in their ongoing transition to democracy,
bolster U.S. security cooperation with the Yemeni Government to foster
greater regional and global stability and combat the threat posed by
al-Qaeda, and, of course, ensure the safety and security of U.S.
citizens and Embassy employees.
Mr. Chairman, the United States has a strong and growing
partnership with Yemen. Yemen, itself, is in the midst of a historic
transition. Since the November 2011 signing of the Gulf Cooperation
Council (GCC)-brokered political transition initiative, the people of
Yemen have accomplished what many thought impossible. Under the
leadership of President Hadi, Yemen has embarked on a serious reform
effort to better meet the needs of its citizens, facilitate a
democratic process, and participate more fully as a partner in
supporting regional security. If confirmed, I will work to expand our
broad engagement to continue promoting the various political, economic,
and security sector reforms underpinning this transition, which support
our U.S. foreign policy and national security interests of a stable,
secure, and democratic Yemen. The ultimate success of Yemen's
transition will not only impact our interests in the region, but also
our domestic security as the Yemeni Government develops its capacity to
directly counter the significant threat from Al Qaeda in the Arabian
Peninsula (AQAP) and root out the underlying causes of violent
extremism, in part, through a bolstered ability to meet Yemeni
citizens' economic, humanitarian, and political needs.
On January 25, the people of Yemen achieved a critical milestone in
their ongoing transition process, with the conclusion of the National
Dialogue Conference. The dialogue marked the first time representatives
from diverse segments of Yemeni society--including political elites,
tribal elders, women, youth, civil society, former disenfranchised
southerners, and religious minorities--met for substantive discussions
about the country's political future. This conversation represented a
sea-change in Yemeni politics. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that
these varied groups continue to have a voice in the political process--
particularly since it is these voices that call most loudly for
equality, for prosperity, and for the rights of women, children, and
other vulnerable groups. In addition to working to ensure that these
groups have a voice in the political process, I will also work to
ensure that the rights of women, children, and all individuals in Yemen
are respected and protected.
As Yemen works to shape its future, I will work to guarantee that
the United States and the international community--particularly Yemen's
GCC neighbors--remain firmly supportive of Yemen's efforts, despite the
myriad hot-spots in the region. U.S. and international engagement will
continue to be essential as Yemen moves forward with the next steps in
the transition process, including constitutional reform, a
constitutional referendum, and, ultimately, national elections,
expected within the next year.
A democratic, unified, and stable Yemen will also be able to
participate more fully as a partner in supporting regional security and
combating terrorism. Yemen continues to face frequent terrorist attacks
by AQAP operating within its borders. President Obama underscored in
May that AQAP is the most active organization plotting against the
United States--and that this threat emanates from Yemen. The Yemeni
people have borne the brunt of AQAP's vicious attacks. The assault on
the Ministry of Defense hospital in December 2013 underscored the
deplorable tactics employed against civilians by this terrorist group.
The Yemeni people and the international community were horrified at
video footage of terrorists shooting unarmed patients in their beds,
viciously murdering doctors and nurses, and stalking through hallways
to kill survivors. President Hadi and the Yemeni people stand strongly
committed to stamping out this threat to the safety of their families,
the peace and security of their country, and the citizens of its
international partners.
If confirmed, I will work to deepen our two nations' commitment to
close coordination in this shared fight against terrorism. To this end,
our assistance programs to Yemen seek to develop the capacity of
Yemen's security forces to conduct counterterrorism operations and to
secure maritime and land borders and territorial waters. We also
support programs to counter violent extremism in Yemen, including a
focus on the role that civil society can play in speaking out against
violence. And we are assisting Yemeni efforts to build the capacity of
law enforcement to better respond to the security concerns of Yemeni
communities. The United States will continue to employ the full range
of counterterrorism tools to support Yemen's fight against AQAP.
With U.S. support, President Hadi has also taken important steps
toward restructuring the military and security services and to enhance
the professionalism and capacity of Yemen's Armed Forces. If confirmed,
I will encourage the Yemeni Government to continue progress on this
important aspect of the transition, which will strengthen Yemeni
capacity to secure the country against threats and enhance regional
security. I will also support international efforts to assist the
Yemenis in countering the spread of violent extremism. The
establishment of a credible, sustainable extremist rehabilitation
program would be an important step for the Yemeni Government toward
bolstering its counterterrorism capabilities.
Finally, there still remains the significant challenge posed by the
Guantanamo Bay detention facility. More than half of the remaining
detainees at Guantanamo are Yemeni nationals. If confirmed, I will work
with the administration and with Congress to support efforts to
responsibly close the facility while protecting our U.S. national
security interests.
Despite Yemen's transition accomplishments to date, significant
challenges remain. The gains in political and security sector reform
have not yet translated into large-scale improvements in the daily life
of average Yemenis. Almost 15 million Yemenis--over half the
population--are in need of some form of humanitarian assistance. More
than 13 million do not have access to safe water and sanitation, 10.5
million are food-insecure, and more than 1 million children do not have
access to education. As the result of years of conflict, there are also
more than 300,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) who are in
desperate need of assistance. Large-scale migration will continue to
present humanitarian and security challenges. There are nearly a
quarter million refugees and 147,500 migrants, mostly from the Horn of
Africa, many of whom arrive destitute and in poor health. In addition,
Yemen is now coping with the return of approximately 400,000 Yemeni
laborers recently deported from Saudi Arabia.
Yemen's transitional government is working to address these issues,
but the support of the international community will remain critical in
the near-term to help meet acute needs and prevent them from
overwhelming the transition process. If confirmed, I will continue our
efforts to address Yemen's most pressing needs to create the space for
the transition to succeed, through bilateral assistance and partnership
with the international community through the Friends of Yemen and the
U.N. Humanitarian Response Plan. Focusing on the longer term, I will
also work to assist Yemen on its path to sustainability and self-
sufficiency through economic reform and development.
Economic reform will be an essential underpinning of the ongoing
transition's ultimate success. Without significant structural reform
and the development of a sustainable private sector, many of the Yemeni
citizens' key economic demands will not be met. These key reforms will
include rebalancing government spending priorities, transitioning
toward a more targeted and efficient social safety net, and increasing
investments in long-term growth. The development of a robust private
sector will also be critical to addressing Yemenis' demands for jobs
and economic development. I will steadfastly support the President and
Secretary's agenda in bolstering regional economic integration and
reform. I will build on my predecessor's successful efforts at
expanding ties between the Yemeni and American business communities. I
will also look for ways to maximize the benefit from Yemen's WTO
accession as an opportunity to boost regional economic development
cooperation. Economic development and reform will not only help the
Yemeni Government meet the needs of all Yemeni citizens, but it will
also empower Yemenis to build better lives for themselves through
private enterprise while developing long-term relationships with
American and international partners across the fields of science,
health, technology, and commerce.
I take seriously our obligation to protect our embassies and
embassy staff abroad and am satisfied to know that, if confirmed, I
would lead an embassy with an excellent security team. We must continue
to have a strong presence in Yemen, despite the threat environment, and
remain firmly committed to our comprehensive partnership with President
Hadi and the Yemeni people.
Mr. Chairman, I have had the extraordinary privilege of serving as
a Foreign Service officer for nearly 30 years, currently as Ambassador
to Kuwait. Growing up as the dependent of a Foreign Service officer, I
learned early of both the privileges and responsibilities that come
from a commitment to service to one's country. My formative years
growing up in North Africa, Europe, and Latin America inspired a strong
desire to pursue a career building ties between the United States and
partners around the world. Service in Baghdad, Riyadh, and Cairo, among
other challenging posts, has helped prepare me to represent our country
in Yemen.
In October 2000 after the attack on the USS Cole in the Port of
Aden, I was given the task of opening and leading a U.S. Office in Aden
in support of the investigation into the attack. For me, that was an
early indicator of the pressing need to develop partnerships across the
region so that the U.S. could meet the threat posed by violent
extremists. Serving in Riyadh on September 11, 2001, highlighted for me
that the threat to our interests and our citizens posed by terrorists
was a critical foreign policy priority and that our ability to counter
this threat would be enhanced by the extent to which we could engage
our partners in the region in standing with us against the threat. It
is gratifying to see how much progress has been made in this respect in
our counterterrorism cooperation with the Government of Yemen. I am
proud to say we enjoy a close partnership with President Hadi and the
Yemeni Government, and we share a commitment to a democratic transition
and regional security. If confirmed, I pledge to continue this
important work in Yemen, furthering U.S. interests there and in the
region.
Again, I am honored by this nomination and greatly appreciate the
opportunity to appear before you today. I will be pleased to answer any
questions. Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ambassador Tueller.
Mr. Silliman.
STATEMENT OF DOUGLAS ALAN SILLIMAN, OF TEXAS, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE STATE OF KUWAIT
Mr. Silliman. Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Risch, I am
honored to appear before the committee today and gratified by
the trust that the President has placed in me by nominating me
as the Ambassador to the State of Kuwait. I have submitted my
full written testimony to the committee for the record and
welcome this opportunity to say a few short words.
I would like to start by thanking my family for their love
and support as I have dragged them across North Africa, the
Middle East, and South Asia over my career. My wife, Catherine,
and my younger son, Zachary, are here with me. My older son,
Benjamin, as the chairman knows, is at William and Mary
University and could not be with us. I also want to thank my
father, who supported me in this career from the very
beginning, when others had some doubts whether this was the
right path.
I also want to acknowledge Ambassador Matt Tueller, sitting
next to me at the table, for his exemplary service as the
Ambassador in Kuwait over the past 2\1/2\ years. I hope that I
can fill his very large shoes.
If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with this committee
and with the entire Congress, and I look forward to seeing you
and your staffs in Kuwait, and to consulting with you and your
staffs whenever I am back in Washington.
If confirmed, foremost among my priorities will be the
safety of American citizens, those in the Embassy, deployed
U.S. service members, and the many private Americans who live
in and visit Kuwait.
Mr. Chairman, there are few U.S. friends or allies as
steadfast as Kuwait. This strong relationship was forged in the
heat of battle during the first gulf war as brave Americans and
Kuwaitis fought to liberate Kuwait from occupation. One of
those Americans was my father-in-law, Doctor and retired Army
Medical Corps Colonel, Ted Raia, who led a combat support
hospital during the war.
If confirmed, I will seek to deepen United States-Kuwait
cooperation on defense and security. This includes continued
strong American support for the defense of Kuwait, for the
security of the wider region, and the fight against terrorism
and terrorism financing. Our U.S. military presence in Kuwait
is concrete proof of our country's commitment to these
principles.
The regional security is more than just military relations.
As President Obama said during the visit of Emir Sheikh
Zaballah to Washington this past September, Kuwait is one of
our most important partners in the region, working together on
a whole range of economic and social and security issues. In
particular, Kuwait has led international assistance efforts for
Syrian refugees, hosting United Nations humanitarian pledging
conferences for Syria in 2013 and 2014 and itself donating $500
million in assistance this year alone.
United States-Kuwait economic and energy ties are strong,
but can grow stronger. If confirmed, I will vigorously pursue
opportunities for United States businesses in Kuwait and work
to attract Kuwaiti investment into the United States.
Kuwait has a vibrant political system with strong
constitutional traditions. Women vote and run for office and
currently serve in the Kuwaiti Parliament and the Cabinet. If
confirmed, I will engage with Kuwaitis to explore how Kuwait
might expand human rights and protections for vulnerable
populations.
About 60 percent of Kuwaitis are under the age of 30 and
the United States must stay connected to this new generation,
mostly born since the liberation of Kuwait. If confirmed, I
will prioritize outreach to younger Kuwaitis, emphasizing the
fundamental American values of education and tolerance.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, Senator Barrasso, I
have had the privilege of serving the American people as a
diplomat for nearly three decades. During my career, including
as deputy chief of mission in Iraq and in Turkey, I have
encouraged democracy and human rights, defended the homeland
and my posts against terrorism, advocated for American
companies, developed the professional skills of my staff,
promoted entrepreneurship, and even sponsored the teaching of
American jazz. And through it all I have done my best to
shepherd American taxpayers' dollars wisely.
I am confident that I have the skills necessary to succeed
as our next Ambassador to Kuwait and I hope that this committee
and the full Senate concur.
Mr. Chairman, thank you again for the opportunity to be
here today, especially under these conditions. I would be very
pleased to answer any questions the committee has.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Silliman follows:]
Prepared Statement of Douglas A. Silliman
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before this committee today, and gratified by the trust that President
Obama and Secretary Kerry have shown by nominating me to serve as
Ambassador to the State of Kuwait. If you will permit me, I would also
like to thank my family for their support throughout my career. My
wife, Catherine, and younger son, Zachary, are here with us today.
I would also like to express my thanks to my friends and to the
many colleagues across the U.S. Government with whom I have worked
during my nearly 30 years in the Foreign Service. I particularly want
to acknowledge Ambassador Matt Tueller, sitting here at the table with
me today, for his exemplary service as the U.S. Ambassador in Kuwait
over the past 2\1/2\ years. If confirmed, I will strive to follow his
example as I pursue U.S. national interests. I also pledge to work
closely with this committee and others in the Congress to sustain and
enhance relations with Kuwait, and of course, we would welcome the
opportunity to see you and your staff in Kuwait.
There are few U.S. friends or allies in the world as steadfast as
Kuwait, particularly in the strategically important and always dynamic
Middle East. Of course, the strong foundation of this relationship was
forged in the heat of battle during the first gulf war and in the
sacrifices of the brave men and women from the U.S. military and Kuwait
who fought to liberate Kuwait from occupation. If confirmed, my mission
will be to continue to deepen and broaden the strategic U.S.-Kuwait
partnership, to include not just military-to-military ties but also
substantial academic, commercial and cultural relations.
Foremost among my priorities will be the protection of American
citizens in Kuwait--those working in the U.S. mission, U.S. military
personnel deployed forward, and the numerous private Americans who live
in, work in, or visit Kuwait.
If confirmed, I will also seek to deepen U.S.-Kuwaiti cooperation
on defense and security. This includes continued strong and concrete
American support for the defense of Kuwait and the stability of the
wider region, as evidenced by the presence of U.S. military personnel
in Kuwait.
Of course, regional security is not only about military-to-military
relations but also about ensuring strong diplomatic coordination.
Fortunately, the United States and Kuwait share a very similar outlook
on regional developments. During the visit of Amir Sheikh Sabah Al-
Ahmad Al-Sabah to Washington this past September, he reviewed with
President Obama and Vice President Biden the full range of regional
issues that affect both of our nations--including Syria, Iraq, and
Yemen, and efforts to secure Middle East peace. The two leaders agreed
to continue to pursue shared objectives on these issues. Kuwait has
also played a globally important role as a leading contributor to
humanitarian assistance efforts for conflict victims and refugees
fleeing the brutal war in Syria: in January it hosted for the second
time a U.N. assistance conference that raised $2.6 billion in new
assistance for the humanitarian response, including a new Kuwaiti
pledge of $500 million.
I was fortunate to observe first-hand from Baghdad the courageous
steps that Iraq and Kuwait took to finally and fully normalize
relations, and Kuwait's rapprochement with Iraq now serves as the model
for reintegrating Iraq into the immediate neighborhood, from which it
was so long estranged, and the wider Arab world. Meanwhile, Kuwait's
financial assistance to Yemen and support for its political transition
have been important factors in our ongoing efforts to ensure long-term
stability throughout the region. Significantly, our two governments are
also working to strengthen our joint efforts to fight against terrorism
and terrorism financing throughout the region.
Energy is another important issue in Kuwait. Kuwait holds about 7
percent of the world's proven oil reserves and will remain a
significant producer of hydrocarbons for many years to come. If
confirmed, I will promote U.S. technical assistance as an important
tool to help Kuwait protect and modernize its oil and gas
infrastructure. There are also realizable opportunities to improve
Kuwait's energy efficiency through simple steps such as further
reducing the flaring of natural gas and increasing the energy
efficiency of new buildings.
These priorities should also provide new commercial opportunities
for American companies in Kuwait. According to the International
Monetary Fund, Kuwait has run regular and large budget surpluses for
more than a decade--including more than $50 billion last year. At the
same time, Kuwait's sovereign wealth fund is the region's oldest,
controlling more than $400 billion in assets. If confirmed, I will
vigorously pursue commercial opportunities for U.S. businesses in
Kuwait, particularly in Kuwait's rapidly expanding infrastructure and
housing sectors. I will also work to attract more Kuwaiti investment
into the United States, where Kuwait represents one of our country's
fast growing sources of incoming foreign direct investment.
Kuwait stands out in the region for its vibrant politics and its
outspoken press and I look forward to witnessing Kuwaiti politics first
hand. The Kuwaiti Constitution remains the framework for political
discussion in all its forms, and Kuwait's National Assembly is an
empowered legislative body with significant oversight authorities.
Women have voted and run for office since 2006, and women currently sit
in both the Cabinet and Parliament. If confirmed, I will continue the
regular engagement we have long enjoyed with Kuwaiti politicians,
opinion leaders and the full range of Kuwaitis to highlight democracy
in the United States and its impact on civil and human rights,
increased protection for vulnerable populations, improved labor
standards and providing better economic opportunities for all.
I will also devote my attention to Kuwait's important youth
population. With nearly half of the country's population under the age
of 25, many Kuwaitis coming of age today were not yet born when U.S.
forces helped liberate their country. Because they are growing up in a
fundamentally different world than previous generations, the United
States must strive to tell these Kuwaitis our story and continue to
establish new relationships that will last far into the future.
That is a task we can accomplish. American culture is as popular
among Kuwaiti youth as it is elsewhere around the globe. They love to
visit the United States, and they understand that speaking English and
getting an American education teaches them how to connect, how to solve
problems and how to be a world citizen in the new era of globalization.
Right now, there are at least 6,500 Kuwaiti students enrolled in U.S.
colleges and universities, with plans to expand their presence, and
tens of thousands more Kuwaitis visit each year for tourism, medical,
and business reasons, bringing with them billions of dollars to be
injected into the U.S. economy.
The United States uses exchange programs, English language
scholarships, and other opportunities to engage the rising generation
of Kuwaitis. If confirmed, I will prioritize mission engagement with
younger Kuwaitis, emphasizing the fundamental American values of
education, tolerance, and inclusion that are the backbone of U.S.
success.
Mr. Chairman, I have had the extraordinary privilege of serving the
American people as a diplomat for nearly three decades. I began my
career adjudicating visas in Haiti, where I quickly learned how
fortunate we are to be American citizens. My time in the Middle East
and South Asia taught me how compelling American values truly are.
Throughout my career I have promoted human rights, countered terrorism,
strengthened military-to-military ties and advocated on behalf of U.S.
companies. Most recently, I served as the Deputy Chief of Mission in
Iraq during the withdrawal of our troops and scaling-down of our
Embassy; prior to that I served as Deputy Chief of Mission in Turkey.
In these positions I was responsible for thousands of American direct
hire personnel and many more thousands of contractors and locally
engaged staff. Through it all, I have experienced first-hand the strong
returns of investing in people, ensuring their personal security and
that of their families, and prioritizing career development and mission
morale. I am confident that during these past 30 years I have acquired
the skills necessary to succeed as a chief of mission.
Mr. Chairman, thank you again for the opportunity to appear here
today. I will be pleased to answer any questions you may have.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Silliman.
Mr. Gilbert.
STATEMENT OF MARK GILBERT, OF FLORIDA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO NEW ZEALAND AND TO SERVE CONCURRENTLY AS
AMBASSADOR TO SAMOA
Mr. Gilbert. Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Risch, Senator
Barrasso, I am honored to appear before you today as President
Obama's nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to New
Zealand and to the independent state of Samoa. I am grateful to
the President and to Secretary Kerry for their trust and
confidence in nominating me, and I am equally grateful to
receive this committee's consideration.
With the chairman's permission, I would like to introduce
my wife, Nancy, and daughter, Danielle, who are with me today,
and also acknowledge my daughter, Elizabeth, who unfortunately
because of the weather was not able to be here. They are the
driving force behind everything that I do.
Mr. Chairman, I can imagine no higher honor than to be
asked to serve my country as Ambassador to New Zealand and
Samoa. Connected by the Pacific Ocean, we are partners
committed to expanding global trade, promoting democratic
values, while pursuing peace and security. With almost three
decades of experience in global finance and investment, I
appreciate our enduring economic ties to New Zealand and the
economic opportunities in Samoa and the Pacific region as a
whole. If confirmed, I will strive to advance our Nation's
interests, nurture those economic ties, and build on our
growing relationships.
The United States is one of New Zealand's top trading
partners. We have collaborated closely on the Trans-Pacific
Partnership negotiations. If confirmed, I will work to promote
an even stronger economic link between our countries,
capitalizing on opportunities to not only increase U.S.
investment in New Zealand, but to also expand New Zealand
investment here at home.
New Zealand is an active partner in the United Nations,
committed to resolving conflict through negotiation. It plays a
far larger role on the world stage than the country size would
suggest. Its Armed Forces have led and participated in numerous
peacekeeping missions around the globe and have worked side by
side with our troops in Afghanistan.
In 2010 our nations signed the Wellington Declaration,
pledging increased diplomatic ties and regional cooperation. In
2012 we laid the foundation for the strengthened defense
cooperation in the Washington Declaration.
New Zealand is an integral link in the global effort
against proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and
actively works in the Asia-Pacific region on counterterrorism
issues as well. As an island nation with a culture and an
economy deeply rooted in its natural resources, New Zealand
understands the seriousness of global scientific and public
policy challenges, including greenhouse gas emissions and
climate change.
Fifty years ago we forged a scientific partnership with New
Zealand and Antarctica. Christchurch serves as the U.S.
Antarctic program's gateway for operations, including vital
environmental research at McMurdo Station and our South Pole
Base. We closely cooperate in multilateral settings, working to
provide technical assistance to Pacific Island economies in
education, in energy policy, and the training of the local
workforce.
As the first independent country to be formed out of island
territories in the Pacific, Samoa is a leader in security and
economic stability in the Pacific region. Its commitment to
free trade was enhanced by its entry to the World Trade
Organization, where it has exhibited unique leadership in
forging a stronger partnership with the Pacific Islands Forum.
In our bilateral relationship, the Peace Corps has deepened our
ties between Samoans and the people of the United States by
sending volunteers for more than four decades to work in
communities throughout Samoa.
Its capital, Apia, is the home of the Secretariat of the
Pacific Regional Environmental Programme, which cooperates with
our scientists and researchers on projects like climate change
and the protection of vital marine habitats and resources.
The United States conducted the first exercise of the 2012
Shiprider Agreement between Samoa and the U.S. Coast Guard to
achieve sustainable fisheries and to combat illegal fishing.
Mr. Chairman, I have been incredibly fortunate to have had
a diverse and interesting career in business, community
engagement, and professional athletics. I am humbled to be
nominated to represent the United States to countries as
diverse as New Zealand and Samoa. If confirmed, it will be my
great honor to lead a strong team of Foreign Service, civil
service, military experts, and local staff. I also look forward
to working closely with this committee and other Members of
Congress to promote and protect the interests of the United
States.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
Thank you for being here today, and I would be pleased to
answer any questions you might have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Gilbert follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mark Gilbert
Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, I am
honored to appear before you today as President Obama's nominee to
serve as the United States Ambassador to New Zealand and to the
Independent State of Samoa. I am grateful to the President and to
Secretary Kerry for their trust and confidence in nominating me, and I
am equally grateful to receive this committee's consideration.
With the chairman's permission, I would like to introduce my
family: my wife, Nancy, and daughters, Danielle and Elizabeth. They are
the driving force behind everything I do. I'm so delighted that they
are here today.
Mr. Chairman, I can imagine no higher honor than to be asked to
serve my country as Ambassador to New Zealand and Samoa. Connected by
the Pacific Ocean, we have partners committed to expanding global trade
and promoting democratic values while pursuing peace and security.
With almost three decades of experience in global finance and
investment, I appreciate our enduring economic ties to New Zealand and
economic opportunities in Samoa, and the Pacific region as a whole. If
confirmed, I will strive to advance our nation's interests, nurture
those economic ties, and build on our growing relationships.
Our relationship with New Zealand is stronger now than it has been
in nearly three decades. In 2010, our nations signed the Wellington
Declaration, pledging increased diplomatic ties and regional
cooperation, and in 2012 laid the foundation for strengthened defense
cooperation in the Washington Declaration. Over the past few years, we
have initiated senior-level policy and military dialogues and resumed
joint military training exercises. Despite being separated by thousands
of miles of Pacific Ocean, our two countries share the values of
democracy, fair economic opportunity, and a more open global community.
We actively collaborate in advancing those shared values. In
Wellington, we have a partner committed to expanding global trade and
promoting democratic values while pursuing peace and security. These
are exactly the sort of diplomatic relationships we seek to forge
around the globe, and we will continue to expand our connections to the
next generation of New Zealanders of all backgrounds to renew and
strengthen our partnership.
The United States is one of New Zealand's top trading partners and
we have collaborated closely on the Trans-Pacific Partnership
negotiations. If confirmed, I will work to promote an even stronger
economic link between our countries--capitalizing on opportunities not
only to increase U.S. investment in New Zealand, but also to expand New
Zealand investment here at home.
New Zealand is an active partner in the United Nations, committed
to resolving conflict through negotiation. It plays a far larger role
on the world stage than the country's size would suggest. Its armed
forces have led and participated in numerous peacekeeping missions
around the globe and have worked side by side with our troops in
Afghanistan.
New Zealand is an integral link in the global effort against the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and actively works in the
Asia-Pacific region on counterterrorism issues as well.
As an island nation with a culture and economy deeply rooted in its
natural resources, New Zealand understands the seriousness of global
scientific and public policy challenges, including greenhouse gas
emissions and climate change.
Fifty years ago we forged a scientific partnership with New Zealand
in Antarctica. Christchurch serves as the U.S. Antarctic Program's
gateway city for operations--conducting vital environmental research at
McMurdo Station and our South Pole Base.
And we closely cooperate in multilateral settings--working to
provide technical assistance to Pacific Island economies--in education,
in energy policy, and in training of the local workforce.
As the first independent country to be formed out of island
territories in the Pacific, Samoa is a leader in security and economic
stability in the Pacific region. Its commitment to free trade was
enhanced by its entry into the World Trade Organization, where it has
exhibited unique leadership in forging a stronger partnership with the
Pacific Islands Forum. In our bilateral relationship, the Peace Corps
has deepened our ties between Samoans and the people of the United
States by sending volunteers for more than four decades to work in
communities throughout Samoa.
Its capital, Apia, is the home of the Secretariat of the Pacific
Regional Environmental Programme, which cooperates with our scientists
and researchers on projects like climate change and the protection of
vital marine habitats and resources.
The United States is committed to engagement with Samoa. Last year,
the U.S. Navy was in Samoa for 10 days, working with our Samoan and
international partners through the Pacific Partnership to provide a
range of assistance. And just a short time ago, we opened a brand new
U.S. funded medical center there. We also work closely with Samoa in
protecting important natural resources. In fiscal year 2013, we
conducted the first exercise of our 2012 Shiprider Agreement between
the U.S. Coast Guard and Samoa to achieve sustainable management of
Pacific fisheries resources and combat illegal fishing.
Mr. Chairman, I have been fortunate to have had a diverse and
interesting career in business, community engagement, and professional
athletics. I am humbled to be nominated to represent the United States
to countries as diverse as New Zealand and Samoa. If confirmed, it will
be my great honor to lead a strong team of Foreign Service, civil
service, military experts, and local staff. I also look forward to
working closely with this committee and other Members of Congress to
promote and protect the interests of the United States.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I would
be pleased to answer any questions that you might have.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Gilbert.
Secretary Westphal.
STATEMENT OF JOSEPH WILLIAM WESTPHAL, PH.D., OF NEW YORK,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE KINGDOM OF SAUDI ARABIA
Dr. Westphal. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Ranking Member
Risch, Senator Risch, thank you for being here. Senator
Barrasso, thank you for being here. It is a great honor to be
here. It is somewhat humbling to sit next to Senator Collins
and have her say all those really elegant things about me,
especially since I had the temerity to ask her to do it a
second time. She did it when I was nominated to be the Under
Secretary of the Army. So I am especially grateful for her. She
called me this morning and I thought she was in Maine, and I
asked her how the weather was in Maine. She said: ``Well, I am
in Washington and it is probably the same as it is in Maine.''
So I am very grateful to her, and I am very grateful to sit
with these great three colleagues here who are before you
today.
I am honored to be the President's nominee to be the next
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and I am also deeply
thankful to Senator Kerry for his support and confidence that
he has shown in my nomination. Serving as the Ambassador to
Saudi Arabia would be a great honor and I am humbled by the
opportunity to continue my career of public service.
If confirmed, I will represent the United States and the
American people to the best of my ability, advancing American
political, security, and economic interests with a key ally in
the region, and continue to strengthen our strategic
relationship.
I should also, Mr. Chairman, like my colleagues, introduce
my wife, my wife of 45 years who has put up with all of these
different positions that I have had. I feel like we have moved
so many times I should have been in the Army. My wife, Linda,
Linda Westphal, behind me here. We have four kids and six
grandkids and I think they are probably all tuning in right now
to watch this hearing. I thank them for their support and their
love. They are all married, they all have kids, and they all
have jobs, which is really good.
Most recently I have had the great honor and privilege of
working to support our brave men and women in uniform as they
serve our Nation at home and abroad. In my current position as
the Under Secretary of the Army and its Chief Management
Officer, I am responsible for managing one of the world's
largest organizations during a period of significant change,
great budget uncertainty, and continued threats to our national
security. Managing the globally deployed U.S. Army and the
large number of our forces serving in the Middle East has given
me a great insight into the complexity of this region's
strategic environment.
This vital area is beset by change and turmoil, and it is
undergoing historical transformations in its social, economic,
and political development.
Mr. Chairman and members of this committee, the United
States and Saudi Arabia enjoy a long and enduring partnership
which, contrary to some press reports, continues to be strong
and resilient. Saudi Arabia is a crucially important partner in
the region with whom we share important interests in
confronting regional challenges.
The United States is committed to political transition in
Syria, a new government that is representative of the Syrian
people. The Saudi Government shares that goal. Saudi Arabia
shares our commitment to ensuring that international assistance
does not fail--does not fall into the hands of violent
extremists, including groups connected to al-Qaeda. The Saudis
have publicly endorsed the international efforts to eliminate
Syria's chemical weapons in accordance with the U.N. Security
Council Resolution 2118 and the related OPCW Executive Council
decision, while emphasizing the need to hold the Assad regime
accountable for barbarically using these weapons against the
Syrian people.
The United States and Saudi Arabia both are committed to
ensuring that Iran does not acquire nuclear weapons. We share
the long-term goal of a Middle East free of weapons of mass
destruction and their delivery systems. The administration has
made clear to Saudi Arabia and to our other gulf allies that
progress on the nuclear issue means a comprehensive solution
and the ability to verify that Iran will not be able to produce
nuclear weapons. In addition, we both recognize Iran's
destabilizing activities in support of the Assad regime and
terrorist groups in such countries as Iraq, Yemen, and Lebanon.
We continue to engage the Saudi Government on how best to
build Egypt's economy, while emphasizing to all parties that
Egypt's economic success requires stability that only will be
achieved by inclusive democratic institutions. In Egypt, we
believe that the Egyptian people should be represented by an
inclusive democratically elected civilian government.
Secretary Kerry, Secretary Hagel, and other senior
administration officials continue regular high-level
discussions with Saudi leaders about how best to influence
progress toward this objective.
On Middle East peace, Secretary Kerry noted recently in
meetings with King Abdullah that we value Saudi Arabia's
support for continuing negotiations to achieve the
administration's goals of ending the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict through a permanent status agreement and bringing
stability to region.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I would conclude by
summarizing that our longstanding friendship with Saudi Arabia
includes a durable and critically important security and
counterterrorism partnership, significant economic and
commercial ties, with strong interest in maintaining stability
of energy markets and prices. We are the educational hub for
more than 74,000 Saudi students studying in this country,
thereby increasing employment and development opportunities for
young Saudi men and women.
Finally, we have had a very strong and enduring military
and security partnership. Our security assistance efforts to
train, advise, and assist the Saudi Arabian Armed Forces and
the Saudi Arabian National Guard are only two large aspects of
one of our most robust foreign military sales in the world,
valued at approximately $97 billion.
If you confirm me to be our Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, I
would work to strengthen and sustain these important interests,
but I would also work to promote universal rights, including
religious freedom and the rights of women. But the first thing
I would turn upon and I would do upon arriving in country would
be to review our security procedures and get fully briefed on
the security environment from our Embassy team, since my first
priority will always be the security and protection of our
citizens.
Mr. Chairman, Senator Risch, Ranking Member Risch, Senator
Barrasso, I commit to keeping the committee and this Congress
informed and engaged and seek your counsel in matters important
to this committee and to the Congress.
I thank you all for your service to our country and if
confirmed I thank you for the opportunity to continue to serve.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Westphal follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Joseph Westphal
Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the committee,
I am honored by President Obama's nomination to be the next U.S.
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. I also would like to thank
Secretary Kerry for his support and the confidence he has shown in my
nomination. Serving as Ambassador to Saudi Arabia would be a great
honor and I am humbled by the opportunity to continue my career of
public service. If confirmed, I will represent the United States and
the American people to the best of my ability, advancing American
political, security, and economic interests with a key ally in the
region and continue to strengthen our strategic relationship.
I have devoted my career to public service, both in government and
academia. Most recently, I have had the great honor and privilege of
working to support our brave men and women in uniform as they serve our
Nation at home and abroad. In my current position as the Under
Secretary of the Army and its Chief Management Officer, I am
responsible for managing one of the world's largest organizations
during a period of significant change, great budget uncertainty and
continued threats to our national security. Managing the globally
deployed U.S. Army and the large number of our forces serving in the
Middle East has given me insights into the complexity of this strategic
region's environment. This vital area is beset by change and turmoil,
and is undergoing historical transformations in its social, economic
and political development.
As the Chief of Mission in Saudi Arabia, I will prioritize taking
care of our people. Only 9 years ago, our consulate general in Jeddah
suffered a terrorist attack in which five local staff members lost
their lives. The safety and security of our mission, its employees and
family members in Riyadh, Dhahran, and Jeddah will be my top priority,
as it is for President Obama and Secretary Kerry. I will work with you
and my colleagues at the Department to ensure that our mission
personnel have the correct security posture and necessary resources to
do their jobs safely and effectively. To that end, the safety and
security of all Americans will be my uncompromising priority.
The United States and Saudi Arabia have a long and enduring
partnership which, contrary to some press reports, continues to be
strong and resilient. In addition to numerous visits by senior
administration officials and members of this committee, the President
now plans a visit in March to reinforce our broad cooperation. If
confirmed, I will work across the wide set of our national priorities
to advance critical U.S. interests through our diplomatic, security,
and commercial engagements.
Saudi Arabia is a crucially important partner in the region. We
share important interests in confronting regional challenges, including
the crisis in Syria, Iran's nuclear program and regional aspirations,
and providing support for democratic and economic development in Yemen.
Saudi Arabia's important role in the Gulf Cooperation Council and our
strong desire to see the Council be ``an anchor for regional
stability,'' as Secretary Hagel stated in his Manama Dialogue speech,
means that if I am confirmed by the Senate, I will work to reinforce
this important multilateral framework.
We also have a critical security partnership; Saudi Arabia is our
largest Foreign Military Sales (FMS) customer, with 338 active and open
cases valued at $96.8 billion dollars, all supporting American skilled
manufacturing jobs, while increasing interoperability between our
forces for training and any potential operations. We saw the importance
of this as our forces stood together during Operations Desert Shield
and Desert Storm. On counterterrorism, our countries are very aware
through tragic experience of the threat posed by al-Qaeda terrorists,
and we have forged a critical partnership with the Saudis on this
issue, which I will discuss further.
Apart from political and security cooperation, the U.S. and Saudi
Arabia enjoy robust commercial and business relationships, and I look
forward to further strengthening trade and promoting American exports.
On energy, the United States and Saudi Arabia share an interest in
maintaining stable, reliable sources of oil and price stability. We
also are committed to working with the Government of Saudi Arabia on
its efforts to diversify energy sources and reduce domestic oil
consumption. If confirmed, I will engage proactively in all aspects of
energy policy and sustainability of mutual interest to the United
States and Saudi Arabia.
Secretary Kerry in his speech of January 24 in Davos stated, ``you
cannot find another country . . . not one country . . . that is as
proactively engaged, that is partnering with so many Middle Eastern
countries as constructively as we are on so many high stake fronts.
And, I want to emphasize that last point: partnering.'' I will emulate
the Secretary's active approach in strengthening our partnership with
Saudi Arabia, engaging Saudi officials and the Saudi people to advance
the policy objectives of the administration and the Congress.
Earlier in this statement, I mentioned Saudi Arabia's importance in
regional politics. This is a region beset by change and great turmoil
but also great opportunity. If confirmed, I will work closely with
governmental and nongovernmental entities in Saudi Arabia to find
constructive and collaborative means to achieve security, peace,
economic prosperity, and the advancement of human rights. This includes
expanding opportunities for women to participate fully in society,
politics, and the economy. I will promote transparency, friendship, and
proactive engagement in the relationship while working with my
colleagues in the region to safeguard U.S. interests.
There are many ways our mutual interests converge and I will
briefly explain our coordination with the Saudi leadership as we
advance U.S. policy priorities.
First, the United States is committed to political transition in
Syria and a new government that is representative of the Syrian people.
The Saudi Government shares this goal and has contributed over a
billion dollars to support Syrian civilian and refugee needs, while
supporting nonextremist opposition groups under the political umbrella
of the Syrian National Coalition. The Saudis share our commitment to
ensuring that international assistance does not fall into the hands of
violent extremists, including groups connected to al-Qaeda. We may have
tactical differences in our approaches to Syria at times, but Saudi
Arabia shares our goal of ending the horrible violence in Syria through
a political transition to a representative government, and has
exercised positive influence in Geneva as we strive to achieve common
goals. Additionally, the Saudis have publically endorsed the
international effort to eliminate Syria's chemical weapons, in
accordance with U.N. Security Council Resolution 2118 and the related
OPCW Executive Council decision, while emphasizing the need to hold the
Assad regime accountable for barbarically using these weapons against
the Syrian people.
Similarly, the United States and Saudi Arabia are both committed to
ensuring that Iran does not acquire a nuclear weapon. We share the
long-term goal of a Middle East free of weapons of mass destruction and
their delivery systems. Saudi Arabia remains as concerned as we are
about Iranian activities in the region. The administration has made it
clear to Saudi Arabia and our other gulf allies that progress on the
nuclear issue will not lead to a decrease in U.S. concern about, or in
action to deter and combat, Iran's destabilizing activities, whether
its support for the Assad regime in Syria, or its lethal aid and
training of militants in Yemen and Bahrain. The United States and Saudi
Arabia also want to counter Hezbollah's attempts to undermine the
Lebanese Government; we both support building up the capabilities of
the Lebanese Armed Forces.
In Egypt, we believe that the Egyptian people should be represented
by an inclusive, democratically elected, civilian government. Secretary
Kerry, Secretary Hagel and other senior administration officials
continue regular high-level discussions with Saudi leaders about how
best to influence progress toward this objective. In the last year,
Saudi Arabia has provided Egypt's interim government with over $2
billion in grants, deposits, and energy credits, and billions more in
investments, while encouraging large contributions from other Gulf
States. We continue to engage the Saudi Government on how best to build
Egypt's economy, while emphasizing to all parties that Egypt's economic
success requires stability that only will be achieved by inclusive
democratic institutions.
On Middle East Peace, as Secretary Kerry noted in recent meetings
with King Abdullah, we value Saudi Arabia's support for continuing
negotiations to achieve the administration's goal of ending the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict through a permanent status agreement, and
to bring stability to the region. We are counting on Saudi Arabia to
help build support for our shared efforts, and to continue financial
assistance to the Palestinian Authority.
Saudi Arabia also has played a critical role in stabilizing,
launching and promoting a successful political transition in Yemen.
Saudi Arabia is the largest international assistance contributor to
Yemen, and shares our important interest in combating Al Qaeda in the
Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and other violent extremists groups, while
assisting efforts to provide security, support economic development,
and address critical humanitarian challenges.
The reemergence of violent extremism in Iraq also is a critical
concern for the United States, and one for which we believe Saudi
Arabia can play a constructive role. As Ambassador, I will encourage
productive relationships and open dialogue between Saudi Arabia and
Iraq, including support for Iraq's efforts to flush the Islamic State
of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) out of Anbar province--a conflict that
has broader implications for the region. I will reinforce our message
that progress on current problems is not gained through rehashing
conflicts of the past or drawing sectarian lines, but by finding areas
of mutual interest, and that violent extremist groups are a threat to
us all.
The Syrian crisis, turmoil in Iraq, transition in Yemen, and the
role of al-Qaeda and other terrorist groups demand stronger,
coordinated efforts to combat terrorism in the region. The Government
of Saudi Arabia values our combined efforts in counterterrorism, and
sees al-Qaeda as just as much a threat to Saudi Arabia as to the United
States. I note that the Saudi Government actively discourages its
citizens from participating in foreign conflicts, and issued a new law
in early February that provides for long prison sentences for those who
join jihadist groups in Syria or elsewhere. If confirmed, I will work
diligently through our interagency process to strengthen further our
counterterrorism cooperation and our overall security relationship.
We have built durable and critically important security and
counterterrorism ties with Saudi Arabia, with a range of programs that
protect the citizens and institutions of both of our countries. These
include coordination to stem the abuse of financial and charitable
channels that fund terrorism in the region and beyond, and cooperation
on combating violent extremist messages. If confirmed, I intend to work
with the leadership of Saudi Arabia to further build our partnerships
in these areas.
As mentioned, another key priority I will work toward is growing
U.S.-Saudi economic and commercial ties. Saudi Arabia is our 10th-
largest trading partner; in the first three quarters of last year,
bilateral trade with Saudi Arabia amounted to approximately $52
billion. I will work to expand and diversify our bilateral trade and
help create new opportunities for American business in Saudi Arabia.
We also have a significant interest in stable energy markets and
prices. Today we import approximately about 1.3 million barrels per day
of crude oil from Saudi Arabia which represents 15 percent of Saudi
Arabia's total global exports. This makes Saudi Arabia our second-
largest oil supplier, after Canada. As the world's only current oil
producer with significant spare production capacity, Saudi Arabia plays
a critical global role in price stability. The price our trucking
companies and airlines pay for fuel, and the price the American
consumer pays at the pump, are heavily influenced by trends in global
oil markets. As two of the largest oil producers in the world, the
United States and Saudi Arabia have a mutual interest in ensuring that
energy markets remain sufficiently supplied and support global economic
growth.
Shifting to education, I first observe that the quality of American
educational institutions is well-known and highly prized among Saudis.
I note that over 74,000 students from Saudi Arabia now study in the
United States. It is difficult to overestimate the importance of U.S.
education in developing the skills and perceptions of the next
generation of Saudi leaders. Students will return home with a better
understanding of the United States and our people, and will bring back
American ideals that can be an important influence as Saudi society
develops.
Saudi Arabia is a young country, with nearly two-thirds of the
population under 25. Saudi youth expect their leadership to adapt and
respond to the whole population's needs, including the 50 percent
that's female. I believe the Saudi leadership understands these
challenges. King Abdullah has taken important steps, such as scheduling
another round of municipal elections for 2015 in which women can vote
and run as candidates, and decreeing that at least 20 percent of
appointees to the national consultative council should be women. I look
forward to monitoring these developments with my team. The Saudi
leadership also has expanded scholarship opportunities, including for
women, and sponsored interreligious dialogue. More than 40 percent of
students receiving the King Abdullah Scholarship for study abroad are
women. However, much more needs to be done to ensure expanded
opportunities for Saudi young people, for women, and to increase
citizens' roles in government affairs. I look forward to working with
the Saudi leadership to help them provide these opportunities.
If confirmed as Ambassador, I will not shy away from topics where
we disagree, such as promoting women's full participation in society,
supporting the rights to religious freedom and free association, or
encouraging greater respect for labor rights and protections for the
country's foreign workers. As Ambassador, I will support home-grown
reform efforts and will be an advocate for full respect for the basic
rights of all citizens and residents. I will provide public support for
Saudis' rights to freely associate, to report corruption, wrongdoing,
or abuse by public officials, and to petition their government for
redress of grievances. We will make it clear that basic human rights
are universal and we advocate that Saudi Arabia meet its international
commitments.
Allow me to close by noting that, although American society differs
greatly from that of Saudi Arabia, we cannot allow our differences to
prevent solid continuing cooperation on political, security, and
economic challenges and opportunities. The ties between the U.S. and
Saudi Arabia are deep and historic, and serve core American interests.
I look forward to strengthening these relationships while maintaining
frank and productive dialogue for issues where our views do not fully
align.
Thank you for this opportunity to testify today and I welcome the
opportunity to answer any questions you may have.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Secretary Westphal.
We will now begin rounds of questioning. It would be our
intent to do questions in 7-minute rounds. Because there are
four of you, we might not get to all of you in the first round.
If that happens, do not breathe a sigh of relief and do not
feel offended because we will likely have second rounds because
of the number of nominees on the panel.
Senator Risch. And do not leave.
Senator Kaine. And do not waive.
Senator Risch. Do not leave.
Senator Kaine. Oh, do not leave. Yes, do not leave. Do not
leave. [Laughter.]
Senator Kaine. Especially since we have stayed here, do not
leave.
To begin, I will start actually. Secretary Westphal, I have
some questions about Saudi Arabia. This is a very important
partnership and yet it is a partnership that has some
challenges right now. On the United States side, we have
concerns about the treatment of women, we have concerns about
the funding of particular elements within the Syrian
opposition. We have concerns about some human rights issues
with respect to journalists or freedom of religion.
On the Saudi Arabia side, they have expressed some concerns
about actions that we have taken even as they have supported
with us the role of a nonnuclear Iran. They have expressed
concern about the degree to which we have communicated with
them about our strategy. They were concerned about United
States action in Egypt. They have been concerned about United
States action in Syria.
So it is a partnership that has been an important one, but
there are also a number of rifts, perceived rifts in the
partnership. How would you as Ambassador try to deal with these
issues? Without ceding any issue important to us, even on
issues where there are differences, how would you work to kind
of get over the little friction that has been pretty obvious in
the relationship in recent years?
Dr. Westphal. Mr. Chairman, I think, first of all, I think
within the context of the broader strategy that we have, that
the President has laid down for this region, to continue to
fight the threat of violent extremism, counter the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, eliminate
terrorist networks, and of course keep energy flowing, energy
prices stable, important to all our economies, in the framework
of that context all of these issues are issues of policy where
generally speaking on the issues of strategy we agree on, we
may disagree on tactics about some of the solutions to those
problems.
On the issues of human rights and religious tolerance,
those are issues that we will need to continue to engage with
the Saudi Government to ensure that they can move forward.
I think King Abdullah has done a remarkable thing since he
came the ruler of Saudi Arabia. He has moved this country--I
will admit that by us it seems like a glacial pace. But he has
moved this country toward a series of reforms. They are small
in scale, but they are significant. I mentioned that we had
74,000 students studying here from Saudi Arabia on scholarship
from him. There are almost 100,000 worldwide and I am told that
about 40 percent of those are women.
So there is a movement going forward to address this. But I
will say that our relationship is robust, it is resilient, it
is strong. It is evidenced by the multiple engagements that we
have had just this year alone, conversations between the King
and the President, the visit by the Secretary of State and the
Secretary of Defense, Secretary of Energy, a number of other
leaders who have been there recently, visits by them. Muhammed
bin Nayef is here right now, the Minister of Interior, engaged
in very, very important conversations with us on
counterterrorism and all the issues you mentioned.
So I think that is a very strong relationship and
partnership. They want to be partners with us. We want to be
partners with them and we will make that relationship continue
to work. If I am confirmed, I will do my utmost to engage very
proactively, very openly, with every element of the Saudi
Government to address these issues that you mentioned.
Senator Kaine. Secretary Westphal, obviously defense is a
leading pillar of the relationship, as you indicated. You come
into this nomination from the Department of Defense in your
role with the Army. What do you intend to do to further this
particular aspect of the relationship, the defense partnership,
and what major platforms, if any, do you see Saudi Arabia
potentially purchasing in the near future, given your
background on acquisition issues?
Dr. Westphal. Thank you, Senator. Well, Mr. Chairman, I
think there are a number of things that one can do there. One
of the most important foreign military sales pieces that we
have with Saudi Arabia and we have had for a number of years is
the training mission. We train their defense forces and we
train their national guard. That is a huge, huge undertaking by
us because it means that we can calibrate the way in which
their professionalism, their military, and their security
forces can really become more professional and do the jobs that
sustain the ability of Saudi Arabia to transform itself into a
more open society.
I think we need to fortify that. We need to pay more
attention to that and engage more deeply with them in how to do
that. They are looking to do more work on fortifying their
facilities, their energy facilities. They are looking to grow,
to your question on what foreign military sales could be in the
future, they are really looking to build, strengthen their
navy, build a coast guard.
Those are all areas where we are going to compete with
other foreign countries. We must be energized. We must work
with our defense industry. We must work to build support from
them to look our way, because we think we have the best in the
world in all these categories.
Senator Kaine. Last question. Since the Eisenhower
administration we have had a partnership with Saudi Arabia very
heavily focused on petroleum. There has been some speculation
that the great developments in the United States domestically
produced energy just by themselves really could cause a
significant change in the relationship with Saudi Arabia. Do
you see the growing U.S. energy economy as a big game-changer
in the relationship with Saudi Arabia or is that maybe
overplayed a bit?
Dr. Westphal. I do not see it as a big game-changer, under
the following conditions. First of all, I think, wisely, the
King and the Government of Saudi Arabia do see that they need
to diversify their economic portfolio, that they are consuming
too much of their own product. So it is very incumbent on us to
help them transition to other forms of energy, whether it's
solar, wind, and nuclear.
Nuclear is going to be the next step and we have got lots
of opportunities there to help them generate nuclear in a
peaceful way to sustain their economy.
That being said, world energy prices are what could become
the worst problem for us. So we have to be very careful in
working with them to continue to make sure that the markets are
open and that they can freely export their oil to keep prices
level, because for us domestically as we improve our domestic
production it is the increase in prices that could affect us
negatively. So if I am confirmed that is what I would engage in
very seriously.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
Senator Risch.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Westphal--first of all, to all four of you: Thank you
for your service to America. I think probably one of the most
underappreciated functions of the Federal Government is what
you people in the State Department do in representing Americans
all over the world.
Mr. Westphal, I am going to be critical here for a second.
I want to say this in the kindest and gentlest way. I read your
testimony very carefully and I have got to tell you I am
disappointed in not addressing really what I think are some
serious, serious fractures in the relationship between Saudi
Arabia and the United States.
There is no doubt that your description is a great
description of what traditionally our relationship has been
with Saudi Arabia. They have been a great partner, they have
been a great friend. We have pulled the wagon together. We have
serious differences with them and have had over the years over
issues, particularly women's rights issues, and they have
tolerated us nudging them in the direction we think that they
ought to go.
They have become angry with us over the last 6 to 12
months, and particularly with this arrangement that the
administration has chosen to enter into with Iran. I know you
are well aware of it. I am sure you have read all the things
that have come out of Saudi Arabia. They have taken action
which is adverse to the United States. They make no bones about
it. They were very public about it.
I was hoping you would address that a bit more. We all hope
that the agreement that was put on the table as far as Iran is
concerned will work, that the people in Iran will change their
ways, that they will slap themselves on the forehead and say:
Gee, we have been bad actors over the years, but we are going
to change our ways. To be honest with you, I do not think that
is going to happen. I have been very critical of it. Other
members of this body have been critical of it. The Saudis have
been as critical as we have, if not more so. As I said, they
have taken actions that are adverse to us.
How are you going to handle that? Let us assume for a
moment that the administration is wrong, Iran does not change
its ways, that it is the same old same old, that they use us in
order to take the time to further develop their nuclear
ambitions. I do not think we will ever get the genie back in
the bottle again as far as the sanctions are concerned. I hope
we do, but I think that is going to be very difficult.
What is going to happen? What are you going to say when you
have to walk up to the palace and talk to the King and tell
him, well, this has not worked out? How are you going to handle
that?
Dr. Westphal. Well, Senator, I think that is going to
evolve from our decision that what the Iranians are doing is
not verifiable, they are not committing to the terms of any
agreement that we may have with them in the near future, that
they are simply not abiding by the terms. And the Secretary of
State and the President, of course, will make that decision to
take a different route.
I think the evidence that the Saudis would like to see this
whole situation be, the tension be reduced, is marked by their
participation in the London 11, by their participation in
Geneva. They agree with us that Iran should not, cannot have a
nuclear weapon. So I think we agree on the terms. We agree on
the conditions. We agree on the end result. The question is
will the terms of any agreement be verifiable, and that is
something that we have to wait to see what the administration
finds on that.
Senator Risch. Mr. Westphal, I agree with you that we are,
I think, in full sync with them as far as the objective. The
Saudis really, really do not want the Iranians to have a
nuclear weapon. They agree with us on that objective.
I think that they were badly offended by, first of all, the
process and the way they were kept in the loop, or lack of
being kept in the loop; and secondly was the finality of where
we wound up in this first step of trusting them to do something
and giving them something before they performed, as opposed to
reversing that. For the life of me, I cannot understand why
anyone would do that when you are dealing with the Iranians.
But the administration did it.
So you have got your work cut out for you there. You have
been around long enough that I know that you know that there
are serious problems here, and it is going to take
substantially more work than it has taken in the past, because,
again, this relationship is drifting in the wrong direction. I
hope you are the right guy to bring it back. Certainly the
President needs to work on that. The Saudis are critical
partners in the region.
Thank you for your service and thank you for your
willingness to do that.
Dr. Westphal. May I?
Senator Risch. Certainly, please.
Dr. Westphal. Senator, I agree with what you said. And I
also want to say, and I said this at the end of my remarks and
I mean this very sincerely, we are a representative democracy,
so we ourselves are having a large and broad debate on this
issue openly and in a very clear fashion. So I do believe that
you play a role. I do intend to be very connected to this
committee and to the Congress to understand what your
sensibilities are on this, and translate that to the Saudi
Government.
But in addition to that, I would say that the
relationships, like any good relationship, you are going to
have disagreements, you are going to have issues where perhaps
we did not consult them early enough, perhaps we did not engage
with them in this way and that way. But we are very transparent
in our conversations with them. Everything that I have been
briefed about and come to know at this point in time--I have
not been in these conversations, so I cannot tell you exactly
what has transpired. But I am confident that from the President
on down we are deeply and very seriously and very openly and
very, very clear about our direction and our policies with
them.
Senator Risch. Mr. Tueller, on a personal note, will you be
taking your family to Yemen, your wife and your five children?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, at the moment we do not have
accompanied status in Yemen. So employees are there without
families.
Senator Risch. I appreciate that. It is probably wise under
the circumstances on the ground. You have your work cut out for
you.
Mr. Gilbert, I am almost out of time. But Mr. Gilbert, I
have gone all through this, all through the papers you have
given me, and somehow you missed it. We do not seem to have
your lifetime batting average here with the Cubs and with the
Reds and the White Sox. So maybe if you could submit that for
the record it would be helpful as we move forward on your
confirmation.
Mr. Gilbert. Of course, sir. I could tell you now that in
the major leagues it was .273. My career average for 8 years
playing was .284.
Senator Risch. Respectable. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, thank you. My time is up, and you are going
to have to excuse me.
Senator Kaine. Yes, thank you.
Senator Barrasso.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I would like to follow up, Mr. Chairman, on some of your
comments as well as Senator Risch's just about the important
relationship and partnership with Saudi Arabia, and talk about
things that are happening there, because it is key to the
stability of the region. The relationship between our two
countries has been strained. In the past, I think as you have
said, Mr. Westphal, perhaps we did not consult them early
enough on things.
I look at this and say King Abdullah's going to be 90 years
old this year. At the end of the King's reign, it is
anticipated there is going to be a leadership change to the
next generation. So in trying to get ahead of this, in trying
to consult them early enough, can you talk about what
individuals in the line of succession to the King are there,
how that next King is going to be selected, and how this may
play a role as we look to the future?
Dr. Westphal. Well, what I know, given my limited insight
into the inner workings of the royal family, is that there is a
crown prince and he is the successor to the King. Apart from
that, that is how we are operating. I think as a government we
expect that to be the case, and from that will emanate other
changes as he takes over at some eventual point in time.
King Abdullah to my knowledge is very engaged, even at his
age. He is about to receive a visit from our President. I think
this is an important meeting. I think that the King is very
much aware of all of the issues that are taking place. So we
are operating with that government, with that crown prince, and
with those ministries as they are today.
Senator Barrasso. Well, the reason I ask is that former
Ambassador James Smith, who was our Ambassador to Saudi Arabia
from 2009 to 2013, he warned that Saudi Arabia may become, as
he said, a kingdom of different heads and a decentralized
monarchy, he said, consisting of multiple fiefdoms. That is
what makes me concerned.
So I am just wondering, in your analysis of this division
of the various ministries and the possibility of
decentralization, how do we deal with that, because it is
entirely possible that that would happen on your watch.
Dr. Westphal. Senator, I do know he said that, but I have
not seen any evidence of that in anything that I have read or
anything that I have seen from anybody else. So I am loath to
speak to that because I am assuming that they have a succession
plan that right now is what it is. If I am confirmed as the
Ambassador, I will certainly be very focused on making sure
that we are very well connected within all of the ministries
and all of the agencies of that government, that we are engaged
with what we perceive will be future leadership.
I think people do that when they come to this country. They
look at who the future leaders of this you will be and engage
with them. I think that is incumbent for me to do that.
I appreciate your question. Just I believe that responsibly
we must deal with the government that we are dealing with
today.
Senator Barrasso. I have been to the region a couple times
in the last 3 months. Last year Saudi Arabia was elected to a
2-year term as a rotating temporary member of the United
Nations Security Council. They then announced that they were
rejecting the Security Council seat just this past October,
after months of actually engaging in the lobbying. As a
founding member of the U.N., the Kingdom declared it would
renounce the Security Council seat.
I just wonder if you could have a little discussion about
what you thought the reasons were that they declined the seat
in the United Nations Security Council, and then how they view
their role with the international community?
Dr. Westphal. Senator, a good question. I think part of
this is going to be my own sort of personal view of this. I
think that as they looked at the situation in Syria and in
other parts of the world becoming much more critical, a seat, a
permanent seat--excuse me--a seat in the Security Council for
them would not have been a permanent seat, so they would have
to be involved in casting votes for which they would have no
ability to follow through on in the future.
In turn, they took a seat in the U.N. Human Rights
Commission. I think that is an important, really important seat
for them and for us for them to hold that seat. I think that
means that they are looking, and they have made some very
positive statements about addressing human rights issues. It
helps us, I think, to move that agenda forward, not just in
Saudi Arabia, but with them throughout the world.
Senator Barrasso. What do you believe is the greatest
threat to Saudi Arabian national security today?
Dr. Westphal. Well, I think certainly terrorism. They are
doing a great deal. We are working very closely with them to
stop the movement of their citizens into Syria and into Iraq
and other parts, into Yemen. They are looking very hard at
rehabilitating people who come back from those wars.
But the spillover of terrorist activities into Saudi Arabia
is always a great danger that they are concerned with. So one
of our strongest elements of our relationship with them is
counterterrorism. We do not have as strong a relationship with
almost any other country in the gulf region than with them on
this matter. We certainly have one very strong in the Middle
East with Israel and other countries, but with this particular
threat we have a great relationship with them. We exchange a
great deal of information.
Again, the Minister was here. He was engaged in
conversations with our government on these matters. They have
done a lot to curb the flow of money into Syria and into Iraq.
They have the banking rules that limit some of that. They are a
little bit more advanced, I think, than other gulf countries in
prohibiting and limiting and regulating that. We are working
closely with them.
So I think we have all the tools with them to engage in
what is their biggest threat, but it is also our biggest
threat. It is certainly in our national interest to ensure that
that counterterrorism piece is strong and viable and supported.
Senator Barrasso. I think it was interesting, Reuters
reported just a couple days ago a decree by King Abdullah
imposing prison terms of from 3 to 20 years on Saudis who go
abroad to fight, and the concerns there. So it is interesting.
I think there is a significant impact of the conflict in Syria
and how it is impacting the security in Saudi Arabia. So we
will see what happens in terms of shifts in the future.
I am out of time, Mr. Chairman. Thank you very much.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Barrasso.
We will move to a second round of questions. In this and
any subsequent rounds if necessary, we will move with 5
minutes.
Secretary Westphal, one last item. Senator Durbin had hoped
to ask some questions, if here, concerning human rights issues,
imprisonment of activists, journalists, folks persecuted under
concerns around religious freedom. We are going to keep the
record open for written submission of questions until the end
of the day tomorrow, and there may be a written question
submitted on that issue to you about how you would intend to
deal with those issues. So I will just give you that heads up.
Mr. Gilbert, with respect to New Zealand, New Zealand has
been a key supporter of expanded international trade and a
partner with the United States as we work for the Trans-Pacific
Partnership process. Obviously, with your financial background
and expertise, trade and commerce between New Zealand and the
United States will be a key issue. Talk to me a little bit
about what your priorities will be in advancing United States
trade interests with New Zealand?
Mr. Gilbert. Thank you, Senator. Next week is the next
working group and then ministerial group meetings in Singapore
regarding TPP. The work on TPP done by the U.S. Trade
Representative, they are trying to get to a final agreement, a
high-level, high-quality, very comprehensive agreement between
the 12 nations that are currently negotiating on TPP.
Our relationship with New Zealand has been a very strong
one and has increased with trade. This is an agreement that we
believe that will benefit not only our two countries, but all
12 countries. Earlier today their Trade Minister Groser was
speaking to a business group, talking about the predictions for
TPP. He quoted the Peterson Institute here. He talked about
their internal numbers and believes that these numbers could be
dramatically understated.
They signed a free trade agreement with China a few years
back and all the projections there were greatly underestimated.
As a matter of fact, their trade has grown 10 times faster than
they believe that it would. So they have been a great partner
in working on TPP and if TPP is concluded and if I am confirmed
I look forward to working with them in helping execute the
agreement.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Gilbert.
One of the major defense policy adjustments in the last few
years has been the President's announcement of the rebalancing,
shift, pivot, toward Asia. While a lot of people who are not in
Asia hear that and they get nervous, and particularly maybe
some real estate for the rest of the panel, New Zealand has
been a strong supporter of this announced strategy and the
reestablishment of military-to-military ties with New Zealand
has been a real positive during the last few years as our
bilateral working relationships are increasing.
Talk a little bit about what you would intend to do in your
role as Ambassador to further the growing military-to-mil
cooperation between the United States and New Zealand?
Mr. Gilbert. Thank you. As I mentioned in my opening
statement, on the back of both the Wellington Declaration and
the Washington Declaration we have seen both our diplomatic and
our military relationship with New Zealand strengthen. That is
something that we believe that will continue.
Secretary Mabus was just in New Zealand at the beginning of
this month meeting with his counterparts there. He also, while
he was there, met with Prime Minister Key and Foreign Affairs
McCully. We have been doing joint military exercises for the
first time and the Royal New Zealand Frigate, the TE MANA, is
serving with a multinational force in the Gulf of Aden and in
the Indian Ocean on antipiracy patrols. The TE MANA also docked
in Guam last year and it was the first time that a Royal New
Zealand ship had docked in a United States port in many
decades.
We believe that this relationship continues to move
forward. Secretary of Defense Hagel has already given
prepermission for the Royal New Zealand Navy to dock at Pearl
for the Rim of Pacific fleet exercises this summer. So we are
seeing more exercises with them. We have seen the mil-to-mil
relationship grow, and if confirmed I look forward to being
part of keeping that momentum going.
Senator Kaine. One last question. My time has expired, but
there is no one here to stop me, so I am just going to run
wild. There is an interesting issue about the United States and
New Zealand working together to establish a marine-protected
reserve in the Ross Sea. But that is currently opposed--that
proposal is currently opposed by Russia and China. Do you have
any thoughts on that particular item? I found that interesting.
It sounds like a good idea to me.
Mr. Gilbert. I believe that both countries were a little
disappointed. They had dramatically reduced the size of the
MPA, by almost 40 percent, because they thought that that was a
number that they would do to--actually, to have Russia and the
Ukraine sign off on the agreement. So they were disappointed,
both countries, we were disappointed, New Zealand was
disappointed.
We are continuing to work on that and there will be
meetings later this fall that will continue that discussion.
But it is something that the United States and New Zealand both
believe is critically important.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Gilbert.
Mr. Silliman, first I just--it is so interesting, you going
from Baghdad to Kuwait. When we discussed this in my office
recently, the reestablishment of fairly strong relationships
between Iraq and Kuwait might have been something that I think
I would have and others might have predicted would be pretty
difficult. Talk a little bit about that effort and what that
positive relationship does for Kuwait at this moment?
Mr. Silliman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. This is in fact one
of the few things that I have been able to accomplish within my
tenure while in the Foreign Service. I have started many
projects, but this was one that I think we were able to begin
and execute fairly well.
At the end of 2011, we at the Embassy in Baghdad,
Ambassador Tueller in the Embassy in Kuwait, and the United
States Mission to the United Nations in New York tried to find
ways to spark an improved relationship between Iraq and Kuwait.
It was actually the visit of the Kuwaiti emir, Sheikh Sabah, to
the Arab League summit in Baghdad in early 2012 that really
broke this open. It started a chain of events that permitted
us, in coordination with the U.N., to demarcate the border,
work through claims on air transport and airlines going back to
the 1990s, and to work through the last pieces of the U.N.
Security Council structure that was meant to protect Kuwait and
make sure that all of the bad effects of the war were
addressed.
We were able last June to get through the Security Council
a Security Council resolution essentially closing the chapter
on most of the parts of Saddam's invasion of Kuwait in 1990.
All that remains is Iraqi payment of some war reparations,
which they have been doing regularly. This has opened up a
Kuwaiti Embassy in Baghdad, possibly Kuwaiti consulates in
other parts of the country, and the possibility of new trade
and cooperation in the region.
Kuwait has been in some ways a bridge between Iraq and
other countries in the region, and one of the best results of
this has been the resumption of air flights between Kuwait City
and Baghdad last year. So it has been very positive for
regional security.
Senator Kaine. We have been having a number of hearings
about the destabilizing or sort of decreasing security
situation in Iraq. But as I gather from our discussion so far,
that has not really affected the Iraq-Kuwait relationship or
border issues in north Kuwait?
Mr. Silliman. Yes, Mr. Chairman, that is correct. It really
has not had any impact on Kuwait. I think they watch nervously
the developments in their much larger neighbors in all
directions, but they have been very careful to maintain an
excellent relationship with the Iraqi Government and have been
consulting closely. We have been consulting closely with them
as well, and thus far there has been no spillover into Kuwait,
and we frankly do not expect any spillover into Kuwait.
Senator Kaine. It appears that domestic political unrest in
Kuwait has quieted in recent months. Some of that may be
economic in nature. Those of us working on budget issues were
envious when we saw that Kuwait was announcing a surplus that
was 40 percent of its GDP, a budgetary surplus. But what do you
think the future is of political system reform in Kuwait going
forward?
Mr. Silliman. Senator, that is an excellent question and
this is a question on which there is a very lively debate in
Kuwait itself. Kuwait already has a political system that
stands out in the region. As I said, women are full
participants in the political system. There is a very lively
press. There is very lively participation in social media,
although with some controls from the government that we wish
they did not try to impose.
I believe that it is the openness of the political system
that makes it possible for Kuwaitis to move forward more
rationally and calmly than many other countries that do not
have such an open system. It is one of the great benefits of
democracy that we have here and I think Kuwait benefits from
that.
We will continue, I will continue if confirmed, to
encourage expanded freedom of expression, freedom of
association and other ways, so that Kuwaitis themselves can
have open discussions and decide what their political future
ought to be.
Senator Kaine. One of the issues we also frequently discuss
in both Foreign Relations and Armed Services is sort of the
growing sectarian nature of conflict in this region between
Sunni and Shia Islamic populations. Yet Kuwait has been a
little bit immune from that, and I wonder if you would talk
about why?
Mr. Silliman. Certainly, Senator. Kuwait is fortunate in
the region in that they do not have the same social or economic
differences tied to sect or religion that other countries in
the region do. About 30 percent of the Kuwaiti population is
Shia. It is a minority, but it is very well integrated socially
and economically. Kuwait Shia to my understanding do not feel
themselves second-class citizens. They participate fully in
political life and in social life. So I think this is one of
the reasons that you have not seen spillover from other
sectarian conflicts in the region.
Again, if confirmed we will watch this very carefully. But
I think that the situation in Kuwait is much more optimistic,
or I am more optimistic about the situation in Kuwait than in
many other places in the region.
Senator Kaine. One last question. What is the current state
of the Kuwaiti reaction to the United States-Iran negotiations,
the P5+1 discussions?
Mr. Silliman. An excellent question. The Kuwaiti has
publicly welcomed the joint plan of action and said also that
they hope that the joint plan of action leads to a permanent
agreement that will resolve the nuclear issues of Iran, because
they believe it will increase regional security in this region
and other parts of the world. That said, they are still nervous
about some of the other activities of Iran that we too are
nervous about, support of terrorism and revolutionary movements
elsewhere in the region and the world.
So the Kuwaitis are not being Pollyannish when they are in
favor of the joint plan of action. But thus far they have been
supportive, and we have consulted with them closely.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you, Mr. Silliman.
Ambassador Tueller, in news of the week there was news this
week about Yemen considering or on the path to adopt a six-
region federal structure. Based on your experience, including
your earlier posting in Yemen, do you think this structure make
sense and will hold? Is there lingering possibility that
southerners will not see this as a viable structure? What has
been the initial kind of response to this in Yemen and what are
your thoughts about it?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, that is an important step that
has taken place in this continuing process that began with the
GCC initiative. The national dialogue brought together
representatives from political elites, from different regions
of the country, the different parties, included women,
representatives of broad swaths of society, including of course
southerners. In the process of the national dialogue, of course
these issues were discussed. There were recommendations made.
It is clear that there is still a need for further
discussion on this. But the national dialogue concluded quite
recently, January 25. The next phase of the process called for
a study and the recommendations for a federal system,
devolution of power from the center. So the recommendations
that have come out for a six-region federal system are
consistent with the national dialogue process.
The issues are still very much alive. We expect that
President Hadi is going to have to continue to exercise the
type of leadership that he has over the course of this process
as the country moves to the next phases of drafting the
constitution, having a referendum to approve the constitution.
I expect that there will be challenges and we will have to be
continuously engaged along with other partners to ensure that
the process is not derailed or spoiled by those who would like
to oppose it.
Senator Kaine. Just on that point, there has been an
ongoing Houthi rebellion in a portion of Yemen and that
rebellion has received, revolt has received support from Iran
and has been a serious threat to security in Yemen. Is the
political process as it is working sort of responding to
grievances and dampening them, or is there likely to be an
effort by this revolt to unwind or attack the political process
that is ongoing?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, first on the question of the
Houthi rebellion. There are legitimate grievances. The Houthis
participated in the national dialogue, so that was a positive
step. Nonetheless, the conflict continues.
As you mention, there is strong evidence that Iran has been
providing support to the elements of the Houthi rebellion,
including last year Yemen seized a dhow with weapons, referred
the case to the U.N., and the U.N. concluded that Iran was
likely behind the shipment of weapons to the Houthis.
We and Yemen share a strong interest in preventing Iran
from meddling in and exerting its influence inside Yemen. So if
confirmed one of my major efforts will be to assist the Yemeni
Government both in addressing on the political, social, and
economic level grievances that will allow the rebellion to be
fought back, but also in preventing Iran from exploiting those
tensions inside Yemen.
Senator Kaine. You testified a bit about AQAP and how it
has been such a significant challenge. One of the issues really
raised as you dig into this is the success of counterterrorism
in one country can create problems in a neighbor. So much of
the AQAP membership has been Saudi natives who, because of
Saudi efforts to crack down on terrorism, have found it easier
to move across borders into Yemen and created problems in
Yemen.
Talk a little bit about the current status of the Yemen-
Saudi security cooperation in dealing with AQAP and what the
United States is doing to try to help facilitate that?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, you have touched exactly on
the issue behind AQAP's growth. It of course was formed in 2009
as a result of the unification, putting one banner over both
the al-Qaeda elements in Saudi Arabia and Yemen, with Yemen
providing, because of ungoverned spaces and weak central
government authority, the opportunity for elements of Saudi
Arabia to take root inside Yemen.
The question of how we combat that, of course, really goes
to creating conditions where the Government in Yemen can begin
to exert control in those ungoverned spaces, that it can begin
to counter extremism, and that it can, with our assistance and
the assistance of others, have the type of law enforcement
security services that can counter the threat posed by
terrorists.
Saudi Arabia has actually played a very, very constructive
role in Yemen. It played a very important part in bringing
about the GCC initiative that brought the country back from the
brink of civil war. So we believe also that continued
involvement with Saudi Arabia as a partner in addressing the
issues in Yemen is going to be important to the success of our
efforts there.
Senator Kaine. In the aftermath of the horrific bombing of
the hospital in Yemen in December, AQAP took the unusual step
of apologizing and saying they had made a mistake and that
there was sort of a really just acknowledging that they had
done wrong. Has the horrific nature of that particular crime
weakened any attachment or support that they would receive from
elements within the Yemeni population?
Ambassador Tueller. Sir, again and again the primary
victims of AQAP have been Yemenis. They have attacked Yemeni
civilians, Yemeni infrastructure. The attack on the hospital
and I believe the statement that you are referring to afterward
is indicative of the type of challenge we face in countering
their propaganda efforts. To carry out that sort of vicious
attack and then come out afterward and try to apologize, while
that may have some appeal to some people, I believe that we
will be able to counter that and, with the help of the
government that is engaged in the fight with us, to make sure
that that extremist message, the lies they tell, do not take
hold amongst the Yemeni people.
Senator Kaine. Talk a little bit about the security
challenge for your personnel in Yemen. I think Senator Risch's
question to you about would your family be attending was
getting at that issue. Yemen might be one of the most
challenging assignments in the United States Foreign Service
because of security. I understand all the employees of the
Embassy, U.S. employees, live in a single building that is a
converted hotel. If you would just talk a bit about the
security challenges and how you will tackle them when you are
there.
Ambassador Tueller. Yes, Senator. It is something that, it
is a dynamic situation, one that I believe we constantly have
to evaluate, look and see what the nature of the threat is,
what are effective countermeasures, what is the nature of the
footprint on the ground, are we doing everything possible.
Senator, if confirmed I will spend every morning and every
evening giving serious thought to whether we are doing the
things in Yemen that make sense, that we have got the right mix
of people there, that we are taking all the appropriate
countermeasures. I am confident with the experience that we
have gained and continue to gain that we are putting in place
best practices to protect our facilities and our people. But I
am not going to rest for one moment and feel complacent about
the steps in place and will be constantly evaluating whether we
are doing the right thing.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Ambassador, I was struck when we talked
privately, based on your experiences in being in Yemen earlier,
but you pointed out that in the Arab world, in this part of the
world, Yemen is the poorest country. So in terms of resources
to deal with the challenges, from a physical resource
standpoint, they are very, very stressed. And yet you really
seem to convey that, given the level of resources they have,
there are reasons for optimism about how they are handling the
challenges that they face, with AQAP notwithstanding. Have I
fairly characterized your thoughts?
Ambassador Tueller. Yes, Senator, I do feel optimistic
about that. I think the level of economic assistance that we
are providing is enabling the Yemeni Government to begin to
improve its ability to deliver services, to exert its influence
into ungoverned areas, to create jobs, to foster private
enterprise. Frankly, there are a number of other very committed
partners also, including Saudi Arabia and other GCC countries.
So if together we can move that, there is great potential
for Yemen to move from where it is now or has been over the
past decades to a country, particularly as we see the political
process begin to allow a government to function properly and be
responsive to the needs of its citizens. I am optimistic about
where that is headed.
Senator Kaine. A last question. In the National Defense
Authorizing Act that we passed at the end of 2013, the language
that was hammered out between the House and the Senate with
respect to Guantanamo opened up the prospect for more transfers
of Guantanamo detainees back to countries of origin, with sort
of two components: transfers to countries of origin, transfers
to the United States for trial in Article 3 courts.
We did not change the fundamental law with respect to the
Article 3 courts, but we did open up more prospects for
transfers back to countries of origin. A huge number of the
remaining detainees, a sizeable percentage of the remaining
detainees at Guantanamo, are Yemenis. Talk a little bit about,
with greater congressional authority for such transfers, talk a
bit about the important goal of returning to Yemen those who
have been cleared for return at this point?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, the administration is very
grateful for the greater flexibility that the legislation has
provided the President, who has made clear that it is the
policy of this administration to close Guantanamo. It has not
been effective. It has not served our national security
interests. So that flexibility that allows the administration
to look at, in the case of Yemen, a case-by-case examination of
each individual detainee to determine whether the conditions
can be met to make a transfer either to Yemen or to a third
country.
So we will continue to look at that process. Again, it is
going to be a case-by-case basis, looking at the specific
circumstances of each individual and what assurances would be
required so that we make sure that our national security
interests are taken care of before any return takes place.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ambassador Tueller, for your
testimony and to all the witnesses and all who are here in
support of them. I am glad we were able to have this hearing
today. Each of your countries are very, very important allies
for the United States and it is important that we have our best
representing us there.
The record of this hearing, and especially because of the
timing of it, will remain open until the close of business next
Thursday to allow members to submit questions for the record,
and we ask your prompt response to such questions as they are
submitted.
With that, the hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:24 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Questions and Answers Submitted for the Record
Responses of Douglas Alan Silliman to Questions
Submitted by Senator Bob Corker
Question. What are the vital U.S. national security interests in
Kuwait? What are the other national security interests in Kuwait?
Answer. Kuwait is a steadfast ally in the strategically important
gulf region and a valued partner in promoting policies that strengthen
regional security and stability, including supporting efforts to reach
a just and lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians, resolving
the Syria crisis, including addressing the humanitarian needs of the
Syrian people, and confronting Iran's destabilizing policies in the
region. Our longstanding strategic partnership includes excellent
military-to-military relations; Kuwait's proven track record as a
supportive host of U.S. Army Central is critical to our ability to
deter threats to our own homeland and to our allies. One of our highest
priorities is sustaining and enhancing our security partnership,
especially with respect to countering the threat of terrorism and
violent extremism against the United States, U.S. personnel in the
region and U.S. allies abroad. Kuwait, which holds the rotating Gulf
Cooperation Council presidency for 2014 and will host the Arab League
summit March 25-26, is increasingly assuming a regional leadership role
on issues of shared importance such as the Syria humanitarian crisis
and Iraq's regional reintegration. Finally, Kuwait holds roughly 7
percent of the world's proven oil reserves, and U.S. companies actively
compete for massive contracts in Kuwait's transportation, heath, and
infrastructure sectors.
Question. What are the three most important goals of U.S. policy in
Kuwait?
Answer. Sustaining and deepening our security partnership will
continue to be our first priority, as it is essential to ensuring U.S.
security, and the security and stability of the broader gulf and Middle
East regions. This includes the protection of official U.S. personnel
in Kuwait, as well as the more than 50,000 U.S. citizens living,
working, and visiting Kuwait City; in that respect, the Government of
Kuwait provides outstanding cooperation in both of these areas.
Protecting access to energy resources is a second, critically important
objective. Kuwait produces roughly 2.7 million barrels a day and
exports more than 2 million barrels a day; it is in our mutual interest
to help ensure that Kuwait remains a reliable supplier to global energy
markets far into the future. A final objective involves strengthening
U.S.-Kuwaiti commercial ties. Kuwait has consistently run large budget
surpluses, and the Government of Kuwait is directing a sizeable portion
of these funds into modernizing the country's infrastructure and
improving the Kuwaiti health and education sectors, opportunities for
which U.S. companies can expect to be exceptionally competitive. At the
same, the government has also increased its yearly contributions to
Kuwait's Future Generations Fund, an investment fund to which Kuwait
contributes a percentage of annual oil revenues. If I am confirmed, I
will work to sustain the recent increase in Kuwaiti investment in U.S.
assets and companies, where Kuwait ranks as our 13th-fastest growing
source of Foreign Direct Investment.
Question. How does achieving these goals in Kuwait align with a
broader regional strategy?
Answer. Deepening our security, political, and economic partnership
with Kuwait is a key component in advancing our regional goal of
countering threats and promoting stability. As evidenced by the Kuwaiti
Amir's September 2013 visit to Washington and Secretary Kerry's two
trips to Kuwait in the last 9 months, our two nations work
collaboratively on a range of bilateral, regional, and international
issues of utmost importance to U.S. national security. For example, as
the Gulf Cooperation Council president for 2014, Kuwait will facilitate
our multilateral engagement with that entity, including on ballistic
missile defense. Kuwait has also welcomed the Joint Plan of Action as
an important first step toward a comprehensive nuclear agreement with
Iran, and Kuwaiti assistance has been critical to short-term economic
stability in Egypt. To address the dire humanitarian needs stemming
from the ongoing violence in Syria, meanwhile, Kuwait's Amir cohosted
with U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon a second-annual high level
donors' conference that spurred a collective $4.2 billion in new
pledges of humanitarian assistance. Finally, I had the privilege of
personally working to advance the normalization of Iraq-Kuwait
relations over the past 18 months, which greatly contributed to
regional stability and continues to serve as a powerful example of the
potential for Iraq's re-integration into the immediate neighborhood,
from which it has been so long estranged.
______
Responses of Matthew Tueller to Questions
Submitted by Senator Bob Corker
Question. What are the vital U.S. national security interests in
Yemen? What are the other national security interests in Yemen?
Answer. Our vital U.S. national security interests in Yemen center
on addressing near-term security threats to the United States and our
regional interests by supporting President Hadi and the Yemeni
Government's efforts to counter Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula
(AQAP) and to complete an historic democratic transition. In supporting
Yemen's transition process, the U.S. thereby bolsters the Yemeni
Government's ability to meet its citizens' economic, humanitarian, and
political needs, undercutting the lure of extremist movements.
Our objectives include: enhancing the Yemeni Government's ability
to protect its borders and coastlines; enabling Yemen to participate
more fully as a regional security, political, and economic partner;
supporting the Yemeni Government in extending control over its
territory and ungoverned spaces to prevent use by terrorists and
transnational criminals; facilitating Yemeni efforts to modernize its
military and improve interoperability with U.S. and coalition forces;
and, encouraging bolstered rule of law and human rights best practices.
Question. What are the three most important goals of U.S. policy in
Yemen?
Answer. The three most important goals of U.S. policy in Yemen are
to: (1) counter the threat from AQAP and other violent extremists, in
partnership with President Hadi and the Yemeni Government; (2) support
Yemen as it implements the political, economic, and social reforms
underpinning the country's historic transition to democracy, fostering
a more stable and prosperous Yemen; and, (3) protect and promote U.S.
citizens, personnel, and interests in Yemen.
Question. How does achieving these goals in Yemen align with a
broader regional strategy?
Answer. Achieving these goals in Yemen aligns with our broader
regional strategy by promoting peace, security and stability, enhancing
economic cooperation, expanding opportunities for broader trade and
investment, and supporting aspirations for more inclusive, responsive
governance which addresses basic universal rights and needs.
______
Responses of Joseph William Westphal to Questions
Submitted by Senator Bob Corker
Question. What are the vital U.S. national security interests in
Saudi Arabia? What are the other national security interests in Saudi
Arabia?
Answer. In his September 24, 2013 address to the U.N. General
Assembly, President Obama outlined U.S. core interests in the region,
which also define our vital interests in Saudi Arabia:
We will confront external aggression against our allies and
partners, as we did in the gulf war . . .
We will ensure the free flow of energy from the region to the
world . . .
We will dismantle terrorist networks that threaten our
people.
If confirmed, I will work to advance our defense and security
partnerships, energy coordination, and counterterrorism relationships,
which truly are critical to our national security.
However, as President Obama also noted: [T]o say that these are
America's core interests is not to say that they are our only
interests. We deeply believe it is in our interests to see a Middle
East and North Africa that is peaceful and prosperous, and will
continue to promote democracy and human rights and open markets,
because we believe these practices achieve peace and prosperity.
Building our commercial relationships, including increasing Saudi
imports of American products and bolstering the success of American
firms in winning Saudi contracts and forming successful business
partnerships, will be a high Embassy priority during my tenure as
Ambassador.
Likewise, if confirmed I will prioritize engagement with Saudi
Arabia on affording opportunities for women to participate fully in the
public and economic life of the country, and allowing citizens basic
rights, such as freedom of association and assembly. I will not shy
away from advocacy of Saudi reforms in these areas or from offering
support to those fighting for protection of these rights.
Finally, the safety and security of the many American citizens in
Saudi Arabia, both private and official, will be a first priority for
me as Ambassador if confirmed.
Question. What are the three most important goals of U.S. policy in
Saudi Arabia?
Answer. The most critical U.S. policy goals necessarily follow the
U.S. core interests outlined above. We must continue to maintain our
deep security partnership while continuing to sustain our robust
Foreign Military Sales program with a current value of more than $96
billion. Building Saudi defense capabilities and maintaining our
partnerships in security and counterterrorism are essential matters of
our national security strategy. We must also work closely with Saudi
leaders on energy matters to ensure stability in global markets, and
further enhance our cooperation on counterterrorism which is a critical
policy goal that I will work to advance if confirmed, in whole-of-
government fashion. I further look forward to visits from and
consultation with members of the committee to discuss our approaches to
these issues and how best to achieve our goals.
Question. How does achieving these goals in Saudi Arabia align with
a broader regional strategy?
Answer. While our bilateral partnership with Saudi Arabia remains
critical in its own right, it also is very much a component of the
broader regional strategy that you reference. Saudi Arabia is an
influential regional actor and plays a key role in every major issue
confronting the region, from Syria to Iran. We need Saudi coordination
and assistance to deal effectively with these complex regional
challenges. As the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) collective, grows
increasingly important as a political, security, and economic body, we
must work with Saudi Arabia, the largest GCC member state, to
strengthen our partnerships in the region and enhance regional economic
and military ties. We must continue regular engagement with the GCC
states through the U.S.-GCC Strategic Cooperation Forum to develop
broader cooperative ties with the six GCC member states, including on
matters such as gulf security and ballistic missile defense.
______
Responses of Joseph William Westphal to Questions
Submitted by Senator Barbara Boxer
Question. As you are well aware, women in Saudi Arabia are
effectively treated as legal minors due to the country's male
guardianship system and are unable to do many of things that women here
in the United States take for granted. In fact, according to a recent
report from the World Bank, the economic potential of Saudi women is
the most limited in the world due to their legal status.
In recent years however, Saudi Arabia has made several advancements
in women's rights. For example, in the upcoming Saudi election in 2015,
women will, for the first time, be able to stand as candidates and vote
in municipal elections. The majority of these advancements made by King
Abdullah have been largely symbolic but I hope that they can at the
very least represent a turning point for women in Saudi Arabia.
What will you do to engage with the Saudi Government on
women's issues and how will you work to advocate on behalf of
women especially in light of the upcoming 2015 elections?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will engage Saudi leaders on
the need to accelerate reforms that allow women to participate fully in
the political and economic life of the country and that protect women
and girls from abuse or discrimination. I will express the view that
Saudi Arabia will never reach its full potential if it does not allow
half of its citizens to contribute to the country's future and
prosperity. The historic appointment of 30 women to the Kingdom's
Consultative Council was a positive step in this direction; however,
much more needs to be done for the full inclusion of women in Saudi
public life. As Saudi women prepare to vote and to run for office for
the first time in the upcoming 2015 municipal council elections, I will
closely monitor these important elections and encourage the women of
Saudi Arabia to seize this important opportunity to participate in
their country's political life. I will also engage with key Saudi women
leaders in business and government.
As I engage with Saudi officials, I will be clear that the U.S.
Government supports women's freedom of movement and all opportunities
afforded to men, including the removal of restrictions on women in
transportation, employment, and public life. Saudi women are working
hard to change social and government views inside their country, noting
the illogic of current policies and practices, and they have generated
vigorous public debate within Saudi Arabia about the role of women in
Saudi society--a debate the Saudi leadership has at least tacitly
supported. The recent driving campaign is just one example of the many
home-grown campaigns that Saudis of both genders have initiated in
recent years to press for increased opportunities and rights for Saudi
women.
Question. Further, how do you believe the United States can best
work to improve economic prospects for Saudi women?
Answer. Many women in Saudi Arabia have little ability to fulfill
their talents and career and entrepreneurial ambitions because of
societal and governmental strictures. If confirmed, I will examine ways
to expand women's opportunities by showcasing Saudi women entrepreneurs
through the use of social media and other mission resources and will
facilitate networking among established women entrepreneurs and those
just starting out so that others can gain from those with track
records. I will also support increasing the number of Saudi students in
the U.S. I will promote exchanges and training opportunities, and will
examine partnerships for Saudi female entrepreneurs and professionals
with peers in the U.S. I will also discuss with American companies
operating in Saudi Arabia how they can help increase opportunities for
women and youth and pave the way for more women to enter the labor
force. Expanded U.S. educational offerings, network-building, and
mentoring opportunities will benefit Saudi women just like they assist
professionals everywhere, and over time will help expand the space
available to women in Saudi Arabia to fully contribute to their
country's success.
______
Responses of Matthew Tueller to Questions
Submitted by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. The busiest liquefied natural gas import terminal in the
country is in my home State of Massachusetts. In fact, over the last 5
years, 40 percent of all U.S. imports have come through Boston Harbor.
Fourteen percent of the LNG brought into the port originates in Yemen.
That figure is declining due to terrorists repeatedly blowing up the
main gas pipeline in Yemen.
What is your assessment of the current security situation
as it relates to the country's oil and gas infrastructure? Do
you believe Yemen is a reliable source of natural gas for
Massachusetts consumers?
Answer. Yemen continues to face frequent attacks by Al Qaeda in the
Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and other armed groups seeking to undermine
the political transition. This has included attacks on the country's
oil and gas infrastructure. President Hadi and the Yemeni Government
remain committed to improving the security environment and to
protecting--and developing--Yemen's energy infrastructure. The Yemeni
Government has made some progress reclaiming territory in the south
previously under AQAP control, and is working to prevent attacks on
Yemen's oil infrastructure. However, AQAP and tribal militias still
routinely launch small scale attacks, particularly in remote areas,
which disrupt energy production.
The United States supports programs to help build the capacity of
Yemen's security forces to conduct counterterrorism operations and
protect the Yemeni people, officials, and infrastructure from terrorist
attacks. Our success in this initiative will contribute directly to
Yemen's reliability as a provider of LNG to the people of
Massachusetts.
Question. The United States has not merely given military aid to
Yemen since that country's political transition began in 2011 we have
also provided humanitarian and economic development assistance. In
fact, over the previous 2 fiscal years, we have provided over $100
million in economic aid. Yet, much more work is needed to transition
Yemen's political system and economy into the 21st century,
particularly the country's electric grid. Yemen suffers chronic
blackouts, even in the capital. Reliable power is a cornerstone of
stability.
Is there anything we can do to improve the reliability and
security of Yemen's electric grid with our assistance, so that
it can move further toward self-sustaining development?
Answer. Our security strategy in Yemen includes a strong focus on
increasing Yemeni capacity to secure the country against AQAP and other
threats, which will in turn build Yemeni capability to protect critical
infrastructure. We seek to develop Yemen's security forces to conduct
counterterrorism operations, extend government control in ungoverned
spaces to prevent use by terrorists, and to secure maritime and land
borders.
We routinely engage with the Yemeni Government on discussions over
critical infrastructure--particularly Yemen's electric grid--and, in
tandem with the international community, continue to support efforts to
improve the reliability and safety of the energy grid, including
through infrastructure development programs linked to the country's
Mutual Accountability Framework, which is critical to ensuring donor
confidence and continued support.
We are also working with Yemen to develop more sustainable uses of
energy and support the establishment of ties between Yemeni and
American business communities to promote sustainable development,
including in the areas of renewable energy.
Finally, we continue to advocate for U.S. businesses looking to
work with the Yemeni Government to increase electricity generation
capacity.
Question. In your opinion, what should be the focus of the United
States economic development goals in Yemen?
Answer. The United States economic development goals in Yemen
should continue to focus on supporting near-term development and growth
as well as longer term macroeconomic reform to achieve stability and
underpin the gains of the country's ongoing transition process. In
particular, our goals should include: (1) assisting the Yemenis in
addressing economic reform priorities, which will set Yemen on a more
sustainable path while increasing opportunities for private enterprise;
(2) strengthening the capacity of the Yemeni Government, including the
Mutual Accountability Framework (MAF) Executive Bureau, to support the
country's efforts to implement reform commitments; (3) encouraging
other international donors to fulfill assistance pledges which will
enable the Yemeni Government to pursue meaningful reform and
development; and, (4) assisting the Yemeni Government in meeting the
critical humanitarian needs of the Yemeni people to foster the
stability required to serve as a foundation for meaningful change.
Significant structural reform and the development of a sustainable
private sector remain essential to addressing many of the Yemeni
citizens' key economic-focused demands. The Yemeni Government, however,
has limited technical capacity to undertake sweeping institutional and
economic reforms on its own. Our development goals in Yemen should
focus on supporting Yemen's transitional government as it works to
advance much-needed economic and structural reforms, while coordinating
with the international community to maximize the utility of our
assistance.
NOMINATIONS OF DEBORAH BIRX; SUZAN
LeVINE; MAUREEN CORMACK; AND PETER SELFRIDGE
----------
THURSDAY, MARCH 6, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Deborah L. Birx, of Maryland, to be Ambassador at Large and
Coordinator of United States Government Activities to
Combat HIV/AIDS Globally
Suzan G. LeVine, of Washington, to be Ambassador to the Swiss
Confederation, and to serve concurrently and without
additional compensation as Ambassador to the
Principality of Liechtenstein
Maureen Elizabeth Cormack, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Peter A. Selfridge, of Minnesota, to be Chief of Protocol, and
to have the rank of Ambassador during his tenure of
service
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:15 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Edward J.
Markey presiding.
Present: Senators Markey, Cardin, Murphy, Kaine, Corker,
and Barrasso.
Also Present: Senators Patty Murray and Maria Cantwell.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
U.S SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Markey. This hearing will come to order and we
welcome all of you this afternoon. Today we welcome four
distinguished individuals who have been nominated for senior
positions in our Nation's State Department. I want to express
my appreciation to the ranking member, Mr. Barrasso, as we
begin our hearing today and I want to thank our panel for being
here.
Our first nominee is Deborah Birx, who has been nominated
to serve as Ambassador at Large and Coordinator of United
States Government Activities to Combat HIV/AIDS Globally. Dr.
Birx has been a renowned leader and innovator in the HIV/AIDS
field for decades. I could go on singing Dr. Birx's praises,
but my colleague and fellow Senate Foreign Relations Committee
member, Senator Cardin, is going to arrive here soon in order
to graciously deliver Dr. Birx's introduction, so that is all
that I will have to say for right now.
Our second nominee is Susan LeVine. After a storied career
at Microsoft, Ms. LeVine has been nominated by the President to
be our Ambassador to Switzerland and the Principality of
Liechtenstein. Ms. LeVine has substantial experience in the
private sector, including at Microsoft, and we are fortunate to
have both of her distinguished Senators from Washington who
have also offered to introduce her to the Foreign Relations
Committee.
I will note at this point that there is a roll call on the
Senate floor right now, so we are going to have an imminent
arrival of several distinguished Senators in order to properly
extol the virtues of our candidates.
We also have before us Maureen Elizabeth Cormack, who has
been nominated by President Obama to serve as our next
Ambassador to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Ms. Cormack brings a
wealth of experience at the State Department, most recently as
the Principal Deputy Coordinator of the Department's Bureau of
International Information Programs. As the Deputy Coordinator,
Ms. Cormack provided skillful leadership to our Nation's public
diplomacy communications operation.
Since she began her career at the State Department in 1989,
Ms. Cormack has demonstrated exemplary service both at home and
overseas. I believe her background will enable her to bring
strong leadership to our Foreign Service as the next Ambassador
to Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Last but certainly not least, we welcome Peter Selfridge,
who has been nominated by the President to serve as the Chief
of Protocol at the State Department. Mr. Selfridge has a long
and impressive track record of ensuring that the highest
profile Presidential trips go off without a hitch, no small
feat. He has demonstrated this as the Director of Advance and
Operations at the White House. That is precisely the sort of
experience needed in our Chief of Protocol.
As our Nation's first contact that welcomes foreign leaders
and diplomats to our Nation, the Chief of Protocol plays a
crucial role in our Nation's diplomatic operations. Put simply,
our Chief of Protocol makes person to person diplomacy
possible.
Mr. Selfridge began his career right here in the United
States Senate as a staff assistant and legislative
correspondent in the office of Senator Tom Harkin, and we are
glad to welcome him back today as we consider his nomination to
this position. Unlike many Senators, he has made his way to the
White House. So we congratulate you on that.
With that, I would like to stop and actually begin to allow
our witnesses to testify. As the Senators arrive, I am going to
interrupt at that point so that each of the Senators can make
their welcoming comments as well. So why do we not we begin
with you, Ms. Birx. Whenever you feel comfortable, please
begin.
STATEMENT OF DEBORAH L. BIRX, M.D., OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR AT LARGE AND COORDINATOR OF UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT ACTIVITIES TO COMBAT HIV/AIDS GLOBALLY
Dr. Birx. Mr. Chairman, thank you for the opportunity to
meet with you today. Let me begin by acknowledging the much
appreciated and unheralded work of this committee and many in
this room who have persistently and effectively moved AIDS from
the shadows to the center of our global health agenda.
I am deeply grateful to President Obama for his continuing
support and investment and in challenging us to do more, to
Secretary Kerry for his long-term commitment to changing the
course of this pandemic, to Secretary Clinton for the blueprint
for an AIDS-free generation, and to President Bush for creating
PEPFAR.
Let me also take a personal moment to acknowledge my
parents here today, who taught me to live my life focused on
others, and my daughters, age 27 and 30. I am very proud of
them and grateful for their patience and sacrifice.
Senator Markey. Could they stand for a second so we can
recognize them for the fantastic work they did.
[Parents stand.] [Applause.]
Senator Markey. Beautiful. Thank you all for being here.
Dr. Birx. As you know, the AIDS pandemic has been
devastating. Since the first cases were recognized in 1981,
more than 30 million people have died of HIV and more than 30
million people today live with HIV. But the AIDS story has
changed dramatically over the last decade. It is no longer one
of overwhelming despair. It has by sheer determination forged a
different path, driven from the amalgamation of literally
millions of untold and often heroic personal, political, and
programmatic choices. Now the tide of this relentless pandemic
is turning.
Because of activists and analysts, scientists and religious
leaders, parents and parliamentarians, we stand on the verge of
achieving what many of us thought impossible just a few short
years ago, the ends of the AIDS epidemic as we know it.
My own 34-year professional journey, most of it in uniform
in our Nation's armed services, has been intertwined with the
path of this epidemic from the beginning. My path has been
marked by humility, inspiration, and discovery: humility
because at Walter Reed in the early 1980s we were caring for
young soldiers, sailors, airmen, and marines who were suffering
and dying from a mysterious illness and we could not save them;
inspiration from Africa in the late 1990s, when pregnant women
dying of HIV/AIDS still came forward, were tested, and
confronted stigma and discrimination, forsaking their own lives
to save their babies from HIV, and we could do nothing to save
them; discovery for the potential pathway to an effective HIV
vaccine through a partnership with NIH, DOD, and Thailand, and
discovering through PEPFAR that we have not only saved lives
but changed the course of this epidemic.
The United States political leadership of this global
response have also taken risks, defying conventional wisdom,
across multiple administrations and Congresses. This committee
was instrumental in creating PEPFAR in 2003, which has twice
been reauthorized with strong bipartisan support.
It only looks possible in hindsight that the whole of
government coming together to achieve a common goal. the
Department of State and USAID, the Departments of DOD and HHS
and their components, as well as the Peace Corps, working
together every day to implement PEPFAR.
Among the lasting legacies has been the speed at which
outstanding science and innovation has been translated into
sound policy and programming at scale. Looking forward, our
chance to realize an AIDS regeneration is within reach. We have
arrived at a critical moment in time where we can redefine the
trajectory of this epidemic.
But our challenge is to remain--is maintaining our focus.
If we begin to drift, if we lessen our aspirations or we leave
our science behind, we will have squandered all of this
investment and allowed the accomplishments of the last decade
to unravel, with enormous negative consequences.
We have arrived at an AIDS-free generation--we can arrive
at an AIDS-free generation through PEPFAR and our vision is one
that reflects shared responsibility, accountability, and
impact. First, we need to follow the PEPFAR blueprint and the
clear recommendations from external reviews. Second, we need to
work together to achieve the vision of PEPFAR, holding each
other accountable by harnessing the power of science to create
new paths and tools, the power of scale in our programming, to
continue to demonstrate to the sometimes-skeptical world that
we are both capable of saving lives as well as changing the
very face of this epidemic, the power of partnerships to create
genuine synergies and to hold each of us accountable to our
commitments, and the power of activism to translate our
aspirations into our policies.
Finally, we must stay focused in four key areas: scaling of
effective interventions, strengthening countries' capacities
and systems, sharing responsibility to address the epidemic,
and most important ensuring transparency, accountability, and
oversight.
I believe we can accomplish what was truly unthinkable just
a few short years ago. I look forward to the opportunity of
working with this committee as we bring this to fruition, and
let me stop here and express my deep appreciation and take any
questions.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Birx follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Deborah L. Birx
Thank you Senator Markey, Senator Barrasso, Chairman Menendez,
Ranking Member Corker and distinguished members of the committee. I am
deeply honored to have been nominated by President Obama, with the
strong support of Secretary Kerry, to serve as the United States Global
AIDS Coordinator and to lead the global HIV/AIDS efforts on behalf of
our Nation. It is a particular pleasure to have this opportunity to
appear before your committee, which has so persistently and effectively
moved AIDS from the shadows to the center of our global health agenda.
I would like to applaud the members of this committee and your
congressional colleagues for your unwavering bipartisan support of the
U.S. President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) and for the
recent passage of the PEPFAR Stewardship and Oversight Act of 2013. You
are to be commended for your leadership in moving this legislation
forward and with each reauthorization strengthening PEPFAR's investment
strategy and program oversight to ensure maximum impact on the epidemic
to achieve an AIDS-free generation.
Please know that if confirmed, I will continue to work with you and
the larger global health community to further strengthen and accelerate
our global HIV/AIDS efforts to ensure that our programs have an even
greater impact in saving lives, changing the course of the HIV
epidemic, and taking a major step forward in achieving an AIDS-free
generation. I will also ensure effective oversight, accountability, and
enhanced transparency to you and the American people so that our
investment of tax dollars reaps the greatest dividends. Our investments
must continue to be smart, strategic, and impactful if we are to
ultimately win the global battle against HIV/AIDS.
The AIDS pandemic has devastated individuals and communities in the
United States and around the world. Since the first cases were
recognized in 1981, more than 30 million people have died from AIDS and
millions more are now living with HIV, with an estimated 1.6 million
deaths in the past year. Countless others have been affected by untold
personal and economic loss. In recent years, however, the story of AIDS
has changed dramatically. It is no longer just a story of devastation
and despair--it is one of healing and hope. By sheer determination and
millions of heroic personal, political, and programmatic choices, the
tide of this relentless epidemic is turning.
The U.S. global HIV/AIDS effort has both launched and anchored the
largest and longest lasting global health collaboration in history.
Working together we have brought about extraordinary achievements that
have transformed individuals, communities, societies, and countries.
Over the last decade we have seen impressive gains. We have reached,
and in many cases exceeded, PEPFAR's targets defined by the President.
In FY 2013, PEPFAR directly supported 6.7 million men, women, and
children worldwide with life-saving medicines; supported HIV testing
and counseling to more than 12.8 million pregnant women; and provided
antiretroviral medications to prevent mother-to-child transmission of
the virus to 780,000 women. Last June, Secretary Kerry made the
historic announcement that PEPFAR had achieved a milestone--1 million
babies born HIV-free. We have supported more than 4.7 million voluntary
medical male circumcision procedures in east and southern Africa. And
PEPFAR supported 17 million people with care and support, including
more than 5 million orphans and vulnerable children, in 2013.
These efforts have saved millions of lives and illustrate the
critical role of American leadership in global health. Within the
global response to the epidemic, PEPFAR has served as a remarkable
example of cooperation across the breadth of our Government and our
Nation with countless partners around the globe. This success owes a
great debt to the leadership of President George W. Bush and the
members of his administration for creating PEPFAR. To President Obama,
former Secretary of State Clinton, and Secretary of State Kerry for
their deep commitment as outlined in the ``PEPFAR Blueprint for an AIDS
Free Generation'' to further extend our efforts. And to the visionary
leaders in this and earlier Congresses, who had the foresight to
propose, support and guide this program in its development. We also owe
a debt of gratitude to Ambassadors Eric Goosby and Mark Dybul for their
effective stewardship of PEPFAR during the current and past
administrations. And we are grateful as well to the pioneers who
created the Leadership and Investment in Fighting the Epidemic (LIFE)
Initiative in the Clinton administration. The U.S. global response to
HIV has been uniquely uninterrupted, and each administration has
contributed its own vision while maintaining the fundamentals, securing
bipartisan bicameral support through each reauthorization, and
reflecting the enduring compassion of the American people.
My entire professional career has been focused on the AIDS
epidemic, interacting with it from a number of different perspectives
both in the United States and throughout the world. As a physician I
have cared for patients, beginning in the 1980s at Walter Reed Army
Medical Center, before we knew a deadly virus was causing this
horrendous disease. I made scientific contributions in understanding
how this virus destroys the body's defense mechanisms.
And while leading the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research work
on HIV/AIDS, I was able to acquire a more thorough appreciation of the
potential and limitations of groundbreaking vaccine research. As a
proud Army Veteran, having risen to the rank of Colonel, I brought
together the Navy, Army, and Air Force in a new model of cooperation--
whose lessons I would hope to adapt in this role to ensure that the
full U.S. Government interagency PEPFAR collaboration is enhanced.
Finally, in my current role as the Director of the U.S. Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Division of Global HIV/AIDS, I
have had the privilege of working with and across the full array of
U.S. Government PEPFAR implementing agencies, where I developed a
unique understanding and appreciation of the complementary roles of
each. These diverse and demanding experiences have challenged me
personally while reinforcing my confidence in our collective
capacities--and my optimism that our chance to create an AIDS-free
generation is within reach.
Our challenge is to maintain our focus. If we begin to drift, to
lessen our aspirations, or to stray from the scientific method, we will
have squandered our accumulated assets and allowed the accomplishments
of the last decade to unravel, with enormous negative consequence to a
great many young lives. To achieve an AIDS-free generation--we need to
refocus our efforts, reenergize our partnerships, and reaffirm our
commitments to achieving our objectives. My confidence in our eventual
success derives from what we have seen and experienced thus far in the
global effort.
We have seen our many partners in clinics and communities across
five continents persevere and prevail in their efforts to bring sound
science to the service of social justice.
We have seen the compassion and passion of AIDS advocates and
activists at the forefront of the global response drawing support to
the organizations, health care providers and community health workers
who directly touch the lives of those we are privileged to serve.
Within the U.S. Government efforts, we have seen in action the
leadership at the Department of State, including the important
contributions of ambassadors to the field, as well as the Office of the
Global AIDS Coordinator, and USAID; the Department of Health and Human
Services and its agencies, including CDC, HRSA, and NIH, and the Office
of Global Affairs; the Department of Defense; the Peace Corps; the
Department of Labor; and the many dedicated career staff working here
and overseas bringing their complementary expertise and shared
commitment to this effort.
We have seen the increased efforts of other governments, our
multilateral partners, the private sector and a wide array of
community, faith-based and civil society organizations, including those
living with HIV/AIDS join forces to create a global response, which
brought the political will of the global community to bear at the front
line of the epidemic.
Together we have experienced the power of activism, to translate
our aspirations into our policies; the power of science, to create new
paths and tools where the ones we have in hand fall short; the power of
scale in our programming, to continue to demonstrate to a sometimes
skeptical world that we are capable of changing the very course of the
epidemic; the power of partnerships, to create genuine synergies and
hold each of us accountable to our commitments; and the power of our
collective will and generosity of the American people. Together we have
achieved what was once thought to be unachievable.
Looking forward, our vision is to achieve an AIDS-free generation
through shared responsibility, accountability, and impact. First we
need to pursue both the agenda defined by the ``PEPFAR Blueprint,''
reflecting lessons learned from 10 years of experience in supporting
countries to rapidly scale up HIV prevention, treatment, and care
services, as well as recommendations from external reviews available to
help guide PEPFAR's next steps. Second, we need to work together with
all our partners to realize our vision, holding each other accountable
and continuing to work together as activists, scientists, policymakers,
and service providers to turn the tide of this epidemic together.
To realize this vision we must stay focused on four key areas.
First, we need to use country-driven analyses to accelerate action to
scale up effective interventions for maximum impact in saving lives.
Second, we must focus on strengthening country capacities and systems
for longer term accountability and sustained impact. Third, we need to
establish innovative Country Health Partnerships that ensure shared
responsibility of the epidemic with country and other global
stakeholders, including more robust engagement of country governments
and civil society. Finally, we need to ensure enhanced transparency and
accountability of program objectives, impact, investments, and quality.
scaling of effective interventions
As a physician and epidemiologist, I am strongly committed to
ensuring that country-driven analysis steers efforts to accelerate
action to rapidly scale up effective interventions for maximum impact
and controlling the HIV epidemic. Science, epidemiology, and dynamic
data systems are essential. We will work with partner countries toward
scaling up the best models for facility- and community-based service
delivery that ensures that our resources go to the right people at the
right time. We will prioritize reduction of sexual transmission by
driving programs using epidemiological data and intervention
effectiveness. To achieve an AIDS-free generation, we must analyze the
epidemic country by country and tailor our approach to those most at-
risk, to: eliminate new HIV infections among children and keep mothers
alive; increase coverage of HIV treatment to reduce AIDS-related
mortality and enhance HIV prevention; end stigma and discrimination
against people living with HIV and key populations (e.g., men who have
sex with men, sex workers, and people who inject drugs), improving
their access to, and uptake of, comprehensive HIV services; increase
the number of males who are voluntarily circumcised for HIV prevention;
and increase access to, and uptake of, HIV testing and counseling,
condoms and other evidence-based interventions.
strengthened country capacities and systems
I am committed to ensuring that our PEPFAR programs are designed,
implemented, and measured to strengthen country ownership and that we
build long-term capacity of governments and civil society in countries
through innovative Country Health Partnerships. These efforts to
strengthen country ownership enjoy strong international support, and
working with our partners we will maintain a concerted focus in health
systems in a results-oriented manner that will be critical for
sustaining the response to HIV prevention, care, and treatment. Through
our work we will ensure we effectively support countries in
strengthening their health systems over time with metrics and
strategies that align with PEPFAR's vision. I am committed to ensuring
that civil society engagement will be enhanced to make sure that those
voices are involved in decisionmaking, implementation, and oversight
activities of all PEPFAR programs.
shared responsibility of the epidemic
Nothing is possible alone, ``shared responsibility'' is an
established U.S. Government perspective and I believe everything is
possible through this perspective and partnership. This means a joint
approach toward country led, managed, and implemented responses with
civil society, multilateral, and bilateral partners, including key
collaboration with the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and
Malaria, the World Health Organization, UNAIDS, UNICEF, other
multilateral, nongovernmental organizations and faith-based
organizations. PEPFAR and the Global Fund financed programs are
complementary and intertwined in countries where both exist. If
confirmed, I will be vigilant in ensuring that we continue to realize
strong program coordination, decreased costs, greater impact and
efficiencies between Global Fund and U.S. investments--so that we are
getting the best return on all available resources to fight HIV/AIDS in
countries. Similarly, private sector mobilization is critical to
service delivery and sustainable programs. We will continue to work
toward shared accountability so that countries are in a position to
manage and control their own epidemics. We will apply lessons learned
from PEPFAR and our development partners across the health and economic
sectors to more effectively deploy our transition policy in a stepwise
manner that is consistent and aligned with epidemiology, strategy, and
financing.
transparency, accountability, and oversight
If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring enhanced transparency and
accountability of program impact, cost, and quality by clearly and
transparently aligning vision, strategy, and resources. We must
strengthen key management and accountability relationships between
multiple agencies, countries, and recipients in support of common
health goals. We will use health economic data, including in-depth cost
studies and expenditure analyses, to better manage program
accountability to demonstrate PEPFAR's contributions to partner-country
programs. We will use a comprehensive knowledge management framework,
including a program monitoring and evaluation strategy, a prioritized
and targeted research portfolio, and systems for knowledge
dissemination, improved implementation and oversight--not only by the
United States but also by the countries themselves.
The history of the end of the 20th century will be forever recorded
with the emergence of a new and deadly viral plague that challenged us
scientifically, socially and politically. Fortunately, that history
will also record that--eventually--we faced our own fears of the
disease and embraced those infected and affected with the open arms of
compassion, creative research, and determined solutions. Our task is to
ensure that the history of the beginning of the 21st century records
that we continued to bring our collective scientific and care-giving
potentials together around the globe. And that with confidence in our
tools and capacities, we focused them with unwavering urgency to
control this pandemic. We demonstrated that this chronic disease could
be managed in resource-limited settings. And when the end of HIV/AIDS
epidemic was within our reach, we grasped it and held on tightly. We
cannot permit complacency to allow this pandemic to reemerge stronger
and deadlier than it was before.
Mr. Chairman, though the road ahead will be challenging, I am
confident that we will prevail. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to
support and further the work of our many colleagues and partners whose
determined effort is an inspiration to us all. It is essential that the
United States of America continue to lead the global fight against HIV
and AIDS until we achieve our overarching objective, as envisioned by
the President. Those who remain skeptical might find heart in Nelson
Mandela's encouragement to us that: ``It always seems impossible until
it is done.'' The challenge in front of us is indeed immense, but we
have learned a great deal from our efforts and success to date. The
time has come where we can confidently translate our aspirations into
operations, and systematically reign in this epidemic.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for this opportunity to appear before you
today. I look forward to answering your questions.
Senator Markey. Our next witness, Ms. LeVine; whenever you
are ready, please begin.
STATEMENT OF SUSAN G. LeVINE, OF WASHINGTON, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE SWISS CONFEDERATION, AND TO SERVE
CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS AMBASSADOR
TO THE PRINCIPALITY OF LIECHTENSTEIN
Ms. LeVine. Thank you so much. Chairman Markey and
distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to
appear before you today as the President's nominee to be the
next United States Ambassador to both the Swiss Confederation
and the Principality of Liechtenstein. I am profoundly humbled
by this opportunity and thank President Obama and Secretary
Kerry for the trust and confidence that they are placing in me
with this nomination. I would also like to thank Senator Murray
and Senator Cantwell, when they get here, for their generous
remarks on my behalf.
If I may, I would like to introduce you to some of the
members of my family who are here today. I would like to
introduce you to my mother, Phyllis Davidson, my husband, Eric
LeVine, and my children, Sydney and Talia. It is through their
love and support that I am here today.
Lastly, I would like to mention that I am sure my father,
Maurice Davidson, may he rest in peace, who proudly served as
an Army physician in Vietnam, is with us today in our hearts.
Patriotism and service to our country were paramount to him and
he instilled those values in me and my siblings throughout his
life.
Over the last----
Senator Markey. Can I ask your family to stand up, too, so
we can see them?
Ms. LeVine. Absolutely.
Senator Markey. Oscar in a supporting role here.
[Family stands.] [Applause.]
Senator Markey. Thank you.
Ms. LeVine. Thank you.
Over the last 20-plus years, be it as a leader in business,
both as a director at Microsoft and a vice president at
Expedia, or as an intern at NASA, or as a volunteer and leader
in the nonprofit sector, or as a mother, I have pursued
opportunities and overcome challenges. I have led teams, built
partnerships, organized communities, grown businesses, created
and cultivated social media spaces, and conducted youth
outreach. Above all, I have achieved results.
Throughout my career, I have focused my efforts on
technology, innovation, education, travel, early learning, and
social responsibility, all key areas of partnership with
Switzerland and Liechtenstein. As two of the oldest federal
republics in the world, the United States and Switzerland are
close friends and partners. Our relationship spans important
areas of bilateral and multilateral cooperation, from human
rights to regional stability.
As in any mature relationship, sometimes we have different
perspectives. The issue of bank secrecy and tax evasion was a
difficult one, but the U.S. and Swiss Governments have reached
important agreements in this area and we are turning the page.
Liechtenstein has also made great progress in the sharing of
bank information.
I believe the mission for this position is to foster
bilateral relationships with both Switzerland and Liechtenstein
that enhance prosperity, stability, and security in our
respective nations and around the world. Thus, if confirmed I
would leverage my experience and knowledge to execute three key
strategies: one, further grow our economic ties; two, expand
global security and development collaboration; three, increase
awareness and appreciation for each other's culture, values,
and policies.
Let me elaborate. From the economic standpoint, we will
start from a strong base. Switzerland is one of the top foreign
direct investors into the United States, accounting for
hundreds of thousands of American jobs. Switzerland is also a
top-20 export market for American goods and services.
Liechtenstein, even with a population of about 36,000, has key
companies that account for thousands of U.S. jobs. If
confirmed, I would make it a priority to tap into the rich
potential for even more foreign direct investment and exports
with these two partners.
Second, throughout my career I have built and stewarded
partnerships where we tackled bigger opportunities and
challenges than we could have alone and at the same time
reduced redundancy and cost. The United States, Switzerland,
and Liechtenstein have done some outstanding work together on
this front. For example, along with the Swiss we are founding
members of the Global Counterterrorism Forum. In addition, with
Switzerland serving as the 2014 Chairman in Office of the OSCE,
we have the opportunity to work together for security,
prosperity, and human rights in Europe and Eurasia. If
confirmed, I would explore how we might better leverage and
expand existing partnerships or create new collaborations to
further our shared global priorities.
Finally, if confirmed I hope to increase awareness and
appreciation of culture, values, and policies between our
nations. For example, as Americans among our many values we
pursue fairness, protect our environment, and respect
diversity. On the policy front, we are working closely with the
Swiss on a number of policy priorities, including on the NATO-
led Kosovo force, steering humanitarian assistance, and
conflict mediation.
To be effective at increasing awareness and appreciation,
it is important to understand at least one of the core Swiss
values and policies, that of neutrality, and how they
demonstrate that neutrality does not mean hands off. For
example, in January alone Switzerland took over the
chairmanship in office of the OSCE, hosted the Geneva talks on
Syria, and hosted the World Economic Forum in Davos. If
confirmed, I will ensure that our global priorities and
policies are articulated to both the Swiss and Liechtenstein
Governments and their people.
In all of these areas and endeavors, if confirmed I will
rely on our highly skilled embassy staff, both local and
American.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you again
for inviting me to testify before you today. If confirmed, I
commit to serving with integrity and to proudly and humbly
applying my experience to this position. I look forward to
collaborating with this esteemed committee and the Congress to
foster our relationships between the United States and the
Swiss Confederation and the Principality of Liechtenstein in
the global diplomatic, development, and economic spheres.
Thank you for your consideration and I look forward to
answering any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Ms. LeVine follows:]
Prepared Statement of Suzan G. LeVine
Chairman Markey, Ranking Member Barrasso, and distinguished members
of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to both the
Swiss Confederation and the Principality of Liechtenstein.
I am profoundly humbled by this opportunity and thank President
Obama and Secretary Kerry for the trust and confidence that they are
placing in me with this nomination.
I would also like to thank Senator Murray and Senator Cantwell for
their generous remarks on my behalf. I have known both for many years
and hope that I can live up to the very high standards that each sets
as an incredible public servant--whether as the ultimate mom in tennis
shoes or as a tech exec doing good.
If I may, I would like to take just a few moments to introduce you
to some of the very special members of my family who are here today.
First, I'd like to introduce you to my mother, Phyllis Davidson--who
grew up not far from here and whose parents, my grandmother and
grandfather, a WWI veteran and cofounder of the American Legion, are
buried in Arlington Cemetery. Next, I'd like to introduce you to my
husband, Eric LeVine, and my wonderful children, Sidney and Talia. It
is through their love and support that I am here today. Lastly, I'd
like to mention that I'm sure my father, Maurice Davidson, may he rest
in peace, who proudly served as an Army physician in Vietnam, is with
us today in our hearts. Patriotism and service to our country were
paramount to him and he instilled those values in me and my siblings
throughout his life.
Over the last 20-plus years, be it as a leader in business, both as
a Director at Microsoft and a vice president at Expedia, or as an
intern at NASA, or as a volunteer and leader in the nonprofit sector,
or as a mother, I have pursued opportunities and overcome challenges. I
have led teams, built partnerships, organized communities, grown
businesses, created and cultivated social media spaces, and conducted
youth outreach. Above all, I have achieved results. It is my great hope
that the Senate will permit me the opportunity to use my skills and
experiences to further our vital relationship with Switzerland and
Liechtenstein.
My dual degrees in English and Engineering reflect my unique
approach to leadership--I am a translator and a connector. Throughout
my career I have focused my efforts on my passions, including
technology, innovation, education, travel, early learning, and social
responsibility--all core sectors of excellence for both Switzerland and
Liechtenstein, and key issues of partnership in our bilateral
relationship.
As two of the oldest federal republics in the world, the United
States and Switzerland are close friends and partners. Our relationship
is deep and strong, covering a wide range of important areas of
bilateral and multilateral cooperation, from human rights to regional
stability. We share many of the same values.
The United States and Switzerland partner together in many areas,
including in venues such as the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), of which Switzerland is the Chairman-in-
Office in 2014, the NATO Partnership for Peace, multiple U.N. bodies,
and international financial institutions. Switzerland's neutrality
allows it to play a unique mediating role, which can help address key
U.S. foreign policy priorities.
As in any mature relationship, sometimes we have different
perspectives on how to address certain issues. The issue of bank
secrecy and tax evasion was a difficult one, but the U.S. and Swiss
Governments have reached important agreements in this area, and we are
turning the page. Liechtenstein has also made great progress in the
sharing of banking information.
I believe the mission for the job to which I have been nominated is
to foster bilateral relationships with both Switzerland and
Liechtenstein that enhance prosperity, stability, and security in our
respective nations and around the world. Thus, if confirmed, I would
leverage my experience and knowledge to execute three key strategies:
(1) Further grow our economic ties;
(2) Expand global security and development collaboration; and
(3) Increase awareness and appreciation for each other's
culture, values, and policies.
From an economic standpoint, the growth we pursue will start from a
strong base. Both Switzerland and Liechtenstein have an outsized impact
in economic matters. Switzerland is one of the top foreign direct
investors in the United States, ahead of countries many times its size,
and Swiss companies account for hundreds of thousands of American jobs.
Switzerland is also a top 20 export market for American goods and
services. Liechtenstein, even with a population of about 36,000, has
key companies that account for thousands of U.S. jobs. If confirmed, I
would make it a priority to tap into the rich potential for even more
foreign direct investment and exports with these two partners.
The second strategy I want to highlight, if confirmed, will be to
expand our global security and development collaboration. I firmly
believe in the value of partnering on difficult issues. Throughout my
career, I have built and stewarded so-called ``1+1 = 3 partnerships''--
where we tackled bigger opportunities and challenges than we could have
alone and, at the same time, reduced redundancy and cost. This type of
collaboration is critical when it comes to both global security and
development, and the United States, Switzerland, and Liechtenstein have
done some outstanding work together on this front. For example, along
with the Swiss we are founding members of the Global Counterterrorism
Forum, which aims to stop terrorism before it begins. In addition, with
Switzerland serving as the 2014 Chairman-in-Office of the OSCE, we have
a great opportunity to work together for security, prosperity, and
human rights in Europe and Eurasia. If confirmed, I would explore how
we might better leverage and expand U.S.-Swiss and U.S.-Liechtenstein
partnerships, and other collaborations, to further our shared global
priorities.
Finally, if confirmed, I hope to work to increase awareness and
appreciation of culture, values, and policies between our nations. For
example, as Americans, among our many values, we pursue fairness,
protect our environment, and respect diversity. On the policy front, we
are working with the Swiss Government on a number of foreign policy
priorities, both in Switzerland's backyard and further afield. Within
Europe, Switzerland is a major troop contributor to the NATO-led Kosovo
Force. Beyond Europe, Switzerland has provided over $70 million in
humanitarian assistance for the people affected by the Syrian crisis,
and helped to mediate among the factions in Mali. If confirmed, I will
work with the highly skilled team at Embassy Bern to ensure awareness
of these and other policies and values.
Mr. Chairman, as you know, the Swiss hold neutrality as a key value
and policy. I got a taste of this fact in 1988 when, on the first day
of my first trip to Switzerland, I was stunned to meet my hometown
rabbi. He was there to escort a group of students on their trip from
Poland to Israel; since these two countries did not share diplomatic
ties at that time, Switzerland was the way-station. This experience
powerfully imbued me with a sense of just how important the Swiss are
in building bridges.
While the political landscape has changed dramatically since 1988,
Switzerland's role as mediator and neutral broker has not. If anything,
Switzerland has taken its global position to a whole new level. For
example, in January alone, Switzerland took over the Chairmanship-in-
Office of the OSCE; hosted the Geneva 2 talks on Syria; and hosted the
World Economic Forum in Davos. They are actively showing that
neutrality does not mean hands off.
Fundamentally, if confirmed, I believe my key responsibility is to
ensure that our global priorities are articulated to both the Swiss and
Liechtenstein governments and their people so that we may partner
wherever possible on key global challenges.
In all of these areas and endeavors, if confirmed, I will rely on
our Embassy and its staff, both local and American. I have heard great
things about the staff, and if confirmed I will seek to engender a true
team spirit at the Embassy.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee--thank you, again, for
inviting me to testify before you today. I feel honored to be nominated
and, if confirmed, I commit to serving with integrity, and to proudly
and humbly apply my professional, nonprofit, and community experience
to this position. I look forward to collaborating with this esteemed
committee, and the Congress, to foster our relationships between the
United States and the Swiss Confederation and the Principality of
Liechtenstein in the global diplomatic, development, and economic
spheres.
Thank you for your consideration, and I look forward to answering
any questions you may have.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Ms. LeVine.
Next we will hear from Maureen Elizabeth Cormack. Welcome.
STATEMENT OF MAUREEN ELIZABETH CORMACK, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED
TO BE AMBASSADOR TO BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
Ms. Cormack. Mr. Chairman, it is a privilege to appear
before you today as President Obama's nominee to be the U.S.
Ambassador to Bosnia and Herzegovina. I am deeply honored by
the confidence placed in me by the President and Secretary
Kerry. I would like to thank this committee for giving me the
opportunity to appear before you today. If confirmed, I will
seek to merit your trust and avail myself of any opportunities
to consult with you, as I know many Members of Congress have
spent a great deal of time over the last two decades working to
help ensure that Bosnia and Herzegovina moves toward a better
future.
Mr. Chairman, my husband, William Cormack, who is also a
State Department employee, has been my support and partner for
24 years. He has just transferred to an assignment in Pakistan
and is very sorry not to be with us today. My oldest daughter
is launching a new product with her colleagues at a startup in
your great State of Massachusetts in Cambridge. My son William
is----
Senator Markey. A very good excuse. [Laughter.]
Ms. Cormack. It is a good excuse.
My son, William, is a freshman out in Colorado, and my
daughter, Margaret, is on a semester abroad. So they are all
here in spirit. We are a very Foreign Service family.
Senator Markey. Thank you all so much for all that you did,
the family, as you are watching this on a computer someplace.
Welcome.
Ms. Cormack. Thank you.
Senator Markey. Please continue.
Ms. Cormack. Thank you. I have some wonderful neighbors and
Department colleagues who are here today and I thank them
warmly for their support.
Mr. Chairman, I have on several occasions in my career been
fortunate to work on Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Balkans. My
relationship goes back to the mid-1920s, when as European
personnel officer for the U.S. Information Agency my first
assignment in 1996 was to assign staff to the public diplomacy
section of our Embassy in Sarajevo at the conclusion of the
Dayton Accords. Those I assigned were sent on three-month tours
to a city riddled with bomb craters.
While serving at Embassy Paris in 1999, I was on the press
staff for the Rambouillet Peace Talks, and as director of
Western European Affairs in 2010 I worked with our European
partners to ensure their contributions to the still-critical
stabilization missions in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as
Kosovo.
Thanks in large part to the key role played by the United
States through the implementation of the Dayton Accords, Bosnia
and Herzegovina has made strides since those early days. Much
remains to be done, however, and the risk of backsliding cannot
be discounted.
Starting with the Dayton peace process in 1995 that ended
the horrific war that claimed over 100,000 lives, the United
States has invested huge amounts of political, human, and
economic capital to bring peace and stability to Bosnia and
Herzegovina and build its postwar institutions. We continue
this work today with efforts to strengthen Bosnia and
Herzegovina's democracy, foster good governance, increase
respect for human rights, and promote economic prosperity.
We have a special bond with the people of Bosnia and
Herzegovina as a result of our leading role in helping to end
the war and build the peace, as well as through the thousands
of Bosnians who immigrated to the United States. My goal, if
confirmed, will be to work with the people of Bosnia and
Herzegovina to build a stable, multiethnic, democratic, and
prosperous country. We support the aspirations of the people of
Bosnia and Herzegovina, who want to see their country join the
European Union and NATO so they too can share in the political
stability and economic opportunities afforded by membership in
these institutions.
The United States is concerned, however, by Bosnia and
Herzegovina's lack of progress on the path to EU and NATO
membership. Bosnian politicians and government leaders pledged
their support for advancing the country's Euro-Atlantic
aspirations, but have failed to take the basic steps required
to move toward membership in those institutions. Constitutional
changes are urgently needed to progress towards EU membership
and make the government more efficient and responsive to
citizens. Defense reforms for NATO integration and the
conditions for transition of the Office of the High
Representative remain unmet.
As evidenced in the protests throughout the country last
month, the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina are frustrated with
their political leadership, who have done little in recent
years to improve the lives of their citizens and respond to the
terrible economic situation. Politicians exploit zero-sum
nationalism at the expense of the country as a whole, which
prevents compromise on critical reforms.
Despite these challenges, there are signs of progress and
opportunities to pursue. Recent demonstrations and the
formation of citizens forums are a hopeful sign of citizen
engagement, though it is critical that protests remain
peaceful.
Our Embassy has a long history of working with civil
society. If confirmed, I will build on these efforts to work
directly with citizens in support of their shared aspirations
instead of what divides them. The citizens will have the
opportunity to hold their leaders accountable in general
elections in October, a message I intend to strongly reinforce
in public and private if confirmed.
Croatia's entry into the EU and progress made by Serbia and
others in the region offers the potential to motivate Bosnia
and Herzegovina to resolve long-standing obstacles to the
country's EU integration.
Bosnia and Herzegovina remains a strong bilateral partner
to the United States. Their troops recently returned from a
deployment alongside the Maryland National Guard in Afghanistan
and the staff of our Embassy in Sarajevo and branch offices in
Banja Luca and Mostar is exceptionally talented and dedicated
to our mission.
If confirmed, I will continue our crucial efforts to
support the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and their
aspirations for a peaceful and prosperous Euro-Atlantic future.
Mr. Chairman, I am so grateful to appear before this
committee today and I look forward to answering your questions.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Cormack follows:]
Prepared Statement of Maureen E. Cormack
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a privilege to
appear before you today as President Obama's nominee to be the U.S.
Ambassador to Bosnia and Herzegovina. I am deeply honored by the
confidence placed in me by President Obama and Secretary Kerry.
I would like to thank this committee for giving me the opportunity
to appear before you today. If confirmed, I will seek to fully merit
your trust and avail myself of any opportunities to consult with you,
as I know many Members of Congress have spent a great deal of time over
the last two decades working to help ensure that Bosnia and Herzegovina
moves toward a better future.
Mr. Chairman, my husband, William Cormack, who is also a State
Department employee, has been my support and partner throughout 24
years in the Foreign Service. He has just transferred to an assignment
in Pakistan and is very sorry not to be here today. Our daughter,
Elizabeth, is launching a new product with her colleagues at a startup
in Cambridge, MA, today, our son, William, is a freshman in college,
and our daughter, Margaret, is on a semester abroad, and so they are
all with me in spirit. Some wonderful neighbors and Department
colleagues are here and I thank them warmly for their support.
Mr. Chairman, I have on several occasions in my career been
fortunate enough to work on Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Balkans. My
relationship goes back to the mid-1990s, when as the European Personnel
Officer for the U.S. Information Agency, my first assignment in early
1996 was to assign staff to the Public Diplomacy section of our Embassy
in Sarajevo after the conclusion of the Dayton Accords. Those I
assigned were sent on 3-month tours to a city still riddled with bomb
craters, whose citizens still lived in great hardship. While serving at
Embassy Paris in 1999, I was on the press staff for the Rambouillet
Peace Talks, and as Director of Western European Affairs in 2010, I
worked with our European partners to ensure their contributions to the
still critical stabilization missions in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well
as Kosovo.
Thanks in large part to the key role played by the United States
through the implementation of the Dayton Accords, Bosnia and
Herzegovina has made strides since those early days. Much more remains
to be done, however, and the risk of backsliding cannot be discounted
as we look at the situation today.
Starting with the Dayton peace process in 1995 that ended the
horrific war that claimed over 100,000 lives, the United States has
invested huge amounts of political, human, and economic capital to
bring peace and stability to Bosnia and Herzegovina and build its post-
war institutions. We continue this work today, with efforts to
strengthen Bosnia and Herzegovina's democracy, foster good governance,
increase respect for human rights, and promote economic prosperity. We
have a special bond with the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a
result of our leading role in helping end the war and build the peace,
as well as through the thousands of Bosnians who immigrated to the
United States. My goal, if confirmed, will be to work with the people
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, to build a stable, multiethnic, democratic,
and prosperous country. We support the aspirations of the people of
Bosnia and Herzegovina who want to see their country join the European
Union and NATO, so they too can share in the political stability and
economic opportunities afforded by membership in these institutions.
Supporting these aspirations, in close cooperation with our European
allies, will be one of my top priorities, if confirmed.
The United States is concerned, however, by Bosnia and
Herzegovina's lack of progress on the path to EU and NATO membership.
Bosnian politicians and government leaders pledge their support for
advancing the country's Euro-Atlantic aspirations, but have failed to
take the basic steps required to move toward membership in these
institutions. Constitutional changes are urgently needed to progress
toward EU membership and make the government more efficient and
responsive to citizens. Defense reforms required for NATO integration
and the conditions for transition of the Office of the High
Representative remain unmet.
As evidenced in the protests throughout the country last month, the
people of Bosnia and Herzegovina are frustrated with their political
leaders, who have done little in recent years to improve the lives of
their citizens and respond to the terrible economic situation.
Politicians exploit zero-sum nationalism at the expense of the country
as a whole, which in turn prevents compromise on critical reforms
needed to grow the economy, improve governance, and move toward Euro-
Atlantic integration.
Despite these challenges, there are both signs of progress and
opportunities to pursue. Recent demonstrations and the formation of
citizen forums are a hopeful sign of citizen engagement, though it is
critical that protests remain peaceful. The Embassy has a long history
of working with civil society in Bosnia and Herzegovina. If confirmed,
I will build on previous efforts to work directly with citizens in
support of their focus on shared aspirations instead of what divides
them. The citizens will have the opportunity to hold their leaders
accountable in the general elections in October, a message I intend to
strongly reinforce in public and in private if confirmed. Croatia's
entry into the EU, and progress made by Serbia and others in the region
on their EU paths, offer the potential to motivate Bosnia and
Herzegovina to resolve longstanding obstacles to the country's EU path.
Bosnia and Herzegovina remains a strong bilateral partner to the
United States. Bosnian troops recently returned from a deployment
alongside the Maryland National Guard in Afghanistan, and the country
remains an ISAF contributor. The staff of our Embassy in Sarajevo and
branch offices in Banja Luka and Mostar is exceptionally talented and
deeply dedicated to our mission.
With the strong support of Congress, U.S. assistance continues to
support democratic development, good governance, rule of law, economic
growth, defense reform, and interethnic reconciliation. If confirmed, I
will continue our crucial efforts to support the people of Bosnia and
Herzegovina in their aspirations for a peaceful and prosperous Euro-
Atlantic future, and in their efforts to demand greater accountability
from their leaders.
Mr. Chairman, I am deeply grateful for the opportunity to appear
before this committee today. I look forward to answering your
questions. Thank you.
Senator Markey. Thank you so much.
Mr. Selfridge, another rollcall has gone off on the Senate
floor. So I apologize to you. We are going to take a brief
recess and then we will return and reconvene the hearing. So
the chair calls this hearing to a recess and we will return in
approximately 10 minutes.
[Pause.]
Senator Barrasso [presiding]. Mr. Selfridge, if I could
just welcome you on behalf of the other members who are here
and congratulate each and every one of you. We are lucky to be
joined by the two Senators from Washington State, who have both
come to the committee today to first make a statement of
introduction--and I apologize, due to votes. Senator Murray and
Senator Cantwell, thank you so much for being here. I know you
have an important message to bring to the committee as well as
to the Senate, and whenever you are ready, Senator Murray, I
turn to you.
STATEMENT OF HON. PATTY MURRAY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM WASHINGTON
Senator Murray. Thank you so much, Senator Barrasso, and
Senator Markey as well, for chairing this hearing today. I
really appreciate the opportunity to be here today with Senator
Cantwell to introduce Suzie LeVine from our home State of
Washington as this committee considers her nomination for
Ambassador to the Swiss Confederation and the Principality of
Liechtenstein.
I know you have a lot of nominations here today, so I just
wanted to make a few points about Suzie. I first got to know
her well around 7 years ago and, like most people when they
first meet her, I was really struck by her energy and her
passion and her commitment to her community, her country, and
to making the world a better place. She has deep roots in
Washington State's technology and business world, was put into
leadership roles in Microsoft and Expedia. She is an
experienced and proven manager and has earned deep respect
throughout the industry for her ability to translate and
communicate complex tech issues to customers and stakeholders,
as well as for her understanding of consumer needs and how
technology and innovation can meet them.
Throughout her career she has demonstrated a strong ability
to assess problems, ask smart and insightful questions, find
solutions, and motivate and inspire her team to act. When she
sees a problem that needs to be solved, she is focused,
engaged, and absolutely driven to get results.
But she combines that drive and energy with a true ability
to listen to people and build relationships and a deep
compassion and caring for others. These skills were invaluable
in the business world and she brought them with her into her
work in the community as well. She cofounded Kavana, a
nationally recognized Jewish community organization in Seattle.
She started and chaired the advisory board for ILABS, the
University of Washington's Early Learning Research Lab, and
through her work on education issues at Microsoft brought
people together and built partnerships to support the thousands
of students from around the world in the Imagine Cup, the
company's global student technology competition.
She is clearly committed to her community and her country
and it is clear that this patriotic spirit and love for America
is something she and her husband Eric value deeply and have
passed along to their children.
Suzy is all about having a positive impact wherever she is.
It is clear she wakes up every morning thinking about how she
can make a difference and then spends the rest of the day going
out and making that happen. She has done it in the business
world, she has done that for her community and for the students
that she has worked with across the globe. She has done it with
a smile, a positive attitude, a relentless energy, and a true
spirit of compassion.
I am very confident that she will represent our country
well and bring that same energy to her role as Ambassador. With
all that is going on right now in Europe and across the world,
we need people representing our country abroad who take these
challenges seriously, who can bring people together, and who
will stand up for our interests and represent our values.
So I am very proud today to introduce her to the committee,
and I am delighted to be here with my colleague Senator
Cantwell as well.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Senator Murray.
Senator Cantwell.
STATEMENT OF HON. MARIA CANTWELL,
U.S. SENATOR FROM WASHINGTON
Senator Cantwell. Thank you, Chairman Barrasso, and it is a
pleasure to be here with my colleague Senator Murray and to
introduce Suzy LeVine from Seattle to the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee for her consideration for Ambassador to the
Swiss Confederation and the Principality of Liechtenstein.
Before I get started, I just want to acknowledge Suzy's
family who are with her here today: her husband, Eric, and her
children, Sydney and Talia, who I have gotten to meet before,
and her mother Phyllis Davidson. I just want to thank them,
because oftentimes these things are a responsibility that goes
beyond just the Ambassador role, but the family sacrifices as
well. So we want to thank them for their sacrifices in this
effort and the support of Suzy.
In Seattle, as Senator Murray said, Suzy is well known as a
savvy business leader and a trusted community advocate. In
Washington State we are proud of our innovation economy,
whether that is fuel efficient planes or medical breakthroughs
or innovation in technology, and I think Suzy LeVine represents
the best of Washington State. She knows how to build strong
relationships, management teams with driven results, and
whether it is working with Fortune 500 companies or major
research institutions, she has done a lot.
At Microsoft she helped launch the Windows 95. As vice
president of sales and marketing at Expedia, she was part of
the senior management team that took the company public and
helped it become the number one online travel company. Just
recently at Microsoft, she was responsible for building a
strategic partnership for the Imagine Cup, which built
partnerships with major companies like Coca-Cola and Nokia.
During that time she highlighted the innovation of students
from 60 countries around the world.
So, like the Swiss students who designed a text-to-speech
app called ``Text For All,'' Suzy knows how important an
innovation economy is, and I know that that will be very
important in her role in Switzerland. That is because in
Switzerland it was ranked the number one innovation economy in
2013 by the Global Index of Innovation. Switzerland is home to
the largest physics lab in the world, CERN, and it has been a
leader in research and innovation.
So Suzy has the right background from the tech world to hit
the ground running in Switzerland and their very high tech
economy. And she is a proven manager and can follow through on
level policies and operations. She has also led a recognized
nonprofit in Washington State and understands the important
role of civil activities.
The Swiss have a system of a people's referendum. They an
propose legislation and even reverse legislation approved by
parliament. Suzy is familiar with the many initiatives we have
in Washington State, something I know that both the chairman
and Senator Barrasso know from their home States as well. So
she understands what community issues are and how they need to
be heard, and throughout her life she has demonstrated that she
is a good, proven team-builder.
So I am happy to be here and I wish her well in this new
endeavor. I am confident she will do an excellent job
representing our country in Switzerland and Liechtenstein, and
I urge the committee to confirm her without delay.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Senator Cantwell. Thank you,
Senator Murray. I know you have very pressing schedules, but
thank you so much for taking the time to be with us.
Senator Murray. Thank you.
Senator Cantwell. Thank you very much.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you.
We are joined also by Senator Cardin. Senator Cardin, thank
you for joining us. I know you have a statement to introduce
one of the nominees.
STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Cardin. Senator Barrasso, thank you very much. I
appreciate this courtesy. I first want to offer my
congratulations and thanks to all the nominees that are at the
dais and thank them for their service to our country, their
willingness to continue to serve our country, and we thank your
families also because we know this is a joint sacrifice.
Mr. Chairman, I am particularly proud of the Marylander
that is on this panel, Dr. Deborah L. Birx of Maryland. Dr.
Birx is a long-time Marylander and a world-renowned global
health leader and scientist studying HIV/AIDS. Maryland is home
to the very best medical researchers in the world. So I am
pleased that President Obama has nominated Baltimore-born Dr.
Deborah Birx to such an essential post.
Dr. Birx is a model Marylander. She is a pioneer in HIV/
AIDS research who has dedicated her life's work to public
service. Dr. Birx moved to Silver Spring, MD, in 1979 to begin
training at the Walter Reed Army Medical Center, then in D.C.--
it is now in Maryland--and completed a joint fellowship with
NIH at the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious
Diseases.
For nearly 30 years since the beginning of the epidemic,
Dr. Birx has dedicated her professional career to understanding
and changing the course of HIV/AIDS both in the United States
and throughout the world. Dr. Birx has been on the front lines
of the HIV/AIDS epidemic before even we knew what the disease
was. While serving at the Walter Reed Army Medical Center, Dr.
Birx led its work on HIV/AIDS, including HIV vaccine research
in domestic and global settings. Dr. Birx was part of the cadre
of researchers that were instrumental in helping us first
understand the disease.
Throughout the 1990s and through 2005, she served as the
Director of the U.S. Military HIV/AIDS Research Program in the
Department of Defense and received the Legion of Merit Award
for her innovation, management, and leadership in HIV/AIDS
research and program implementation. She rose to the rank of
colonel, bringing together the Army, Navy, and Air Force in a
new model of cooperation, increasing the efficiency and
effectiveness of the U.S. military's HIV/AIDS efforts through
the inter- and intra-agency collaboration.
While in the Army, Dr. Birx served as Director of the U.S.
Military HIV/AIDS Research Program and as Director of the
Division of Retrovirology at Walter Reed Army Institute of
Research from 1996 to 2005. Having served on Active Duty in the
U.S. Army for 29 years, Dr. Birx retired in 2008 with the rank
of colonel. Dr. Birx earned the prestigious U.S. Meritorious
Service Medal for her leadership in refining, validating, and
standardizing immunity testing in HIV-infected patients. She
helped lead one of the most influential HIV vaccine trials in
history, known as RV-144 or the Thai Trial, which provided the
first supporting evidence of any vaccine being effective in
lowering the risk of contracting HIV. She was awarded another
U.S. Meritorious Service Medal for that effort.
Since 2005, as the Director of the U.S. Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention Division of Global HIV/AIDS, she led and
managed its President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, PEPFAR,
global effort. She has published over 200 HIV-related
publications on domestic and global epidemiology, treatment,
vaccine development, and public health programs, policy
implementation, and health systems strengthening, in addition
to serving on over a dozen scientific and advisory boards.
She received her medical degree from Hershey School of
Medicine, Pennsylvania State University, trained in internal
medicine and basic clinical immunology at the Walter Reed Army
Medical Center and the National Institutes of Health.
Today we can envision an HIV-free generation within our
lifetime. Dr. Birx is one of the trailblazers who has dedicated
her life to making this vision a reality. Her support for
PEPFAR's investments in programs to prevent mother-to-child
transmission of HIV has paid great dividends. PEPFAR has
averted more than one million pediatric HIV infections thanks
to researchers like Dr. Birx and her colleagues.
So, Mr. Chairman, before there was PEPFAR and the Global
Fund Dr. Birx was leading the charge against this disease. I
can think of no more qualified person to be our Ambassador at
Large and Coordinator of the United States Government
Activities to Combat HIV/AIDS Globally than Dr. Deborah Birx.
Let me just say in concluding remarks, we all get the
opportunity every once in a while to introduce people from our
State that have been nominated for a particular post. I do not
think I have ever introduced a person who is more qualified,
who has done more in her lifetime, than Dr. Birx. We are very
proud of her work and I am proud that she has been nominated to
this important post. [Applause.]
Senator Barrasso. Well, thank you very much, Senator
Cardin.
Senator Cardin. They are all Marylanders behind me.
Senator Barrasso. I do not blame them.
Thank you, Senator Cardin. I know you have a busy and
pressing schedule. So thanks so much for joining us, and you
are excused if that works for you. Thank you.
Now back to Mr. Selfridge, who has been nominated to be
Chief of Protocol. Your flexibility in allowing us to go to
three other Senators shows that you are already very qualified
for the position.
STATEMENT OF PETER A. SELFRIDGE, OF MINNESOTA, NOMINATED TO BE
CHIEF OF PROTOCOL, AND TO HAVE THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR DURING
HIS TENURE OF SERVICE
Mr. Selfridge. My resume is not as impressive.
I am, needless to say, very humbled by the company I share
on both sides of this table. Ranking Member Barrasso, thank you
for the opportunity to speak with you today. It is a tremendous
honor for me to appear before this distinguished body as
President Obama's nominee for Chief of Protocol of the United
States. I deeply appreciate the confidence of both President
Obama and Secretary Kerry in nominating me for this position.
If you would allow me, I would also like to recognize my
wonderfully supportive wife, Parita, my cousin, Ami, and my
long-time high school friends who have joined me here today.
Senator Barrasso. Could I ask them to please stand and be
recognized.
[They stand.] [Applause.]
Senator Barrasso. Thank you.
Mr. Selfridge. Thank you, sir.
My story is not unlike those of many in this room today. I
am a descendant of immigrants and a proud son of the Midwest.
My mother hailed from Germany, where she was born and raised in
the shadow of World War II. My father is a second generation
Chicagoland native of Scottish and Irish heritage. My wife's
parents hail from Gujarat, India, and came to America, as did
my mother and grandparents decades prior, in search of a dream
that they will gratefully tell you has been fulfilled many
times over, thanks to the opportunities afforded to them by
this great country.
My father taught me at an early age that good etiquette and
decorum are not only useful tools for navigating society, but a
reflection of the person wielding them. Treating others as you
would be treated is a virtue for everyday life and is one of
the guiding principles of protocol.
I have had the honor of serving as the White House's lead
logistical representative on official travel overseas and have
had the privilege of working with some of the best and
brightest American ambassadors and diplomats at our missions
and consulates abroad. I have interacted with many of the very
same protocol officers and foreign government officials who, if
confirmed, I would hope to work closely with as Chief of
Protocol.
Ranking Member Barrasso, as you and the members of this
esteemed committee know well, the office of the Chief of
Protocol plans an important role in advancing the foreign
policy goals of the United States. The person selected for this
post serves as the President's representative to visiting
foreign leaders and their delegations, as well as the members
of the diplomatic corps based in the United States. Not only is
this a great honor, it also provides remarkable opportunities
to create an environment for successful diplomacy, to promote
cross-cultural exchanges, and to build new bridges of
understanding.
I believe that we are obliged to use every diplomatic tool
at our disposal to broaden our bilateral relationships as well
as to set the stage where diplomacy can be made to work. The
Office of Protocol provides many such tools to our government
and its representatives. The team at Blair House works
tirelessly to ensure that foreign dignitaries are properly
accommodated as well as provided for and protected during their
stays. The Ceremonials Division plans and executes official
events hosted by the Secretary of State. This dedicated staff,
who I have had the privilege to meet, meticulously provides for
the participation of the diplomatic corps in special events and
public events, including joint sessions of Congress,
inaugurations, funerals, and other ceremonies.
The Diplomatic Affairs Division diligently oversees the
accreditation of foreign ambassadors, diplomatic agents, and
consular officials, thousands of individuals posted throughout
the United States. The Diplomatic Partnership Division works to
strengthen and deepen our government and our Nation's
relationships with the diplomatic corps through programming
designed to promote new partnerships, enhance mutual
understanding between our countries and their own.
Protocol's Visits Division manages the logistical planning
behind hundreds of visits of foreign dignitaries to the United
States, as well as all official engagements by President Obama,
Vice President Biden, Secretary Kerry, and other officials
overseas. This team also helps to plan and execute U.S.-hosted
summits and other multilateral events.
Protocol also assists with the selection of gifts given by
the President, the Vice President, First Lady, Secretary of
State in their engagements with foreign leaders.
The work of the Office of Protocol provides a unique
opportunity to showcase the very best America has to offer, not
only as hosts, but as true partners in diplomacy.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, thank you very much for
the opportunity to appear before you today and for your
consideration of my nomination. I look forward to your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Selfridge follows:]
Prepared Statement of Peter A. Selfridge
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to speak with you today. It is a tremendous honor for me to
appear before this distinguished body as President Obama's nominee for
Chief of Protocol of the United States. I deeply appreciate the
confidences of the President and Secretary Kerry in nominating me for
this position.
My story is not unlike those of many in this room today. I am a
descendant of immigrants and a proud son of the Midwest. I was born in
Illinois, raised in Minnesota, and educated in Iowa. My mother hailed
from Germany where she was born and raised in the shadow of World War
II; my father is a second generation Chicagoland native of Scottish and
Irish heritage. My wife's parents hail from Gujrat, India, and came to
America, as did my mother and grandparents decades prior, in search of
a dream that they will gratefully tell you has been fulfilled many
times over thanks to opportunities offered by this great country.
My father taught me at an early age that good etiquette and decorum
are not only useful tools for navigating society, but a reflection of
the person wielding them. Treating others as you would be treated is a
virtue for everyday life, and it is one of the guiding principles of
Protocol.
As Director of Advance and Operations for the President and in a
similar role for the Vice President before that, I have had the honor
of serving as the White House's lead logistical representative on
official travel overseas. I have had the privilege of working with some
of the best and brightest American ambassadors and diplomats at our
missions and consulates abroad and interacted with many of the very
same protocol officers and foreign government officials who, if
confirmed, I hope to work closely with as Chief of Protocol.
Mr. Chairman, as you and the members of this esteemed committee
know well, the Office of the Chief of Protocol plays an important role
in advancing the foreign policy goals of the United States. The person
selected for this post serves as the President's representative to
visiting foreign leaders and their delegations, as well as the members
of the foreign Diplomatic Corps and consular communities based in the
United States. Not only is this a great honor, it also provides
remarkable opportunities to create an environment for successful
diplomacy, to promote cross-cultural exchanges, and to build new
bridges of understanding with leaders, governments, and citizens
throughout the world.
I believe that we are obligated to use every diplomatic tool at our
disposal to broaden our bilateral relationships, as well as to set the
stage where diplomacy can be made to work. The Office of Protocol
provides many such tools to our government and its representatives. The
talented people who work in Protocol serve on the front lines of
diplomatic engagement, and, if confirmed, it would be a great privilege
to join them in carrying out this critical mission.
The team at Blair House--the President's Guest House--works
tirelessly to ensure that foreign dignitaries are properly
accommodated, as well as provided for and protected during their stay.
What's more, it's a living museum that houses a considerable collection
of treasured art and artifacts--many of which bear witness to pivotal
moments in our Nation's history.
The Ceremonials division plans and executes official events hosted
by the Secretary of State. This dedicated staff meticulously provides
for the participation of the Diplomatic Corps in special events and
official public functions including Joint Sessions of Congress,
inaugurations, funerals, and other ceremonies, large and small.
The Diplomatic Affairs division diligently oversees the
accreditation of foreign ambassadors, diplomatic agents, and consular
officers--thousands of individuals posted throughout the United States.
And the Diplomatic Partnerships Division works to strengthen and
deepen our government's--our Nation's--relationships with the
Diplomatic Corps. As you know, there are more than 180 foreign
ambassadors sent to the United States to represent their country's
interests. This expert team engages those diplomats through a wide
array of programming designed to foster good will, promote new
partnerships, and enhance mutual understanding between their countries
and our own.
Protocol's Visits division manages the logistical planning behind
hundreds of visits by foreign dignitaries to the United States, as well
as all official engagements with President Obama, Vice President Biden,
Secretary Kerry, and other officials. Through their important work, the
Chief of Protocol extends the first hand that welcomes these chiefs of
state and heads of government to our country. This team also helps to
plan and execute U.S.-hosted summits and other multilateral events, as
well as supports Presidential delegations in their travel abroad.
Protocol also assists with the selection of gifts given by the
President, Vice President, First Lady, and Secretary of State in their
engagements with foreign leaders.
The work of the Office of Protocol provides a unique opportunity to
showcase the very best America has to offer, not only as hosts, but as
true partners in diplomacy.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you very much for
the opportunity to appear before you today, and for your consideration
of my nomination. I look forward to your questions.
Senator Markey [presiding]. Thank you, Mr. Selfridge, very
much. We thank the other Senators who have come to introduce
our witnesses.
The chair will recognize himself and Iam going to begin
with you, Dr. Birx. Recent antihomosexuality laws enacted in
Uganda and Nigeria compromise the ability of PEPFAR programs to
effectively reach the LGBT population with public health
services and possibly put health workers at risk of retribution
or imprisonment. For example, the new law in Uganda calls on
individuals to report acts of homosexuality, but it is not
clear what that provision means for doctor-patient
confidentiality.
What strategies do you think that we should put in place to
maintain and sustain effective HIV programming in these
difficult and challenging environments as they unfold?
Dr. Birx. Thank you, Senator Markey, for that question
because, as with everyone in this room, we are deeply
disheartened by the changes in both Uganda and Nigeria. It
represents an entire step backward to a place where many of us
were 35 years ago when this disease was first discovered. To
move backward at a time when we should be moving forward and
controlling the epidemic is concerning to all of us, and I
think you have seen the wonderful statements made by President
Obama, Secretary Kerry, and a series of Senators and House
members who have spoken out against this specific legislation.
We are very concerned about the public health impact of
such of these bills because having it has an impact on services
that people can no longer access because of their fear of
retribution will be a huge step back for all of this epidemic
control. It is particularly concerning to me for Uganda because
Uganda was one of the few countries that had early control of
its epidemic and then had over the last few years a real
reversion and an increase in their incidence. At a time when
they need to really concentrate every effort on controlling
this epidemic, to pass this kind of legislation that will again
cause the epidemic to expand and have people not access
services is extraordinarily concerning to all of us in the
field.
Senator Markey. Let me follow up by asking you: In your
testimony you covered the unprecedented results that PEPFAR has
achieved so far. They bear repeating. PEPFAR has supported
antiretroviral treatment for more than 6.7 million people,
cared for 17 million, including 5 million orphans and
vulnerable children, and last year announced 1 million babies
have been born HIV-free, 1 million babies born HIV-free.
Beyond the measured results, PEPFAR transformed the
thinking of what is possible for nations from AIDS futility to
an AIDS-free future through leadership, science, and sound
investments.
Your testimony has highlighted your strategic goals and
priorities for PEPFAR. What priority results should this
committee hold you responsible for, this administration
responsible for, and on what time line? What are your goals?
Dr. Birx. Thank you, Senator. Reading through the
legislation and the reauthorizations from this committee really
shows the knowledge that the committee has about this disease.
The reporting requirements have evolved with the epidemic. The
last act had very precise reporting requirements, but
importantly also asked the office to look very carefully at
prevalence and incidence in each of these countries and to
measure clear impact.
We are working very hard to measure clear impact and that
should be a goal that the committee should hold the office, the
coordinator's office, responsible for, to really show country-
by-country impact on this epidemic. Working backward from that,
you absolutely have to have the treatment, the male
circumcision, the counseling and testing, and the prevention of
mother-to-child transmission, which are all covered in the
reporting requirements to this committee.
So you ought to hold me responsible to the roadmap that was
laid out well a year and a half ago and to all of the elements
that we know are responsible and the tools that we need to
control this epidemic.
Senator Markey. So how will you use science and evaluation
with regard to costs and efficiency to drive these targets and
results?
Dr. Birx. Over the last couple of years at CDC, we have
integrated the costing analyses with site-level monitoring, so
that we can actually analyze each site for its performance, how
much it costs to achieve that performance, the actual quality
of the services delivered, and also measuring the impact on the
community as far as controlling the HIV epidemic. This has been
really important, to have that level of detail, and that is the
level of detail we will need to bring to the office in order to
ensure that we are having the impact that we are investing in.
Senator Markey. What is the role of prevention,
specifically combination HIV prevention that brings together
structural, behavioral, and biomedical interventions in
achieving those results?
Dr. Birx. Thank you for that question. That has been an
important component of the office for the last 3 years.
Ambassador Goosby, recognizing the importance of this
particular approach, has launched two large combination
prevention intervention trials that will actually look at this
question in a very rigorous scientific methodology to ensure
that we can answer the very question that you just asked.
These questions have been answered in very double-blinded,
controlled trials, but when you take that to actual community
implementation there is always the question, does it work as
well? So these particular trials are actually launching
services at the community level and then looking at their
impact, and we will be able to tell you the components that
have the largest impact on decreasing incidence.
Senator Markey. Great. Thank you so much for that great
answer.
Let me ask you, Ms. Cormack, if you could just briefly
summarize how optimistic you are about making progress in
Bosnia and Herzegovina? Do you have some sense that progress
can be made?
Ms. Cormack. Mr. Chairman, thank you for that question. I
think that optimism is an integral component of diplomacy. So
yes, I always go out with an optimistic approach, but also a
realistic approach. The United States, as I noted in my
testimony, has invested significant time and effort in helping
Bosnia and Herzegovina emerge from a very difficult war and
rebuild the country, rebuild the institutions of governance,
and start to build the civil society.
It is a period in time when we see citizens there starting
to stand up and hold their leaders accountable, to take into
their own hands some of the processes of democracy. I hope as I
go out--I am a public diplomacy officer by training--to work
directly with the people and really try to understand their
concerns and see how we support them going forward into what we
hope will be a Euro-Atlantic future.
Senator Markey. Thank you so much.
Ms. Cormack. Thank you.
Senator Markey. Let me turn now and recognize the gentleman
from Virginia, Mr. Kaine--oh, I am sorry. Senator Barrasso.
Senator Kaine. I defer to my colleague.
Senator Markey. Let me turn and recognize the ranking
member of the full committee, Senator Corker.
Senator Corker. Well, thank you. I enjoyed our conversation
on the earlier panel today.
Senator Markey. Senator Kaine and I are now in 8-minute
seats up here.
Senator Corker. Very good.
Senator Markey. It is a carryover joke from the earlier
period.
Senator Corker. I am going to have mine for about a minute
and a half. So I thank you for this.
I thank all of you for what you are doing and getting ready
to do. I just want to ask one question to Dr. Birx if I could.
I am going to give a little preface for it. She is probably
expecting this question. I want to thank you for being here
today and I appreciated the meeting and discussion that we had
regarding the PEPFAR program in my office.
One of the many laudable achievements accomplished by the
PEPFAR program is the fact that 6.7 million people have been
put on treatment by the end of the year 2013. The
prioritization of treatment and care has been a hallmark of the
PEPFAR program, as you know well. Focusing on the goals of both
the implementing partners and U.S.-funded initiatives, in the
PEPFAR Stewardship and Oversight Act we included a provision
that has been part of the program since the beginning, the
requirement that at least 50 percent of PEPFAR dollars must be
spent on treatment and care programs. However, because the GAO
report pointed out in a report in March 2013 that the
administration has been excluding a significant portion of the
PEPFAR funding from this 50-percent calculation, we clarified
the language, and I know you and I talked about that. The
language now states that the calculation must be made from all
amounts appropriated or otherwise made available to carry out
the provisions of Section 104[a] of the Foreign Assistance Act
of 1961.
So the question, after that preface. Senator Coburn and I
wrote a letter to the administration asking a number of
questions about the history of the treatment and care provision
and we received their response shortly after our meeting. Today
I would like to ask you about one of the specific answers we
received in that response.
We asked the administration if they are planning to modify
current policies in order to comply with the new language in
the Stewardship Act, and they responded that they will consider
it. My question to you, Dr. Birx: If confirmed, will you ensure
that the agency conforms to this clarification in law regarding
the treatment and care calculation? Will you work in your new
position to change any necessary policies or guidance to make
sure it is implemented in compliance with the law?
Dr. Birx. Yes, sir, we will be compliant with the as-
written in the legislation.
Senator Corker. Thank you so much. I look forward to your
confirmation.
Thank you for letting me do that on the record. If you want
to talk about energy policy or anything else----
[Laughter.]
Senator Markey. I thank the ranking member for coming.
Thank you, sir.
The gentleman from--the Senator from Virginia, Senator
Kaine.
Senator Kaine. He called me ``gentleman,'' but then he
corrected it to ``Senator.''
Senator Markey. As a Congressman you are called
``gentleman'' and I was in the House for 37 years, calling
people the ``gentleman.'' But in the Senate you just call
people ``Senator.'' They are never ``gentleman'' over here in
the Senate.
Senator Kaine. Very true.
Senator Markey. The Senator from Virginia.
Senator Kaine. Dr. Birx, I think I walked in as you were
answering a question that the chair posed to you. But I think I
want to come back to it. The legislative activity in Uganda is
very, very troubling. I use that as an example for the
possibility of other such action anywhere in the world that
would stereotype or stigmatize folks because of their sexual
orientation. Very possible that such legislation is something
that we could--we will see, continue to see, in other parts of
the world. That kind of legislation can promote an attitude,
frankly, that will be counter to your mission of trying to
educate, inform, eradicate and treat HIV/AIDS.
I imagine there are other parts of the U.S. Government,
human rights offices and things, that are charged with dealing
with those challenges when they come up. But I would also think
part of your portfolio could be education and using the tools
at your disposal to try to give people, give policymakers, the
information they need so that they do not go down the path of
discriminatory legislation. If you could talk just a little bit
about what you see your role as in that important educational
effort, I would appreciate it.
Dr. Birx. Thank you, Senator. There are many gentlemen in
the South, including from Virginia. So thank you.
This is an extraordinary time where we are making
incredible progress. So to have this as a clear setback, and I
think we all hear and share that this is an incredible setback
to the people to be able to access services. If people cannot
come forward for services, they cannot be tested. They will not
know their status. They cannot receive lifesaving treatment
and, more importantly, they cannot lower their viral load to a
nontransmittable state.
So it is in all countries' interest to do all of their
program, policies, and legal framework to encourage access to
all public health services. I share your concern. I know the
President shares your concern. Many Senators share your concern
and have been very outspoken on this issue, as well as
Secretary Kerry. I know that Secretary Kerry and the White
House are working on this right now, and the Ambassador from
Uganda is coming to Washington for this specific discussion
during a chief of missions meeting, and we are working--I hope
to work very closely.
But you are right, it is not just Uganda and Nigeria. There
are similar laws on the books, not quite as restrictive and not
quite as violent as Uganda's, in many of our countries in sub-
Saharan Africa, and this legal framework has to be addressed in
the future to have full successful control of the epidemic.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Dr. Birx.
Ms. LeVine, congratulations on your nomination. You will
succeed, I am confident, a dear friend of mine, Ambassador Don
Beyer, who did a wonderful job.
Senator Markey and I are strong supporters of immigration
reform. The question I wanted to ask you is about immigration,
particularly your kind of interpretation--explain to us what
you can about the Swiss vote on February 9, that was a narrow
backing of a referendum to put immigration caps on immigration
from EU countries. Why did the Swiss populace back that? What
can we learn from it?
Ms. LeVine. Thank you very much for that question, Senator
Kaine. I know that this is near and dear to your heart, also
from your background in spending time in other parts of the
world. The referendum itself is an internal Swiss matter and in
terms of the implications to the United States or other parts
of the world we do not yet know what those implications are and
the ramifications of that referendum.
But I think that what we can take away from it is it is
sort of a fascinating demonstration of Swiss direct democracy.
They have an interplay of direct and representative democracy
with which Western States, like Washingtonians and
Massachusetts, have this interplay between having initiatives
and representative democracy. I think what we take away from
that is an opportunity to work more with the Swiss people.
I am moved by Peter's testimony earlier with regards to his
being an immigrant and coming from an immigrant background. I
think the American story about immigration is an incredible
one. I would suspect that 95 percent of the people in this room
have come here some time within the past four generations. When
I look at people like a gentleman named Hadi Partovi, who
worked at Microsoft for a very long time, came to the United
States as a young man, as a young boy in fact, from Iran. He
succeeded wildly in technology and now he has created a
nonprofit called Code.org to help people become ready for the
22nd century, never mind the 21st century.
We have an extraordinary story to tell, and if confirmed I
would love the opportunity to tell that story. I think that
that is what we as Americans can do in articulating and in
reaching out. I also think that, if confirmed, I would love the
opportunity to work with organizations that bridge the gap
between different communities and continue some of the
fantastic work that Ambassador Beyer had done, especially
around gender equality and reaching out to women and
technology, and to get more women into technology, of which I
am one.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ms. LeVine. Wonderful answer.
Ms. Cormack, talk a little bit about the dynamics about the
possible joining of NATO by Bosnia?
Ms. Cormack. Thank you very much, Senator Kaine. Bosnia has
pursued the track of joining NATO. It is, along with their
accession to the European Union, something that polls show the
majority of the population supports. As so much at the moment
in Bosnia and Herzegovina, they have not been able to take the
specific steps needed to move firmly onto the track of a map,
the process for NATO.
In the case of NATO, that is simply registering defense
properties that have been identified by the ministry of defense
as essential. These are unmovable defense properties that the
ministry believes that they need for their functions. It is we
consider a step that is fairly basic, and if confirmed I look
forward to working with the Bosnians to try to help them move
in that direction.
Senator Kaine. You do not read the failure of the Bosnians
to take those steps yet as any equivocation about wanting to
pursue NATO? You think this is a kind of a practical matter
that we should be able to address productively?
Ms. Cormack. I think there are different perspectives among
the population. Some people are probably less enthusiastic.
Others are more so. But I do believe that, together with our
NATO partners, we can try to move in this direction.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
Mr. Chair, with your permission--I am right at the end--
could I ask Mr. Selfridge a question?
Senator Markey. Yes.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Selfridge, your experience in directing
advance and operations at the White House to me seems like the
perfect background for this protocol job, because I understand
a little bit about that position and I think it is pretty much
the job description for protocol officer almost. But then there
is the issue of challenging international sort of diplomatic
perspectives and the fact that we sometimes see things
differently than even our friends.
I just was curious about this. There have been some recent
controversies relating to criminal charges against foreign
diplomats in the United States and they have made headlines.
These are things you hope do not happen, but they happen--
episodes related to Medicaid fraud, 49 New York-based Russian
diplomats and spouses allegedly obtaining Medicaid benefits;
and then the very controversial and widely publicized incident
in December of 2013 about the arrest of an Indian deputy consul
general in New York City on charges related to household
employment.
To your knowledge, to what extent in your position, Chief
of Protocol, are you engaged in addressing or helping other
officials within the U.S. Government figure out a way to
address problems like that in a sensitive way?
Mr. Selfridge. Thank you, Senator, for that question. This
is an issue of great importance to the Department, as you know,
and to Secretary Kerry. I think protocol's best weapon in these
circumstances is communication. While we do not directly cover
the visa process, we nonetheless can inject ourselves into that
process by educating the workers themselves and the missions,
foreign governments and their missions here in the United
States.
I think that is the most important step. We believe, the
Department believes, that it has been very effective as far as
getting information that was not previously available to these
workers out, including hot lines, other actionable items that
these workers can take.
I think, as far as I guess post-infraction, the Office of
Protocol acts as a coordinator, so to speak. They make sure the
mission is aware of the infraction and encourage investigations
of their own to correct them, and they can make recommendations
in that regard. They also cooperate very closely with law
enforcement to make sure that the missions and their diplomats
and staff follow the law. Regardless of immunity, we expect all
diplomats serving here to abide by U.S. law.
So in the case of Dr. Khobragade, we believe that the
system functioned as it should. It is unfortunate that it had
to get to the point that it did. But the case is still pending.
Should she return to the United States, she would face charges.
So again, this is something, if confirmed, that I would have a
great staff working on these issues and I would intend to make
that a top priority.
Senator Kaine. Thank you to each of you, and thank you, Mr.
Chair.
Senator Markey. Thank you, gentlemen. I thank the Senator.
The chair recognizes the Senator from Connecticut, Mr.
Murphy.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Welcome to all of you. I think some of the ground that I
wanted to cover has already been covered you my colleagues. Ms.
Cormack, great to see you here. I enjoyed our time together.
Ms. Cormack. Thank you.
Senator Murphy. I wish you well in your new endeavor. I
wanted to maybe ask you a broader issue about the challenges
that confront the Balkans today and how the division of labor
should be allocated between a historic United States leadership
role in the Balkans and an emerging role for the EU in trying
to moderate some of these disputes. There is all sorts of
issues, but the three that sort of emerge at the top of the
list over and over again are the question you will be
confronted regarding Bosnian governance, the issue over the
Macedonian name dispute with Greece, and then the conflict
between Serbia and Kosovo, which is obviously getting better
with the new agreement, but still has lingering issues.
So when I talk to friends in the Balkans they are welcoming
of Lady Ashton's vigor on many of these issues, but are looking
for a return to U.S. leadership on these questions. What do you
see as the future of the European Union's ability to moderate
some of these disputes and how does that dovetail with what I
hope is a renaissance of American interest in the region in the
coming years?
Ms. Cormack. Thank you very much, Senator Murphy. I also
enjoyed our conversation, so thank you.
The United States commitment to Bosnia and Herzegovina
remains strong. We also strongly support Bosnia's accession
process to the European Union and NATO. We partner very closely
with our European allies on the ground. There is an excellent
European Union senior representative in Sarajevo. We work very
closely with their Enlargement Commissioner. We really feel
that we both play an important role. As you note, the United
States has a very historic role in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Our
commitment is something that I certainly, if confirmed, intend
to fully maintain. I look forward to working closely with the
people of the country and really finding out how we can work
together to help them move to a Euro-Atlantic future.
As we see countries like Croatia join the European Union,
as Serbia and other countries move in that direction, Bosnia is
in a region where they risk being isolated if they do not also
follow that path. So it is the European Union that needs to
have the lead in ensuring that Bosnia moves in the
institutional sense in the direction that they need to if they
are going to join Europe. But the United States certainly
intends to be a key partner in that process.
Senator Murphy. It certainly appears that the carrots that
Europe has offered so far has not been sufficient to change the
political dynamics on the ground in Bosnia. So I wonder whether
there is a different set of incentives or a renewed road map
that may be necessary in order to stimulate the domestic
reforms necessary. I do not expect you to have a fulsome
critique of what that road map should be, but it appears to me
that we should know by now that whatever we have used is maybe
insufficient and it is going to take a new set of criteria,
both sticks and carrots I guess, to get them to change their
calculus.
Ms. Cormack. Thank you, Senator. If confirmed I certainly
would look forward to working with our European partners to
have that conversation, because you are right, we are very
disappointed, honestly, that Bosnia and Herzegovina has not
been able to take the first basic steps to move toward the EU
and NATO.
I do think that the demonstrations that we have seen in
Bosnia and Herzegovina in recent weeks show an increasing
frustration from the population with their leaders. These were
economic demonstrations, people wanting jobs, wanting proper
salaries, pensions, things that are very basic and that would
certainly accrue to them if they start making the changes
necessary to move down the European path.
So figuring out what that is, what would put the political
will in place to get that process going, is something that I
would look forward to working on.
Senator Murphy. Great. Well, I think you are going to be a
fantastic ambassador. I really appreciate your service.
Ms. LeVine, we had a chance to talk as well and I am glad
that Senator Kaine covered with you the topic that we spent
some time discussing, which is the rather disturbing anti-
immigration trends, not just in Switzerland but throughout the
continent. As we sort of think about the future path for
Ukraine, we of course envision them joining the EU. But that
prospect is dimmed in some respect by the fact that there is
going to be an EU that may be even more Euro-skeptic than
before and countries like Switzerland, which are having a
little bit harder time rapping their hands around the concept
of free flow of peoples. So I am glad to hear your commitment
to work on that issue.
I wanted to just ask you about the pending free trade
agreement with the European Union and just talk to you about
the role that the Swiss will play and the role which your
Embassy will play in trying to talk about ultimately the
benefits that flow to all of Europe if we are able to ink a
free trade agreement with the continent.
Ms. LeVine. Well, to be clear--thank you very much for that
question, Senator Murphy. I also enjoyed our time yesterday,
albeit brief. I look forward to more time to discuss some of
these matters if confirmed.
With respect to TTIP, Switzerland is not in the EU. They
are in the European Free Trade Area. So while they are not part
of the negotiations themselves, I think that the role that the
embassy plays in the State Department plays is to continue to
keep them updated on the progress of those conversations and
identify those areas that would impact trade with Switzerland
because of both the role that Switzerland plays in trade with
Europe and of course as a top 20 export market for the United
States and as a generator of over 400,000 American jobs, Swiss
companies care deeply about the impact of TTIP.
So I think it is incumbent upon the State Department and
the embassy team, and if confirmed myself as Ambassador I will
make it a priority to continue to keep the Swiss Government
updated and to facilitate in whatever way is necessary the USTR
as they continue to negotiate this so that they keep the Swiss
informed and involved.
Senator Murphy. I appreciate that. There are all sorts of
non-EU countries who have partnerships in various ways, shapes,
and forms with the EU that are going to benefit from this free
trade agreement. Switzerland will benefit from this agreement.
Other countries on the edges of the EU will no doubt benefit.
And we want to the extent possible to have them partners with
us in trying to sell this, both internally and globally, as we
move forward. So I appreciate your focus on this.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for allowing me to ask some
questions.
Senator Markey. If the Senator has any other questions----
Senator Murphy. I am good.
Senator Markey. Beautiful.
Let me just ask you, Ms. LeVine, one quick question.
Switzerland is shutting down its five nuclear power plants. It
is going to decommission them and they are moving more toward a
renewable energy future. Do you as a businesswoman see any
opportunities for the United States in partnership with
Switzerland to be engaging in business transactions that can
help both Switzerland and the United States in that area?
Ms. LeVine. Senator Markey, I especially appreciate that
question given your history with the environment and being an
incredible steward for renewable energy development in the
United States and jobs related to renewable energy. So thank
you very much for that question.
The short answer is yes. In addition to that, I think that
there are a few areas related to this. Now, the Swiss have been
leaders in clean tech funding and in fact clean tech from my
understanding comprises about--clean tech jobs comprise about 5
percent of the jobs in Switzerland. There are over 160,000
people who are employed in that area. They are incredible
funders, including sustainable asset management, green tech.
There are emerald technology ventures.
If confirmed, Senator, I look forward to applying my skills
in building partnerships and in understanding and reaching out
to entities--previously Senator Cantwell talked about work that
I did when I was at Microsoft engaging Coca-Cola, engaging
Nokia, to work with our students, or when I was at Expedia I
worked with tourism boards to engage them with travel agencies,
to increase travel. I would apply those same skills and the
success that I have had in that domain to understand the
respective interests and opportunities from among the clean
tech funders in Switzerland and then, similarly, reach out to
innovators, entrepreneurs, and thought leaders in the United
States to gauge what are their needs, and to try to do that
matchmaking, and with that to make sure that it is sustainable
and mutually beneficial.
Senator Markey. I think you are the perfect person,
honestly, to capture that----
Ms. LeVine. Thank you.
Senator Markey [continuing]. Economic opportunity for both
countries. It is going to happen. This revolution is occurring.
Switzerland believes that the planet is warming, that there are
no emergency rooms for planets, and that we have to engage in
preventative care, and Switzerland is a country that accepts
that. They have the Alps. They can see what is happening. So we
thank you for that.
What I am going to do here is to ask each of you, in
reverse order, to give us the 1-minute, tell us the 1-minute
thing you would want us to remember about what it is that you
hope to achieve for our country in the positions that you have
been nominated to fill. Give us your vision of what it is that
you hope to provide for our country in this incredible
opportunity that you are each being given. We will go in
reverse order from the opening statements, so we will begin
with you, Mr. Selfridge.
Mr. Selfridge. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. That is a great
question. I am thinking out loud right now because----
Senator Markey. And you would like to go last. [Laughter.]
Mr. Selfridge. I am used to that order, yes, sir.
I am going to be thinking out loud a little bit here
because I think the first thought that popped into my head is
the Chief of Protocol, while somewhat--while very visible, I
guess, when it comes to foreign diplomacy, is nonetheless
supposed to I guess be seen and not heard. So I would like to
be remembered as an excellent steward of the office.
That being said, I think there is always room, to borrow
Secretary Kerry's line, for modernization and innovation, and I
hope to look for those opportunities in the office, to perhaps
be the Chief of Protocol, if confirmed, that invigorates the
office in that respect. I also want to be known as a steward of
the taxpayer dollars. I think this is one office that does
quite a bit with very little.
I see my time is up. I will leave it at that and thank you
again, Senator.
Senator Markey. Thank you, sir.
Ms. Cormack.
Ms. Cormack. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. As I go
out, if confirmed, to Bosnia and Herzegovina, I have three
overarching goals. I have heard from everyone in the U.S.
interagency that I have one of the best missions they have
worked with, and I look forward to taking the leadership role
of a wonderful group of people and really hoping to inspire and
empower them to do wonderful work.
Secondly, I hope to use my public diplomacy skills and
reach out far more extensively to the people of Bosnia and
Herzegovina in order to, first of all, listen and really
understand their concerns, and then find out how the United
States can support their aspirations.
Finally, really support the people of Bosnia and
Herzegovina as they move toward a Euro-Atlantic future. I do
believe that their future, multi-ethnic, democratic, and
prosperous, should be rooted in Euro-Atlantic institutions.
So thank you so much.
Senator Markey. Thank you so much.
Ms. LeVine.
Ms. LeVine. Chairman Markey, if confirmed I look forward to
applying my skills, my experience, and my passion to increasing
our economic ties, especially as measured by foreign direct
investment and exports. I look forward to expanding our
collaborations, existing and new, whether it is through the
OSCE, whether it is through the Global Counterterrorism Forum,
or whether it is creating new ones, public-private partnerships
like ones recently announced between the Gates Foundation and
the Swiss Government.
I also look forward to increasing awareness and
appreciation, especially given what we discussed before in
terms of direct democracy and outreach to the Swiss and
Liechtenstein people, especially the youth and the students,
and especially in the technology community.
Senator, I hope that I have been able to demonstrate today
and through my submissions that, while nonlinear, my wide array
of experiences, from working at Microsoft, Expedia, even at
NASA, to volunteering and starting up nonprofits, and also to
being a mom, equip me to serve our country proudly, humbly, and
well.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Ms. Levine.
Ms. Birx.
Dr. Birx. Those were all wonderful answers. I think I feel
a lot of pressure to continue the amazing work that has been
done in the field, and building on that coalition of activists
and their insights, civil society and their insights, and
linking that with the scientific innovations that we have found
to be most helpful, and continue to take them to scale.
In addition, making it clear that the interagency process
is the reason why PEPFAR has been successful. It was a
brilliant idea to harness the whole of government. It made it
clear that no one agency could do it alone. It has been
amazingly successful in that we have learned from each other,
yet still built on our individual agency strengths. The control
of the epidemic that we have today is due to that.
Then finally, be able to demonstrate that we can
definitively control the epidemic, and finding that country or
those countries that we can do that in will be the absolute
goal of the next 3 years.
Senator Markey. I thank you, Ms. Birx.
Well, we have four supremely qualified candidates for your
positions. We thank each of you for your willingness to serve
our country. I think you each have a background that fits the
job that you have been asked to serve in perfectly, and we are
very proud to have you as Americans willing to serve our
country. I wish a speedy confirmation for each of you and I
will try to help in any way that I can in order to accomplish
that goal. So we thank you for that.
For the other members who were not able to attend, I just
make the public announcement that they will have until the
close of business tomorrow to submit questions to our
witnesses, because we hope to be able to move forward quickly
on these nominations.
So with that and the thanks of our country, this hearing is
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:30 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Material Submitted for the Record
Responses of Dr. Deborah Birx to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Burma is a PEPFAR bilateral country. In late February 2014, Doctors
without Borders (MSF) was ejected from Rakhine State by the Government
of Burma, which falsely alleged that MSF was stoking ethnic tensions.
MSF is reportedly one of the biggest providers of HIV/AIDS drugs in
Burma and also treats thousands of tuberculosis patients.
Question. How will MSF's ejection from Burma impact the health of
the HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis patients they were treating in the
country?
Answer. MSF Burma, represented by MSF-Holland (MSF-H) and MSF-
Switzerland, has been working in Burma for over 20 years, providing
basic and maternal health care and treatment for HIV and tuberculosis
(TB). The current situation only applies to activities conducted by
MSF-Holland. MSF-Switzerland has not been impacted by the recent
developments in Rakhine.
MSF-H has significant operations in Rangoon and Kachin, Shan and
Rakhine States. Currently, MSF-H is providing life-saving
antiretroviral therapy to over 30,000 HIV positive patients and
tuberculosis treatment to over 3,000 patients.
On February 27, 2014, MSF-H received a written order from the
Government of Burma to cease all operations in the country pending
renewal of its Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the government.
This led to a closure of all MSF-H clinics on February 28. On February
28, the Government of Burma allowed MSF-H to resume activities in all
areas except Rakhine State. Seven hundred patients on antiretroviral
therapy at MSF-H sites in Rakhine State have been impacted by the
closure.
Question. What possible impacts will MSF's ejection from Burma have
on the spread of HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis in the country?
Answer. At the end of 2013, MSF was providing antiretroviral
therapy to 31,276 patients across the country. This represents nearly
half of the total number of people on antiretroviral therapy in Burma.
In addition to antiretroviral drugs, MSF is also supporting additional
key TB/HIV services, which is a critical given that the HIV rate among
new tuberculosis patients is estimated to be nearly 10 percent.
Because MSF's HIV/AIDS and TB activities in most of the country
were resumed after a single day of suspension, no significant impacts
are expected on the spread of HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis in Burma
nationally. The Ministry of Health has assured continuity of treatment
services for those patients in Rakhine State. It will be critical for
the MOH to continue these services in order to ensure the current gains
in combating HIV/AIDS and TB in Rakhine State are not lost.
Question. What actions has the U.S. Government taken to encourage
the Government of Burma to allow MSF back into the country?
Answer. MSF clinics continue to operate in many parts of Burma. The
current suspension affects the MSF-Holland clinics in Rakine State.
U.S. Embassy Rangoon remains in regular contact with the Government of
Burma and with local and international humanitarian assistance
providers regarding the situation on the ground. Ambassador Derek
Mitchell personally has been in frequent and active communication with
both Government of Burma senior officials and MSF-H to encourage
continued private dialogue in negotiating a way forward to ensure no
gap in necessary humanitarian services and to work toward a restoration
of MSF-Holland services in Rakhine State. As part of this effort, on
the day of MSF's suspension, Ambassador Mitchell highlighted for
Burmese officials from the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Home
Affairs, and the Ministry of Border Affairs, the humanitarian
consequences of MSF-H not being allowed to continue provision of its
life-saving services. Ambassador Mitchell also encouraged the GOB to
continue dialogue with MSF toward ensuring unfettered access for
humanitarian agencies to people in need. USAID Administrator Rajiv Shah
joined with Ambassador Mitchell in expressing strong concern about the
events of February 28 to government ministers with the Burmese
President's Office. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs
Wendy Sherman also raised the issue with senior Burmese officials
during her March 6-7 visit to Burma.
U.S. Embassy Rangoon continues to engage daily with MSF-H and with
the Government of Burma on this issue, urging the government to abide
by international standards on humanitarian access and provision of
services.
Question. How much PEPFAR assistance goes to Burma through MSF? Are
there other PEPFAR partner organizations that can adequately treat the
30,000 HIV/AIDS patients that were under MSF's care?
Answer. PEPFAR does not provide any direct financial assistance to
MSF, nor does it support direct treatment service delivery in Burma
through any other partners. MSF is currently providing treatment
services to over half of all patients currently enrolled on
antiretroviral therapy in Burma, and there are no other organizations
that can absorb 30,000 patients at this time.
Question. How much Global Fund assistance goes to Burma through
MSF-H? Are there other Global Fund partner organizations that can
adequately treat the 3,000 tuberculosis patients that were under MSF's
care?
Answer. MSF-H received $3.4 million USD in 2013 from the Global
Fund, and is budgeted to receive $4.1 million in 2014. As MSF
activities have resumed in most of the country, the U.S. Government is
optimistic that nearly all of the 3,000 tuberculosis patients on
treatment will continue to receive services through MSF sites. For the
patients on tuberculosis treatment at currently shuttered MSF sites in
Rakhine State, the Ministry of Health has made a commitment to provide
treatment to these patients until MSF is allowed to resume activities.
Health agencies working in Rakhine State, including other Global Fund
partner organizations, do not have the capacity to assume the treatment
burden for MSF's caseload.
______
Responses of Dr. Deborah Birx to Questions
Submitted by Senator Bob Corker
Question. The President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR)
has enjoyed broad, bipartisan support since its launch in 2003. Last
year, this bipartisan tradition continued with the PEPFAR Stewardship
and Oversight Act, which passed unanimously in the Senate and by a
voice vote in the House. The program's support stems largely from the
fact that Congress has a clear picture of what Americans get for their
contributions by setting ambitious bilateral targets and goals
specifically for PEPFAR and measuring progress toward those targets.
However, this year the administration did not announce any new
bilateral treatment or prevention goals for PEPFAR.
The PEPFAR Stewardship and Oversight Act requires the
administration to report on bilateral annual targets for treatment and
prevention programs specific to PEPFAR.
(a). How important do you think bilateral targets are to
the performance, accountability, and focus of PEPFAR?
Answer. Annual bilateral country targets are a core marker for
measuring performance and implementing partner accountability for
contributing to impactful HIV prevention and treatment programs. Annual
targets are used to build implementing partner budgets, and allow for
the PEPFAR country team to plan and collaborate with the host
government and the Global Fund on what can be achieved in core
prevention and treatment programs in a given year, and how these
targets contribute to increased levels of treatment and prevention
program coverage.
PEPFAR's targets for prevention, care, and treatment have been a
critical factor in enabling both Congress and the American people to
understand how their investments have been saving lives in countries
around the world. In addition to these annual targets, PEPFAR works
jointly with local and international partners to define measurable
commitments that contribute to creating an AIDS-free generation,
including commitments around legal reform, supply chain improvements,
and increased domestic contributions for HIV/AIDS--all areas of work
that ensure that treatment and care programs maximize their impact and
meet or exceed any bilateral targets that have been set.
PEPFAR will continue, per P.L. 113-56, the PEPFAR Stewardship and
Oversight Act, to use bilateral targets as an essential component of
its efforts to save lives and increase efficiencies. Fighting the AIDS
pandemic will require global solidarity, and PEPFAR is only one of
several donors working with partner countries on this epidemic. The act
focuses not only on the bilateral targets established by PEPFAR in each
partner country, but also the national targets established by the
country itself, to which PEPFAR will contribute.
(b). How will you ensure that the bilateral target
requirements in the Stewardship Act are met?
Answer. On a semiannual and annual basis the Office of the U.S.
Global AIDS Coordinator (OGAC) requires all implementing agencies to
report core prevention and treatment achievements drawn from an
established set of program indicators. At the semiannual check-in
point, the intent is to identify those countries (and implementing
partners within countries) that are not on track to reach annual
targets established, determine the problems, and develop a plan of
corrective action. When warranted, technical support is deployed to
country teams from headquarters to provide further assistance. Close
monitoring of country achievements to targets and corrected action has
enabled PEPFAR to meet annual and multiyear targets in prevention,
care, and treatment.
(c). When will this year's bilateral PEPFAR targets be
released publicly?
Answer. PEPFAR is committed to staying in regular communication
with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC) and other
congressional committees of jurisdiction on progress toward setting FY
2014 bilateral PEPFAR targets. The FY 2014 PEPFAR Country Operational
Plans (COPs), the source of 2014 targets by implementing partner by
country, will be reviewed in April/May and and finalized in the summer
of 2014. In September/October, the 2014 COPs and targets will be made
available to Congress and will also be posted publicly on the
PEPFAR.gov Web site after a process of redaction has taken place to
ensure that procurement sensitive information has been removed. The
2014 COP will be implemented in FY 2015. Currently PEPFAR teams are
implementing COP 2013, and all 2013 COPs have been posted publicly.
In addition, in December 2013, the President called for the new
U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator, once confirmed, to convene our partners
to develop joint HIV prevention and treatment goals to ensure we are
making progress against this epidemic together. We will engage SFRC
closely in our processes toward setting these global targets.
Question. PEPFAR has begun to transition from an emergency response
to a sustainable, long-term program, including shifting toward greater
country responsibility. While it is important for host countries to
assume greater leadership in combating their HIV/AIDS epidemic, I am
concerned by accounts that transitions to greater country ownership are
driven by factors other than scientific data and country capacity. How
those transitions are planned and executed is critically important and
can involve significant risk to the more than $40 billion we have
invested as well as a tremendous risk to the people who depend on these
programs for life and health.
What lessons have we learned from the transition process so far,
and how do you intend to ensure that transitions to greater country
ownership continue to increase the impact of core interventions, as
well as protect our investments and the patients on the ground who are
counting on us to get this right?
Answer. Greater country ownership is key to ensuring that the
PEPFAR investments, systems, and capacities that have been established
in the program to date continue in the long term. Through our
partnerships, we have saved millions of lives, and our paramount
responsibility is ensuring that those to whom we provide treatment and
care continue to receive treatment and care during our transitions.
Under PEPFAR we have learned that political leadership, local
management and technical capabilities, supportive public health
institutions and communities, and mutual accountability are factors
that affect the degree to which countries are ready to assume
responsibility for the prevention, treatment, and care of people
dependent on services that the United States has been providing. With
our partner countries, we need to share the common goal of using
scientific data with adequate financing to invest in proven
interventions and key populations to achieve continued progress toward
an AIDS-free generation.
In countries where PEPFAR funds have been used to provide support
for direct service delivery in prevention, care, and treatment
programs, PEPFAR teams have delivered transition successes in
conjunction with their country counterparts. Health care workers
previously trained and funded by PEPFAR are now funded by the
government. Delivery of clinical services has transitioned from
international NGOs to the Ministry of Health, local NGOs, and faith-
based local providers. National procurement and delivery of commodities
are funded by domestic resources. In all cases, these successes have
been possible due to strong partnerships and sustained because of
strong political will and commitment. In addition, across multiple
countries, PEPFAR has registered successful transfers of
responsibilities for the care of key populations--groups that may have
difficulties accessing health and support services--to local civil
society.
Across former focus countries, district- and provincial-level
government and nongovernmental entities have assumed the role of direct
service provider, enabling efficiencies and maintaining or improving
performance. We are monitoring the use and impact of evidenced-based
scientific interventions through our newly launched quality strategy.
To optimize the impact of investments, expand population coverage, and
retain more patients in care, PEPFAR is developing, in partnership with
host countries, strategies for strengthening the quality of clinical
services with a focus on improving linkage, engagement, and retention
in care. These strategies are rooted in sound international standards
and locally relevant strategies for quality management so that the best
possible results are achieved from PEPFAR and domestic investments.
PEPFAR is also monitoring the readiness for and impact of
transitions through a series of joint assessments with countries that
will be taking on additional responsibility. These assessments focus on
identifying what additional capacities are required for local
partners--governments, research, development, and academic
institutions, NGOs, the private sector, and civil society networks and
communities--to lead, manage, and monitor internal and external efforts
to address HIV/AIDS in country. Part of this process includes
supporting a country's ability to drive the process to identify,
source, and manage ongoing capacity-building efforts as a sustained
government-led effort to target change, facilitated by capacity-
building frameworks and indicators developed by PEPFAR in conjunction
with our partners.
Our health partnership with South Africa is a model we are learning
from, and continue to evolve with our partners in other countries, for
transition to greater country ownership. Throughout the evolution of
all of our partnerships, we have never lost sight of our shared goals:
to enable more people in need of HIV/AIDS services to receive them, and
ensure that those who already receive these services continue doing so.
Strong partnerships with many diverse stakeholders are vital to
achieving these goals. Where we face challenges, we work jointly to
address them. For example, as some patients move from one facility to
another, they can get lost in the system. Preventing this ``loss to
follow up'' is a challenge in any health system, including within the
United States. PEPFAR continues to work closely with our South African
partners to support the rollout of monitoring systems to ensure
patients are properly tracked over time and retained in care.
As PEPFAR moves from an emergency to a sustainability response, we
are extremely cognizant of the challenges that partner nations face as
we make this transition. Every country is situated at a different point
on the continuum of country ownership, with a different range of needs
and strengths. Advancing sustainability in a way that is tailored to
each specific circumstance will require time and careful planning.
PEPFAR is committed to ensuring that the eventual transfer of program
management, implementation, and ownership to the host country occurs
smoothly and at a pace appropriate to the local context. There is not a
one-size-fits-all approach to country ownership. The eventual
transition of PEPFAR program activities to host countries will occur in
a step-wise manner, at a pace appropriate to their local context. In
all countries, PEPFAR's goal is to support the country in achieving an
AIDS-free generation, increasing the impact of core interventions, as
well as protecting our investments and the patients on the ground.
Question. Health Systems Strengthening (HSS) programming is
intended to help achieve progress toward prevention, treatment, and
care objectives, but exactly how they achieve it might not be as clear
as it is with spending that is specific to a particular program area.
Additionally, because the Office of the Global AIDS Coordinator has not
counted HSS as part of the denominator when calculating how to meet the
treatment and care spending requirement in law, it would seem that it
is somehow treated or viewed differently than other program focus
areas.
(a). What is the total annual funding level for HSS in
PEPFAR by year, and how was that funding level determined?
Answer.
Budget Code--OHSS
2005 COP--Total Planned Amount.......................... 445,395,169
2006 COP--Total Planned Amount.......................... 58,972,580
2007 COP--Total Planned Amount.......................... 103,779,504
2008 COP-OPU Full JUL 2011--Total Planned Amount........ 152,471,123
2009 COP-OPU Full AUG 2012--Total Planned Amount........ 291,362,960
2010 COP-OPU Full AUG 2013--Total Planned Amount........ 337,581,718
2011 COP-OPU Full AUG 2013--Total Planned Amount........ 368,945,328
2012 COP-OPU Full AUG 2013--Total Planned Amount........ 364,601,625
2013 COP--Total Planned Amount.......................... 296,386,434
Health Systems Strengthening (HSS) funding levels as part of the
annual Country Operational Plan (COP). Above are the most recent data
for the Health Systems Strengthening budget code (OHSS) for COPs,
including reprogramming. The collective, annual amount of HSS is
variable and is dependent on the maturity of the program and specific
HSS requirements in order to ensure strong results in prevention, care,
and treatment programs. HSS-core activities include: support for human
resources for health (HRH), supply chain management and improvement,
infrastructure improvements, policy development that allows for optimal
program delivery, economic strengthening initiatives for vulnerable
populations, laboratory support and support for the development of
strategic information systems and use of data. Each PEPFAR country team
will prioritize those HSS efforts that are necessary for successful
core program delivery.
In FY 2013, OHSS represented about 8 percent of the most recent COP
total budget. The FY 2014 level is not included as the COPS are not
fully approved.
(b). Is HSS programming in PEPFAR required to demonstrate
clear, direct contributions toward prevention, treatment or
care targets, and if so, how?
Answer. HSS spending is designed to support delivery of prevention,
treatment and care activities and achievement of targets set under
those budget codes. The COP 2014 Guidance, OHSS budget code narrative,
states: ``The HSS strategy and program plan should clearly demonstrate
how its priority interventions flow from and support the prevention,
care, and treatment pillars of the overall PEPFAR program.'' The full
COP 2014 guidance can be found here: http://www.pepfar.gov/documents/
organization/217765.pdf.
The FY 2014 Technical Considerations provide supporting
documentation to link HSS programming to the delivery of prevention,
treatment and care services. For example, the Technical Considerations
illustrate how teams can map HSS activities to support three PEPFAR
goals; (1) increased use of HIV/AIDS services by key populations; (2)
option B+/pediatric treatment scale-up; and (3) antiretroviral
treatment scale-up. The mapping provides specific examples of HSS
investments that support these goals in several types of health system
components: governance/leadership; human resources for health; supply
chain management, laboratory systems, strategic information, and
finance. The FY 2014 Technical Considerations for health systems
strengthening can be found here: http://www.pepfar.gov/documents/
organization/217761.pdf.
HSS is required to be linked to advancing population coverage of
key prevention, care and treatment programs. For example, support for
redesign of supply chains ensures that commodities are available at all
levels of the health care delivery system and drug stock-outs do not
occur, meaning that people are enrolled in treatment programs, receive
TB treatment, are able to get an HIV test, and can undergo male
circumcision--all core HIV interventions. Additionally, investments in
building partner country supply chains results in improvements in the
efficiency of drug supply chains and best price commodity procurements,
which means available budgets provide health services to a larger
portion of the population.
Some HSS interventions are multiyear investments, but ultimately
allow for improved achievements. For example, policy work on the use of
point-of-care CD4 testing in low volume regions allows for people to be
enrolled in treatment programs without waiting for the results of a CD4
test sent to a regional lab. Investments in electronic systems allow
governments to tabulate health care worker availability and improve
deployment, health care worker performance and retention strategies.
These investments deliver results over time. While their impact is not
captured as a direct result on service delivery performance metrics,
without these types of investments, care and treatment programs are
poorly resourced and struggle to perform.
(c). Does HSS programming have specific targets to meet or
metrics by which its performance can be assessed?
Answer. Health Systems Strengthening (HSS) programming is governed
by metrics that relate to several of the health system components
mentioned above. For example, country teams must meet specific targets
through FY 2015 regarding the number of new health care workers. In
addition, policy changes, as an outcome of investments in governance
and leadership, are tracked.
HSS metrics and target setting--while supporting the achievement of
service delivery targets--are therefore, of a fundamentally different
nature than those captured under delivery of prevention, care, and
treatment services. Unlike investments in prevention, care, and
treatment services, ``activities that fall into the HSS budget code are
generally those that are implemented above the service delivery point
(site) level'' (COP 2014 guidance).
Under PEPFAR's Monitoring, Evaluation and Reporting (MER) set of
indicators, performance of HSS investments in leadership/governance,
human resources for health (HRH) and supply chain are currently tracked
at the headquarters level through the following (investments in
laboratory systems and strategic information are primarily tracked
through different budget codes):
Measuring progress in developing and implementing policies
that directly support PEPFAR prevention, care, and treatment
activities (one indicator: LGF--PTT);
Production and distribution of new health care workers (two
indicators: HRH--PRE; HRH--HRIS);
Strengthening of HIV and other commodities supply chains
(two indicators: SC--TRAIN; SC--STOCK).
Question. Recently, PEPFAR has been sharply criticized for its lack
of transparency for a lack of publically accessible and usable
information, and that the program has actually made less data available
over time.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to reverse this
trend and increase the transparency and usability of PEPFAR
data?
Answer. As I said in my testimony before the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee last week, if confirmed, I will be fully committed
to ensuring the PEPFAR program is transparent and accountable, and will
be fully compliant with all the requirements of P.L. 113-56, the PEPFAR
Stewardship and Oversight Act.
Since 2007, PEPFAR has made comprehensive financial, program, and
partner-level data available on its Web site (pepfar.gov) through
annual publication of Country Operational Plans (COPs). All published
COPs describe in detail the planned activities for each of PEPFAR's
implementing partners, including the scope of their program activities
and the associated funding. PEPFAR also posts a quarterly report on its
Web site that provides a financial picture of the PEPFAR program,
including the available appropriations, obligations, and outlays for
each PEPFAR implementing agency by country.
Moving forward, as part of its implementation of P.L. 113-56,
PEPFAR will increase the transparency, granularity, and usability of
its data. PEPFAR will publish all nonprocurement sensitive information
clearly and transparently in an open web-based format, and expand the
quality and quantity of information available in its annual reports,
including available financial and performance data. If confirmed, I
will keep Congress well-apprised of efforts to increase data
transparency and usability while avoiding inadvertently creating an
overly burdensome reporting process for partner countries and U.S.
Government teams in the field, which are also charged with producing
lifesaving program results.
The Office of the U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator (OGAC) is also
working with the State Department's Office of U.S. Foreign Assistance
on the ForeignAssistance.gov Web site, which is driving implementation
of a whole of U.S. Government effort to align with the International
Aid Transparency Initiative. Data that OGAC and PEPFAR implementing
agencies provide for publication on ForeignAssistance.gov contribute to
overall U.S. Government efforts to increase data transparency.
NOMINATIONS OF PAIGE ALEXANDER, ALICE WELLS, THOMAS KELLY III, AND
CASSANDRA BUTTS
----------
TUESDAY, MAY 13, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Paige Eve Alexander, of Virginia, to be Assistant
Administrator, Bureau for the Middle East, United
States Agency for International Development
Alice G. Wells, of Washington, to be Ambassador to the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
Thomas P. Kelly III, of California, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Djibouti
Cassandra Q. Butts, of the District of Columbia, to be
Ambassador to the Commonwealth of The Bahamas
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:33 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Tim Kaine
presiding.
Present: Senators Kaine, Risch, and Rubio.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. I am going to call this hearing of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee to order. Today we have four
nominees for consideration by the committee in significant
positions, doing important work for the United States with
allies to our Nation, vital to the United States interests. I
thank each of these witnesses for their service thus far and
the service I am confident they will continue to render.
The committee always encourages our panelists to introduce
family members and I see we have got good family member
representation in the audience as well, which I appreciate.
Senator Risch is in the middle of a Republican committee
meeting, a caucus meeting, that is running a bit late, but is
likely to be here shortly. I have his permission to go ahead
and begin the hearing. After I do introductions, I will ask
each of you to give your opening comments and then begin with
questions. When Senator Risch arrives, I will ask him to make
any opening comments should he choose. But I welcome all to the
hearing.
Today we have before us Paige Eve Alexander of Virginia, to
be Assistant Administrator for the Bureau for the Middle East
for USAID. Welcome, Ms. Alexander.
In addition, we have Alice Wells, of Washington, to be
Ambassador to the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan--very happy to
have you--Thomas P. Kelly, of California, to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Djibouti; and Cassandra Q. Butts, of the
District of Columbia, to be the Ambassador to the Commonwealth
of The Bahamas.
What I will ask you to do is to make your opening
statements in the order that I introduced you, and after you do
I will move into questions, and again we will have Senator
Risch make his comments should he choose and questions, as well
as offer that opportunity to other committee members.
I will say before I ask you to make comments that one of
the real joys of being on the Foreign Relations Committee is
traveling around the world and seeing what fantastic small
``a'' ambassadors we have. The Ambassadors, capital ``A,'' do a
wonderful job, but I am impressed, and I know you are as well,
by the degree to which all Americans who serve abroad are great
ambassadors for the country.
I recently returned from a visit to Israel, the West Bank,
Lebanon, and Egypt, and any time I travel I try to sit down
with junior Foreign Service officers, usually those who are in
their first or second tour, often working in the consul office
as consular officials. And talking to these young men and
women, some of whom are serving far away from spouses or loved
ones, some of whom are serving in security situations where, as
in Lebanon, they are required to live on the compound--they get
6 hours a week for personal time off the compound, only 6 hours
a week. They live in Lebanon in a compound where they are
reminded every day with the memorial at the compound of members
of America's consular community who were killed in bombings in
Lebanon in the 1980s and other instances.
We know, because we are still living in the shadow of the
horrible experience in Libya, of the sacrifices that are made
by those on consular service. I think Americans instinctively
understand those sacrifices that are made by members of our
military, and I think we demonstrate our appreciation for those
sacrifices. But we have others who serve abroad who make us
proud, who make sacrifices as well, whether they are security
sacrifices or living far apart from family under difficult
circumstances.
You seek to join those ranks. Many of you have been working
in this field already. But we owe you and your colleagues a
debt of gratitude for the work that you do to represent
America, to represent our country as ambassadors abroad. So for
that I thank you.
With that, I now would like to ask Ms. Alexander to begin.
STATEMENT OF HON. PAIGE EVE ALEXANDER, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED
TO BE ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR, BUREAU FOR THE MIDDLE EAST,
UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Ms. Alexander. Thank you, Chairman Kaine. I am honored to
be here today as the nominee for the Assistant Administrator
for the Middle East Bureau at USAID. It is a privilege to
appear before this committee again and I appreciate and am
grateful for the confidence that President Obama, Secretary
Kerry, and Administrator Shah have placed in me.
I want to recognize the leadership and the dedication of
Deputy Assistant Administrator Alina Romanowski, who has been
serving as Acting Assistant Administrator for the Bureau for
the last 12 months. I would especially like to thank my family,
friends, and professional colleagues, whose support and
encouragement have allowed me to pursue this quest. In
particular, I would like to thank my husband, Steve Grand, and
my children, Rachel, Carly, and Josh. They all know the
importance of public service and I am here today with their
full support, which means the world to me.
For the past 3 years, I have had the honor and the
privilege of serving as the Assistant Administrator for the
Europe and Eurasia Bureau at AID. I have forged working
relationships throughout the interagency, and I would expect
this strong collaboration, which also spans the length of
Pennsylvania Avenue, to continue as an integral part of the
effective approach that AID would plan to take in the Middle
East Bureau and moving these countries from a relationship of
assistance to one of cooperation and partnership.
Four years ago, President Obama set forth a new version of
a results-driven USAID that would lead the world in
development. The agency has risen to this challenge, pioneering
new models of development that bring greater emphasis on
innovation and results. Our current national security strategy
recognizes that development not only is a moral imperative, but
is a strategic and economic one.
In perhaps no other region is this more important than the
Middle East and North Africa. Today's USAID's Middle East
Bureau advances national and strategic interests and programs
in 11 countries and territories, with an annual budget of over
$1.3 billion. The Middle East region poses many challenges,
both politically and developmentally, and also presents
enormous opportunities to showcase what has been done right
through American assistance.
The challenges that the countries face in the region are
complex: weak democratic institutions and processes, high
unemployment, underperforming economies, and water scarcity.
For the past 3 years, calls for transitions and change have
reverberated across the region. In this time of transition, the
United States must remain as an engaged partner with the
governments and the citizens of the region to provide support
for economic and political reforms and to promote security and
stability.
AID's programs work to address the perennial barriers that
include stagnant economic growth, high unemployment, and
challenges in the education system, all of which affect the
region's ability to compete in a global economy. To prepare the
region's young people for employment USAID programs provide job
training and workforce skills development for growing economic
sectors. In Tunisia, USAID's work with the communications-
technology sector has already generated over 2,600 jobs. USAID
has supported the establishment of nine Palestinian startups
and increased ICT exports by $1.4 million.
USAID's projects in democracy, rights and governance in the
Middle East aim to support transitions by promoting resilient
democratic societies and strengthening weak institutions and
processes, whether it is through direct support for elections
assistance in places like Libya and Iraq or USAID's assistance
with Yemeni women in asserting their rights throughout the
political process to program, help, and empower the average
citizen to hold their government accountable.
The crisis in Syria has become a regional challenge of
daunting proportions. AID has responded to the needs of the
most vulnerable populations both within Syria and to address
refugee needs in Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, and Iraq--I am sorry,
Lebanon, Turkey, Iraq, and Egypt. Supporting neighboring
countries as they cope with both the short- and the long-term
effects of the Syria crisis must continue to be a top priority.
In practice, development is a continuum. It extends from
humanitarian relief through recovery and reconstruction to
investments in building institutions and delivering economic
health and education services for the citizens of the country.
Aid can begin at any point in that continuum and it can make
short-term interventions or long-term investments depending on
the needs. Yet, while it is on a continuum, it is not
necessarily a linear process. Development can have challenges
and threats to backsliding and these still persist.
We must nurture critically minded citizens, involve youth,
and find opportunities that include the use of new
technologies, and hold governments accountable. In this region,
AID's development objectives are clear. The agency's mandate is
to promote open and transparent governments that are
accountable to their citizens, foster private sector
development, and strengthen civil society organizations.
I am keenly aware of how technical assistance providers and
grassroots organizations are important partners in implementing
U.S. development and diplomacy objectives. Sound approaches to
development must permit rethinking, reforming, and
recalibrating our work in response to changing environments.
Thank you again for giving me this opportunity to appear
before you today. I welcome any questions you might have.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Alexander follows:]
Prepared Statement of Paige Eve Alexander
Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members of
the committee, I am honored to be here today as President Obama's
nominee for Assistant Administrator of the Middle East Bureau at the
United States Agency for International Development. It is a privilege
to appear before this committee again and I am grateful for the
confidence that President Obama, Administrator Shah, and Secretary
Kerry have placed in me.
I also want to recognize Deputy Assistant Administrator Alina
Romanowski, who has been serving as Acting Assistant Administrator of
USAID's Middle East Bureau for over a year. Her vast knowledge and
dedication, acquired across a more than 30-year career in the United
States Government reflect the best qualities of the Career Senior
Executive Service.
I would especially like to thank my family, friends, and
professional colleagues whose support and encouragement have allowed me
to pursue this opportunity. In particular, I would like to recognize my
husband and best friend, Steve Grand, and our children, Rachel, Carly,
and Josh. They all know the importance of public service and I am here
today with their full support, which means the world to me.
The experience I have gained over a more than 25-year career in
international development, including nearly 11 years within USAID, as
well in posts at private foundations, academic institutions, and
nonprofit organizations, has prepared me well for the new
responsibilities I will take on, if confirmed.
For the past 3 years, I have had the honor and privilege of serving
as USAID's Assistant Administrator for Europe and Eurasia. In this
role, I have come to appreciate and respect the importance of
interagency cooperation and collaboration. I have forged effective
working relationships throughout, and would expect this strong
interagency collaboration, which will also span the length of
Pennsylvania Avenue, to continue to be an integral part of how I would
effectively approach USAID's work to move countries from assistance to
cooperation and partnership.
Indeed, my current position has given me an even greater
appreciation for the critical interplay between Congress and the
executive branch. I have benefited greatly from the advice and counsel
I have received from members of this committee and others in the House
and Senate. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing to seek your
guidance and counsel on the critical challenges facing us in the Middle
East.
Four years ago, President Obama set forth a new vision of a
results-driven USAID that would lead the world in development. The
Agency has since risen to this challenge, pioneering a new model of
development that brings a greater emphasis on partnerships, innovation,
and results. We are guided in these efforts by a new mission statement:
we partner to end extreme poverty and promote resilient democratic
societies while advancing our security and prosperity. If confirmed, I
will work tirelessly with the dedicated men and women of USAID to
continue to fulfill this goal.
Although these goals are not new, they reflect a unique moment in
development today when exciting opportunities are emerging to change
what is possible. In a time of fiscal restraint, we are applying the
new model to seize this moment and reach more people, save more lives,
and leverage more private investment than ever before--delivering
results for the American people and those in greatest need around the
world.
President Obama's national security strategy recognizes development
not only as a moral imperative, but as a strategic and economic one. In
perhaps no other region is that more relevant than the Middle East and
North Africa.
The challenges that the countries of the region face are complex--
weak democratic institutions and processes, high unemployment,
underperforming economies, and water scarcity. For the past 3 years,
calls for transition and change have reverberated across the region. In
this time of transition, the United States must remain an engaged
partner with the governments and people of the region to provide
support for economic and political reforms and to promote security and
stability in the region.
USAID's Middle East Bureau advances U.S. national and strategic
interests with programs in 11 countries and territories with an annual
budget of over $1.3 billion. If confirmed, I will provide strong
oversight of USAID's programs in the Middle East, which respond to the
needs and aspirations of the people in the region by facilitating more
inclusive economic growth, supporting democratic processes,
strengthening civil society, and addressing other key challenges, such
as the impact of the Syria crisis.
Throughout the Middle East and North Africa, tepid or stagnant
economic growth and high unemployment among young people remain major
challenges. Twenty-four percent of young people are unemployed--the
highest rate of youth unemployment in the world. Education systems fail
to prepare young people for the workforce, reducing the region's
ability to compete in a global economy. USAID programs work to address
these barriers.
The Agency's programs target private sector growth through economic
empowerment programs that provide small and medium enterprises training
in business skills, startup seed capital, and regional networking
opportunities. For Egypt and Tunisia, USAID is managing grants to
Enterprise Funds that will provide investment in the Egyptian and
Tunisian economies and will seek to leverage the involvement of other
financial institutions and global investors. In Libya, USAID has
expanded the business potential of women microentrepreneurs and women-
owned small- and medium-scale enterprises.
USAID is also working with regional governments and local partners
to create business-enabling environments that reduce barriers to
starting a business and support them once they are operational. For
instance, in several places, USAID is investing in ``one-stop shops.''
In Egypt these ``shops'' have reduced the time it takes to register a
business from over a week to about an hour, and in Iraq the
registration period has gone from 6 months to less than 2 months.
To prepare the region's young people for employment, USAID programs
provide job training and workforce skills development for growing
economic sectors. In Tunisia, USAID is encouraging job creation in the
high-impact information communications technology (ICT) sector. USAID's
work with this sector has already generated over 2,600 new jobs. In the
West Bank, USAID has supported the establishment of nine Palestinian
startups and increased ICT exports by $1.4 million. In Iraq, USAID has
assisted 5,300 Iraqi jobseekers to find positions in over 550 Iraqi
businesses, by providing training modules that bridge skills gaps and
supporting an online jobs portal in partnership with Microsoft.
USAID's education programs link directly to USAID's economic growth
work, as keeping young people in school is key to regional economic
growth and stability. The Agency is partnering with ministries of
education and schools to implement early grade reading programs that
will increase literacy rates, encourage retention, and expand girls'
access to education. In Morocco, our early grade reading program aims
to increase the recruitment of female teachers, improve the retention
rate, and provide opportunities outside of school to promote reading by
engaging with and supporting community-based groups. In Egypt, USAID
has supported advancements in early grade reading and secondary
science, technology, and math skills. Our support is helping improve
the reading fluency and comprehension of approximately 4.5 million
Egyptian elementary students by introducing new teaching approaches and
training teachers.
USAID projects in democracy, rights and governance in the Middle
East aim to support democratic transitions by promoting resilient
democratic societies and strengthening weak institutions and processes.
USAID projects in Libya and Iraq provide elections assistance to their
respective elections commissions, helping with elections operations,
voter registration, campaign finance, electoral dispute resolution, and
the drafting of regulations and procedures. In February 2014, the
Government of Iraq committed funds to support the USAID-sponsored Legal
Clinic Network which has provided assistance on over 14,000 legal cases
on behalf of vulnerable individuals such as female-headed households,
internally displaced persons, and ethnic and religious minorities and
educated over 26,000 Iraqis on their legal rights. USAID has supported
Yemeni women in asserting their rights throughout the political
process, and thanks in part to USAID's efforts, a 30-percent female
participation quota was established for the National Dialogue
Conference. USAID is also providing support for international elections
observers and domestic monitoring for Tunisia's historic Presidential
and parliamentary elections, which should take place at the end of this
year.
The Middle East is also facing substantial natural resource
challenges, encompassing 12 of the world's 15 most water-scarce
countries. Further compounding the problem, the region has the world's
second-highest population growth rate and excessive water
mismanagement, increasing competition for a scarce resource in a
region. In Jordan, the influx of Syrians into local communities has
increased the pressure on limited and already strained water
availability. A USAID project has set up a revolving credit fund so
families can access loans to install cisterns for harvesting rainwater.
Repayment rates are high and half of the borrowers are women. This
effort has helped tens of thousands of people secure access to water.
In Yemen, USAID has established 16 water catchment sites throughout the
country, which collect approximately 2 million liters of water per
year.
The crisis in Syria has become a regional challenge of daunting
proportions, with 6.5 million people displaced inside Syria, 9.3
million in need of humanitarian assistance, and over 2.6 million
refugees spilling over into neighboring countries. USAID is providing
more than $669 million to help over 4.2 million people inside Syria and
more than $232 million to help Syrian refugees in neighboring
countries. USAID has responded to the needs of the most vulnerable in
all 14 Syrian governorates and Syrian refugees in five neighboring
countries--Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, Iraq, and Egypt. In addition to
humanitarian aid, our response to the conflict in Syria is
comprehensive--combining humanitarian, transitional, and development
interventions to address the needs of conflict-affected Syrians and
host communities both within Syria, and regionally. Supporting
neighboring countries as they cope with both the short- and long-term
effects of the Syria crisis must continue to be a top priority.
Of the 600,000 refugees in Jordan, nearly 480,000 Syrian refugees
live within Jordanian host communities, rather than in camps, and these
host communities face tremendous challenges. USAID has provided
critical assistance to these communities to alleviate increased demand
for services, including hospital renovations and water infrastructure
repair. A USAID community engagement project is in place to help
alleviate tensions in host communities by promoting dialogue and
reducing community stressors including trash removal, and limited
small-scale infrastructure projects to reduce traffic and create jobs.
In Lebanon, where Syrians now make up more than 25 percent of the total
population, USAID assistance focuses on water and education as well as
a value-chain development program to advance small-scale agriculture.
Since January 2013, USAID has rehabilitated thousands of Lebanese-owned
residential units for refugees, increased access to water or other
municipal services for over 125,000 people and reached nearly 100,000
children and at-risk youth through supplemental education activities.
As is well understood in the literature and in practice,
development is a continuum. It extends from humanitarian relief through
recovery and reconstruction, to investments in building sustainable
institutions delivering economic, health, and education services for
the citizens of that country. Aid can begin at any point on that
continuum and can make short-term interventions or invest in the long
term, depending on the needs. While development is on a continuum, it
is not necessarily a linear process. Major development challenges and
the threat of backsliding still persist. We must nurture critically
minded citizens, engage youth, and find opportunities that include the
use of new technologies to hold governments accountable. If confirmed,
I will make it a priority to focus and concentrate USAID assistance in
areas where it can achieve maximum results that align with our
strategic objectives.
In this region, USAID's development objectives are clear. The
Agency's mandate is to promote open and transparent governments that
are accountable to their citizens, foster private sector development,
and strengthen civil society organizations capable of investing in the
current and future lives of the people they represent, during this
critical period of change. The United States continued engagement with
the people of the region is critical for lasting growth, prosperity,
and peace.
I am keenly aware of how technical assistance providers and
grassroots organizations are important partners in implementing U.S.
development and diplomacy objectives. Sound approaches to development
must permit rethinking, reforming, and recalibrating our work in
response to changing environments. If confirmed, I will continue to
focus on finding scalable solutions that can affect development
globally.
The Middle East region poses many challenges, both politically and
developmentally, and also presents enormous opportunities to showcase
what has been done right through American assistance.
Thank you again for giving me the opportunity to appear before you
today. I welcome any questions you might have.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you.
Ms. Wells.
STATEMENT OF ALICE G. WELLS, OF WASHINGTON, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN
Ms. Wells. Chairman Kaine, it is a great honor to appear
before you today and I am grateful and humbled to be the
President's nominee to represent the United States in the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. I would like to thank Secretary
Kerry for the confidence he has shown me.
I would not be here without the support of my husband and
until recently a fellow Foreign Service officer, Kurt Amend,
and our daughters Helen, Isabel, and Phoebe. Our service in
Tajikistan, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, India, and Russia was a
family affair. It was an adventure and a privilege, but not
without its share of sacrifices, and I am grateful to my
husband and our girls for being enthusiastic participants in
this journey.
My brother, Tom Wells, my sister-in-law, Paula, and their
children, Nicholas and Elizabeth, are also here today. Tom's
military service in Operation Desert Storm is one chapter in my
family's long engagement with the Middle East.
Finally, my thanks to President Eisenhower, whose 1958
Middle East Task Force brought my father, then Army Captain Wes
Wells, and later my mother, Heidi Wells, to Lebanon.
To my parents, I owe much more than the accident of my
birth in Beirut, but the extraordinary example of their public
service, their curiosity, and their service to their country
abroad.
As President Obama has stated, the United States has very
few friends, partners, and allies around the world that have
been as steadfast and reliable as His Majesty King Abdullah, as
well as the people of Jordan. If confirmed I will work to
ensure that our assistance, our policies, and our diplomatic
platform further Jordan's ability to withstand the Syrian
crisis, to counter terrorism, and to promote regional security,
to serve as an example for political and economic
modernization, and to advance peace in the Middle East.
Mr. Chairman, the historic partnership between the United
States and Jordan has never been more important as we jointly
work to achieve peace in the Middle East and to promote a
democratic transition in Syria. With Jordan coping with more
than 600,000 Syrian refugees, the loss of export routes through
Syria, a steep decline in tourism, and an energy bill that rose
to 21 percent of its GDP, the United States has a strategic
interest in ensuring that the Hashemite Kingdom can meet its
international humanitarian obligations without jeopardizing its
own economic and political stability.
At the same time, our multifaceted partnership demonstrates
to the people of Jordan and the region the benefits of choosing
the path of moderation, of political and economic
modernization, of peace with one's neighbors.
With strong bipartisan support from Congress, the United
States is providing Jordan with a broad package of aid to
bolster services strained by the refugee influx. United States
support to Jordan topped $1 billion in both 2012 and 2013 and
our bilateral assistance alone will exceed $1 billion in fiscal
year 2014. This has been supplemented by more than $268 million
in humanitarian aid to international organizations assisting
Syrian refugees in Jordan, as well as a total of $2.25 billion
in loan guarantees to help Jordan access international capital.
If confirmed, I will advocate continued flexibility in
responding to the evolving crisis. The United States has a deep
stake in Jordan's successful modernization and in supporting
King Abdullah's embrace of political and economic reform as a
strategic choice. To date, working with the International
Monetary Fund, Jordan is successfully balancing competing
demands, including the imperative of structural reforms that
replace blanket subsidies with a targeted social safety net to
alleviate popular discontent over fuel and electricity price
hikes.
We also support King Abdullah's efforts to respond for
greater transparency and dignity, including the establishment
of a National Integrity Commission and an Independent Electoral
Commission. As friends of Jordan, we should encourage the full
implementation of these home-grown initiatives.
With the finalization of a second memorandum of
understanding on bilateral assistance, substantial and
predictable U.S. support can help Jordan transform the Syrian
crisis into an opportunity. I am committed to reinforcing the
collaborative and consultative approach to assisting Jordan as
it charts this difficult path.
Finally, if confirmed I will dedicate myself to building
and sustaining a diplomatic team that can advance these
ambitious objectives while working to ensure the safety and
security of U.S. officials and the American community.
Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Wells follows:]
Prepared Statement of Alice G. Wells
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee. It is
a great honor, as well as the dream of every Foreign Service officer,
to appear before you, and today I am grateful and humbled to be the
President's nominee to represent the United States in the Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan. I would like to particularly thank Secretary Kerry
for the confidence he has shown me.
I would not be here without the support of my husband and, until
recently, fellow Foreign Service officer, Kurt Amend, and our
daughters, Helen, Isabel, and Phoebe. Our service in Tajikistan, Saudi
Arabia, Pakistan, India, and Russia was a family affair, a great
adventure, and a privilege, but not without its share of sacrifices. I
am grateful to my husband and our girls for being enthusiastic
participants in this Foreign Service journey. My brother, Tom Wells, my
sister-in-law, Paula, and their children, Nicholas and Elizabeth, are
also here today. Tom's military service to his country, including in
Operation Desert Storm, is one chapter in my family's long engagement
with the Middle East. Finally, my thanks to President Eisenhower, whose
1958 Middle East Task Force brought my father, then-Army Captain Wes
Wells, and later my mother, Heidi Wells, to Lebanon. To my parents, I
owe much more than my accident of birth in Beirut, but the
extraordinary example of their public service, curiosity, and service
to their country abroad.
As President Obama has stated, the United States has ``very few
friends, partners, and allies around the world that have been as
steadfast and reliable as His Majesty King Abdullah, as well as the
people of Jordan.'' Mr. Chairman, the historic partnership between the
United States and our invaluable ally Jordan has never been more
important, as we jointly work to achieve peace in the Middle East and
to promote a democratic transition in Syria. The United States and
Jordan share concerns about destabilization in the region and
increasing extremist activity. We have a strong history of mutual
resolve and cooperation against terrorist threats, including in
Afghanistan and Iraq, where King Abdullah directed that Jordan be part
of the answer to restoring stability and countering the message of
violent extremists.
At the same time, our multifaceted partnership with the Hashemite
Kingdom aims to demonstrate to the people of Jordan and the region the
benefits of their choosing the path of moderation, of political and
economic reform, of peace with one's neighbors. As a testament to our
support for Jordan, the Jordanian people, what Jordan stands for, and
what it has achieved, in the 15 years since King Abdullah ascended the
throne, the United States has provided over $10 billion in assistance.
If confirmed as the next U.S. Ambassador to the Hashemite Kingdom
of Jordan, I will work to ensure that our assistance, our policies, and
our diplomatic platform to advance U.S. interests and further Jordan's
ability to withstand the Syrian crisis, counter terrorism, serve as an
example of political and economic reform, and advance peace in the
Middle East, while building bridges between U.S. and Jordanian
societies.
First, with Jordan hosting 600,000 Syrian refugees, the United
States has a strategic interest in ensuring that the Hashemite Kingdom
can meet its international humanitarian obligations without
jeopardizing its own economic and political stability. While
international attention has focused on the Zaatri refugee camp, which
several committee members and staff have viewed firsthand, nearly 85
percent of Syrian refugees reside in Jordanian host communities. Local
governments, social services, and civic organizations are severely
strained, with cities and villages facing overcrowded schools,
shortages of hospital beds and medicines, and an inability to stretch
municipal services to accommodate the increased population. At the same
time, Jordan grapples with the loss of export routes through Syria, a
steep decline in tourism, negative investor sentiment resulting from
the war, and an energy bill that rose to 21 percent of its GDP when
Egypt could no longer deliver on its natural gas contracts.
In response to these needs, the U.S. Government is providing Jordan
with a broad package of aid designed to bolster services strained by
the refugee influx and help safeguard Jordan's economic and political
reform. Jordan was the fifth-largest recipient of bilateral assistance
in FY 2013. With strong, bipartisan support from Congress, U.S. support
to Jordan has totaled over $1 billion in both fiscal years 2012 and
2013. Our bilateral assistance alone will exceed $1 billion in fiscal
year 2014 thanks to the generosity of Congress. This assistance has
helped to reduce the financial strain on the sectors directly affected
by refugees. In addition, over the past few years we have provided more
than $268 million in humanitarian aid to international organizations
and NGOs assisting Syrian refugees and host communities in Jordan, as
well as a total of $2.25 billion in loan guarantees to help Jordan
access international capital. If confirmed, I will advocate continued
flexibility in responding to the evolving crisis, adjusting our own
assistance priorities and diplomatic staffing as necessary. I also will
continue to work closely with international donors and multilateral
institutions to ensure a unified and coherent response that addresses
Jordan's needs, while encouraging sensible reform to promote long-term
economic sustainability and political stability.
Second, as violent extremists expand their operations in Syria and
the Anbar province of Iraq, our cooperative efforts with Jordan on
regional security and counterterrorism take on increased importance.
Jordan offers practical partnership, as well as an alternative vision
of a modern, Muslim country. The U.S. is utilizing a full array of
programs, including the transfer of Excess Defense Articles, to
strengthen Jordan's capabilities. This includes completing the Jordan
Border Security Program, which uses advanced surveillance technologies
to safeguard Jordan's border with Syria and Iraq, while working to stop
the flow of foreign fighters and the financial networks that support
them. In turn, Jordan's highly skilled security forces are playing a
leadership role in training counterparts throughout the Middle East
region and in peacekeeping missions around the globe. If confirmed, I
also will look for additional opportunities to amplify King Abdullah's
``Amman Message'' of religious tolerance, as seen in Jordan's hosting
of Pope Francis later this month, recognizing that interfaith dialogue
and understanding are integral to repudiating the terrorist message and
building tolerant, pluralistic societies across the region.
Third, the U.S. has a deep stake in Jordan's successful
modernization and supporting King Abdullah's public embrace of
political and economic reform as a ``strategic choice.'' In Jordan, 70
percent of the population is under the age of 30 and almost 40 percent
under the age of 14. We support the King's vision of promoting well-
educated youth who can be an economic force multiplier. King Abdullah
is in California today for meetings with U.S. investors and innovators
to build greater economic ties and develop more jobs for the Jordanian
people. To date, working with the International Monetary Fund, Jordan
is successfully balancing competing demands, including the imperative
of structural reforms that replace blanket subsidies with a targeted
social safety net to alleviate popular discontent over fuel and
electricity price hikes.
We also support the reforms advanced by King Abdullah to promote
greater transparency and dignity, including the establishment of a
National Integrity Commission, a Constitutional Court, limits on the
State Security Court, and parliamentary elections that were judged
credible by international observers. As friends of Jordan, we need to
encourage the full implementation of these home-grown initiatives to
reinforce the relationship between economic and political reform. King
Abdullah has noted publicly that ``for business to invest and expand
with confidence, they need a predictable, level playing-field,
transparency and accountability, the rule of law and a strong, stable
foundation of inclusive political life,'' and we should encourage him
to turn this vision into action.
I am committed to reinforcing the collaborative and consultative
approach the U.S. has taken to help Jordan, whether in reforming its
political system and reforming subsidies, diversifying its energy
sector, renovating water infrastructure, extending education and
enhancing the role of women, promoting international competitiveness
and improving government service. The 2009-2014 MOU that provides $360
million in Economic Support Funds (ESF) and $300 million in Foreign
Military Financing (FMF) annually has been integral to providing the
predictability in assistance that Jordan needs to make strategic
decisions and undertake difficult reforms. The President's announcement
in February of our intention to renew our MOU reflects the strength of
our strategic partnership and our ongoing commitment to help Jordan
successfully navigate the challenges posed by the regional unrest and
build a stronger economy. For instance, if Jordan continues to adhere
to its bold program of subsidy reform and diversification of its energy
resources, by 2017 it has the potential to emerge from this crisis
period with billions of dollars in budget savings.
Fourth, the United States relies on Jordan's continued support, as
a partner and a stakeholder, to achieve a comprehensive final status
peace agreement between the Israelis and Palestinians. Secretary Kerry
appropriately called Jordan ``an essential partner for peace.'' As one
of only two Arab States to sign a peace treaty with Israel, the host to
2 million Palestinian refugees, and the traditional guardian of the
Islamic holy shrines in Jerusalem, Jordan has a critical interest in
any final status negotiations, as well as a role to play in any future
security and border arrangement along the Jordan River. If confirmed, I
will support continued engagement with Jordan on this important issue
and seek to identify ways to enhance trade, environmental and other
ties between Jordan and Israel, and Jordan and the West Bank,
recognizing the historic role that initiatives like the Qualified
Industrial Zones have played in forging linkages.
Finally, if confirmed, I will dedicate myself to building and
sustaining a diplomatic team that can advance these ambitious
objectives, while working to ensure the safety and security of U.S.
officials and the American community. The U.S. Embassy in Amman has
grown substantially over the last 5 years, reflecting Jordan's regional
importance and the Embassy's role in providing support for our mission
in Iraq and our interests in Syria. Last year, Embassy Amman hosted
over 15,000 official visitors, both U.S. and other nationalities,
including--I'm glad to note--a total of 193 Members of Congress and
staff. With the Embassy staffed to its physical capacity, choices will
need to be made in prioritizing programs, as we anticipate the
construction of a New Office Annex; similarly, we must remain nimble in
responding to the evolving Syrian crisis. The safety and security of
U.S. citizens and Embassy employees will always be the foremost
priority, and I take the responsibility of managing risk seriously,
recognizing the tension between security and engagement.
Mr. Chairman, in the course of my quarter century of service as a
Foreign Service officer, the world has changed dramatically. I entered
the State Department with pretensions of being an expert on the Soviet
Union, only to help open our first Embassy in the independent and
sovereign state of Tajikistan 3 years later. As a junior officer in
Saudi Arabia, I waited 3 days for local media to report on Saddam
Hussein's invasion of Kuwait, but now wrestle with the immediacy of the
24-hour news cycle and the imperative of social media. As Office
Director for North Africa, I confronted the seeming permanence of
Qadhafi, Ben Ali, and Mubarak's leadership, only later to see the
frustration and despair of a street vendor in Tunisia ignite a wave of
unprecedented political change in the Middle East. However, what has
not changed is the importance of U.S. leadership, the power of our
example, and the resources we bring to bear. If confirmed, it would be
an honor to help the U.S. chart a course in Jordan at this critical
time that promotes our shared values and our shared interests in a more
peaceful and prosperous region.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much, Ms. Wells.
Mr. Kelly.
STATEMENT OF THOMAS P. KELLY III, OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF DJIBOUTI
Mr. Kelly. Chairman Kaine, Senator Rubio, it is a great
honor and privilege to appear before you today as President
Obama's nominee to be the next Ambassador to the Republic of
Djibouti. I am grateful for the confidence the President and
Secretary of State have shown in nominating me to this position
and for the support of Assistant Secretary for African Affairs
Linda Thomas Greenfield. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with this committee and the Congress to advance U.S.
interests in Djibouti.
Mr. Chairman, I am from a very big family. I do not think
we can fit all of them in this room. But I do have a good
representation here. I would like to introduce them. I am
joined by my wife, Elsa Amaya-Kelly, my daughter, Chantal, my
brother, Joe Kelly, my mother-in-law, Elsa Reyes de Amaya, my
brother-in-law, Juan Carlos Amaya, my uncle, John Kelly, Aunt
Mary Kelly, Uncle Chris Burns, Aunt Suzy Burns, Cousin Patrick
Kelly, Cousin Michael Kelly, and Mike's wife, Karen. Again,
that is just the tip of the iceberg. [Laughter.]
Mr. Kelly. Mr. Chairman, during my 28-year Foreign Service
career I have worked on a variety of issues that are relevant
to my proposed post. I served for the first part of my career
as an economics officer working on development issues around
the world. I also have experience managing large diplomatic
missions, most recently in Lithuania, Argentina, and Brazil.
Over the last three years, I have had the privilege to lead
the State Department's Bureau of Political-Military Affairs,
where we worked to reinforce the global partnership between the
State and Defense Departments for our Nation's benefit.
Mr. Chairman, as you know, we share important interests and
goals with Djibouti. The May 5 meeting between President Obama
and Djiboutian President Guelleh reflected our desire to
broaden our bilateral partnership, to work closely together to
advance our shared vision for a secure, stable, and prosperous
Horn of Africa.
Djibouti hosts the only U.S. military forward operating
site in sub-Saharan Africa. This is Camp Lemonnier, the
headquarters of the Combined Joint Task Force Horn of Africa,
where more than 4,000 U.S. military and contracted personnel
are stationed. If confirmed, I will continue to expand
coordination and cooperation between Embassy personnel and Camp
Lemonnier and its tenant U.S. military commands.
On the economic front, Mr. Chairman, making Djibouti an
attractive place for investment is essential for its economic
development. Djibouti remains very poor and less than 5 percent
of its land is arable. The small USAID mission in Djibouti
currently focuses on health and education, but we are expanding
and deepening our focus areas following the President's May 5
meetings.
Additionally, Mr. Chairman, to help grow Djibouti's economy
the United States has recently pledged to increase technical
and financial assistance to the Djiboutian people and to
further invest in Djibouti's development. If confirmed I will
see that these programs remain a priority.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed I am also committed to working
with Djibouti to strengthen democratic governance.
If confirmed, I will underscore the importance of democracy
and governance reforms, including greater space for media,
opposition, and civil society groups.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed my highest priority
will be the protection of Americans and U.S. interests,
including mission personnel living and traveling in Djibouti.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed by the Senate I look forward to
working closely with you and other members of the committee and
would hope to welcome you during my tenure.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
committee, thank you again for the honor to appear before the
committee today. I will be happy to take your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Kelly follows:]
Prepared Statement of Thomas P. Kelly
Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee, it
is a great honor and privilege to appear before you today as President
Obama's nominee to be the next Ambassador to the Republic of Djibouti.
I am grateful for the confidence the President and Secretary of State
have shown by nominating me to this position, and for the support of
Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Linda Thomas-Greenfield. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee and the
Congress to advance U.S. interests in Djibouti.
First, Mr. Chairman, let me acknowledge several family members here
today. I am joined by my wife, Elsa Amaya-Kelly; my daughter, Chantal
Kelly; my brother, Joe Kelly; my mother-in-law, Elsa Reyes de Amaya; my
brother-in-law, Juan Carlos Amaya; my uncle, John Kelly; Aunt Mary
Kelly; Uncle Chris Burns; Aunt Suzie Burns; Cousin Patrick Kelly;
Cousin Michael Kelly; and Mike's wife, Karen Kelly.
Mr. Chairman, please allow me to tell you about myself. During my
28-year career, I have worked on a variety of issues that are relevant
to my proposed post. I served for the first two-thirds of my career as
an Economics Officer, working on development, trade, and finance issues
around the world. I have extensive experience managing large diplomatic
missions, serving as Deputy Chief of Mission in Vilnius, Lithuania, and
Buenos Aires, Argentina, and as Principal Officer in Sao Paulo, Brazil.
Over the last 3 years, I have had the privilege to lead the State
Department's Bureau of Political-Military Affairs as Acting Assistant
Secretary and Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary. The Political-
Military Bureau works every day to reinforce the global partnership
between the State and Defense Departments for the benefit of our
Nation.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to leading Embassy
Djibouti in advancing the interests of the United States. The U.S.-
Djibouti relationship is strong, and our two countries share a firm
commitment to peace and security, countering terrorism and piracy in
the region, and economic development.
Mr. Chairman, as you know, we share important interests and goals
with Djibouti. The May 5 meeting between President Obama and Djiboutian
President Guelleh [GEHL-ay] reflected our desire to broaden our
bilateral partnership to work closely together to advance our shared
vision for a secure, stable, and prosperous Horn of Africa. Djibouti
has a strategic position at the Bab-el-Mandab Strait, which joins the
Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. Approximately 60 percent of Djibouti's
population is ethnic Somali, and the Government of Djibouti has
undertaken considerable efforts to restore peace in neighboring
Somalia, a nation whose instability threatens the stability of the
region. Djibouti is a troop-contributing country to the African Union
Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), and the al-Shabaab terrorist group has
launched fatal attacks against Djiboutian forces in Somalia. If
confirmed, Mr. Chairman, I will continue to build our bilateral
relationship and contribute to efforts with Djibouti and other partners
to promote a stable and peaceful Somalia.
Djibouti hosts the only U.S. military forward operating site in
sub-Saharan Africa. This is Camp Lemonnier, the headquarters for the
Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA), where more than
4,000 U.S. military and contracted personnel are stationed. If
confirmed, I will continue to expand coordination and cooperation
between Embassy personnel and Camp Lemonnier and its tenant U.S.
military commands, including the CJTF-HOA contingent. If confirmed, I
will also ensure that CJTF-HOA programming in Djibouti fits within the
framework of U.S. Government priorities to advance our key interests.
On the economic front, Mr. Chairman, Djibouti's Government has
privatized the country's excellent deep-water port and airport,
reducing corruption and increasing revenue flows. Making Djibouti an
attractive place for investment is essential for its economic
development. Djibouti remains very poor, ranked 165th out of 187
countries on the UNDP Human Development Index. Less than 5 percent of
its land is arable. The small USAID mission in Djibouti currently
focuses on health and education but we are expanding and deepening our
focus areas following the President's May 5 meetings. Mr. Chairman, to
help grow Djibouti's economy, the United States has recently pledged to
increase technical and financial assistance to the Djiboutian people
and to further invest in Djibouti's development. Additionally, the
United States responds to food insecurity through support for the
Famine Early Warning Network office in Djibouti, as well as through
U.S.-funded Food for Peace programs. If confirmed, I will see that
these programs remain a priority.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I am also committed to working with
Djibouti to strengthen democratic governance. Disputes over the 2013
legislative elections fueled months of protests, and the government
arrested hundreds of opposition supporters. If confirmed, I will
underscore the importance of democracy and governance reforms,
including greater space for media, opposition, and civil society
groups.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, my highest priority will be
the protection of Americans and U.S. interests, including mission
personnel, living and traveling in Djibouti.
Mr. Chairman, I believe my prior experience in the Foreign Service
has prepared me to serve as Ambassador to Djibouti. If confirmed by the
Senate, I look forward to working closely with you and other members of
the committee, and would hope to welcome you during my tenure.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the committee,
thank you again for the honor to appear before the committee today. I
would be happy to take any questions you may have.
Senator Kaine. Thanks very much, Mr. Kelly.
Ms. Butts.
STATEMENT OF CASSANDRA Q. BUTTS, OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE COMMONWEALTH OF THE BAHAMAS
Ms. Butts. Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I thank
you for the opportunity to appear before you today as President
Obama's nominee to be the next Ambassador to the Commonwealth
of The Bahamas. I am profoundly grateful for the honor that the
President has bestowed upon me and for the confidence shown in
me by Secretary Kerry as I look to take up this assignment if
confirmed.
Please allow me to introduce my family members who are here
today. I am joined by my mother, Mae Karim; my aunt, Barbara
Jordan; and my brother-in-law, Frank Abbott. My family's been a
wellspring of support for me. I am here today because of their
love and support and because of their dedication and because of
their belief in me.
I believe my experience as a lawyer and a policy adviser
and my service to my country in the executive and legislative
branches have well prepared me for the duties of Ambassador to
the Commonwealth of The Bahamas. Having worked on some of the
major legal and policy issues of our time, including my most
recent experience in international development at the
Millennium Challenge Corporation, I have always sought
solutions consistent with the values of our great Nation. I
understand that leading with our values is the basis for
finding lasting policy solutions and building strong
partnerships at home and abroad.
If the Senate were to confirm me, I would bring these
experiences, grounded in my strong belief in equality, justice,
and compassion, to the post of Ambassador to the Commonwealth
of Bahamas. Through close political, economic, and cultural
ties, the United States and The Bahamas have forged a strong
bilateral relationship that has served both countries well.
Bahamians regularly travel to the United States to visit
friends and family and to conduct business, and approximately 6
million U.S. citizens travel to The Bahamas annually.
The proximity of The Bahamas to the United States
inextricably links our countries' national security. Together
we are confronting shared challenges, such as illicit
trafficking, including in narcotics, arms, and people.
If confirmed, my first and foremost priority will be to
ensure the safety and security of U.S. citizens living in or
visiting The Bahamas, as well as the Turks and Caicos Islands,
which are included under Embassy Nassau's consular oversight.
If confirmed, I will work closely with local authorities
and U.S. law enforcement officials under chief of mission
authority to lower crime rates and other illegal activities.
Other priorities will include promoting greater economic ties
and growth, including exploring ways to support the development
and enforcement of stable, transparent regulations.
We also want to encourage countries like The Bahamas to
adopt cleaner technologies and build strong and resilient
energy markets. These steps are important not only to provide a
more secure and sustainable clean energy future, but also to
further economic growth and limit the effects of greenhouse gas
emissions. I will also seek to further gender equality and
expand opportunities for disenfranchised youth.
Expanding educational exchanges is one way, is one of the
best ways to deepen the already existing cultural and
historical ties between the United States and The Bahamas. At
present approximately 1,600 students from The Bahamas study in
the United States, and more than 750 students from the United
States study in The Bahamas. If confirmed, I will seek to
increase levels of educational exchange between our two
countries, including through enhancing existing partnerships
and building new ones.
While geography and history have forged strong bonds
between our countries, The Bahamas also maintains close
relationships with many other countries. We do not see foreign
economic and commercial links to The Bahamas as a threat to the
U.S. interests. We believe that beneficial and sustainable
international trade and investment must be carried out in
adherence to international standards of transparency and good
governance, while respecting local environmental standards and
regulations.
We should continue to focus our interests on the greater
good of regional stability. The United States has not had an
ambassador in Nassau for nearly 2\1/2\ years, but we have a
strong U.S. Embassy staff in The Bahamas continuing the
important work of the mission. If confirmed, I will work to
further their good work and strengthen our already close and
productive bilateral relationship.
In closing, I am confident that I have the experience, the
imagination, and the energy to lead our bilateral relationship
with the people and the Government of The Bahamas. While at the
Millennium Challenge Corporation, I have seen firsthand the
important work carried out by our ambassadors and their teams
as they engage and advocate for U.S. goals and objectives. If
confirmed, I pledge to uphold the tradition and high standard
of public service that ambassadors are expected to uphold.
I look forward to the opportunity to continue to serve my
country.
Again, thank you, Mr. Chairman, members of the committee
and I look forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Butts follows:]
Prepared Statement by Cassandra Q. Butts
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as President
Obama's nominee to be the next Ambassador to the Commonwealth of The
Bahamas. I am profoundly grateful for the honor that the President has
bestowed upon me and for the confidence shown in me by Secretary Kerry
as I look to take up this assignment, if confirmed.
Please allow me to introduce the members of my family who are here
today: my mother, Mae A. Karim; my aunt, Barbara Jordan; my brother-in-
law, Frank Abbott, and my nephews, Alston and Ethan Abbott.
Unfortunately, my sister, Deidra Abbott, could not join us today
because of a work-related commitment. My family has been a wellspring
of support. I am here today because of their love and support and
because of their dedication and belief in me.
I believe my experience as a lawyer and policy advisor and my
service to my country in the executive and legislative branches have
well prepared me for the duties of Ambassador to the Commonwealth of
The Bahamas. Having worked on some of the major legal and policy issues
of our time, including my most recent experience in international
development at the Millennium Challenge Corporation, I have always
sought solutions consistent with the values of our great Nation. I
understand that leading with our values is the basis for finding
lasting policy solutions and building strong partnerships at home and
abroad. If the Senate were to confirm me, I would bring these
experiences, grounded in my strong belief in equality, justice, and
compassion, to the post of Ambassador to the Commonwealth of The
Bahamas.
Through close political, economic, and cultural ties, the United
States and The Bahamas have forged a strong bilateral relationship that
has served both countries well. Bahamians regularly travel to the
United States to visit friends and family and to conduct business. And
approximately 6 million U.S. citizens travel to The Bahamas annually.
The proximity of The Bahamas to the United States inextricably links
our countries' national security. Together, we are confronting shared
challenges such as illicit trafficking, including in narcotics, arms,
and people.
If confirmed, my first and foremost priority will be to ensure the
safety and security of U.S. citizens living in or visiting The Bahamas,
as well as the Turks and Caicos Islands, which are included under
Embassy Nassau's consular oversight. If confirmed, I will work closely
with local authorities and the U.S. law enforcement officials under
Chief of Mission authority to lower crime rates and other illegal
activities. Other priorities would include promoting greater economic
ties and growth, including exploring ways to support the development
and enforcement of stable and transparent regulations as well as
improving the business environment through transparent procurement and
investment procedures. We also want to encourage countries like The
Bahamas to adopt cleaner technologies and build strong and resilient
energy markets. These steps are important not only to provide a more
secure and sustainable clean energy future, but also to further
economic growth and limit the effects of greenhouse gas emissions. I
will also seek to further gender equality and expand opportunities for
disenfranchised youth.
Expanding educational exchanges is one of the best ways to deepen
the already existing cultural and historical ties between the United
States and The Bahamas. At present, approximately 1,600 students from
The Bahamas study in the United States, and more than 750 students from
the United States study in The Bahamas. If confirmed, I will seek to
increase levels of educational exchange between our two countries,
including through enhancing existing partnerships and the building of
new ones.
While geography and history have forged strong bonds between our
countries, The Bahamas also maintains close relations with many other
nations. Historically, foreign investment in the Bahamian banking
sector has been mainly by Europeans and Canadians. The key tourism and
hospitality sectors have seen increases in American, European, and,
more recently, Asian investment as the world economy continues to
rebound. We do not see foreign economic and commercial links to The
Bahamas as a threat to U.S. interests. We believe that beneficial and
sustainable international trade and investment must be carried out in
adherence to international standards of transparency and good
governance, while respecting local environmental and labor regulations.
We should continue to focus our interests on the greater good of
regional stability.
The United States has not had an ambassador in Nassau for nearly
2\1/2\ years, but we have had a strong U.S. Embassy staff in the
Bahamas continuing the important work of the mission. If confirmed, I
will work to further their good work and strengthen our already close
and productive bilateral relationship.
In closing, I am confident that I have the experience, imagination,
and energy to lead our bilateral relationship with the people and the
Government of The Bahamas. While at the Millennium Challenge
Corporation, I have seen firsthand the important work carried out by
our ambassadors and their teams as they engage and advocate for U.S.
goals and objectives. If confirmed, I pledge to uphold the tradition
and high standard of public service that ambassadors are expected to
uphold. I look forward to the opportunity to continue to serve my
country.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome
your questions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you all for your opening statements.
Senator Risch has declined to do an opening statement. He
is just going to make his questions particularly hard.
[Laughter.]
Senator Kaine. We will have 6-minute rounds of questions.
Senator Risch. The first one is for you, Mr. Chairman.
[Laughter.]
Senator Kaine. We will have 6-minute rounds of questions.
If we do not get to you in round one, do not worry; I am
planning on coming back and making sure, because I have a
number of questions for all of you.
But I will just begin with Ms. Alexander. USAID, in my
travels as a member of this subcommittee I have really been
impressed with the work of USAID in Jordan, with the work that
USAID is doing in--I was recently in the West Bank and
interacted with some of the Palestinian businesses that have
been working together with USAID, and also was aware of USAID's
good work being done in Egypt, but was not able to personally
visit that work.
So this is very important work that is going on. USAID--in
Egypt we were not able to visit because of security concerns. I
just wonder if you would sort of offer some thoughts there. We
are wrestling with complex issues here with regard to Egypt,
levels of support, et cetera. Egypt has a significant
counterterrorism threat that is a very real one that we need to
provide help with. At the same time, there has been a tendency
of concern to many of us to label opponents terrorists when
they are really just opponents in the sense that you would
expect there to be different points of view.
What can USAID do in the sort of democracy-building area
that would be appropriate in Egypt, to just use that as an
example for other nations in the region?
Ms. Alexander. Sure. Thank you, Senator Kaine. I think
USAID's programs have always been broadly designed to address
the needs of the citizens and the governments as they support
their own citizens' needs. In Egypt in particular, it is a
difficult situation. In many of these countries it is very
fluid throughout the Middle East, and we are looking to
reorient our programs in places where we can not work with the
governments directly on infrastructure or building capacity. We
have started looking more closely at economic growth, the
opportunities of the private sector.
In a lot of these situations we have had the opportunity to
look at sectors such as--you mentioned the technology sector,
but agriculture and tourism, as a real area for job employment
and job growth. The linkage between economic growth and
democracy and governance can not be lost. It is very
difficult--and I have seen this through the transitions in
Eastern Europe. It is very difficult to have democracy and
governance take hold and make these transitions work if you
have an economy that is tanking.
So in every way possible, AID looks to orient its program
to make sure we are addressing the needs of the people and
being sure to bring these countries through the transition in a
way that the economic growth and the democracy rights and
governance are synergistic.
Senator Kaine. A bright spot, I think it could be a bright
spot, and one for us to pay some close attention to is Tunisia
in the aftermath of constitutional reforms. If you could talk a
little bit about USAID activity currently in Tunisia and what
are some things that we can do to hopefully encourage a
continued--the success of these recent constitutional reforms,
the creation of a government that respects religious
minorities, respects the rights of women, but within the Muslim
cultural context of that country?
Ms. Alexander. Sure. Tunisia is a bright spot for us. The
interagency has actually quite a good division of labor between
what the State Department programs are working on and what AID
is working on. As we move forward in Tunisia, we have the
Enterprise Fund and activities that we will plan to be doing
through them, again to invest in the economy, and also to be
looking at the democracy and governance work, both with gender
equality programs and the dialogues that need to happen within
Tunisia to make sure that this transition holds.
We really--a lot of our work right now at AID is focused on
the global development alliances that we have in Tunisia with
HP, with UNIDO, and with the Italians on the multilateral side,
because I think that this is a world issue. People are looking
at these countries and recognizing that together we can be
helpful, but we have to make sure that we are listening to the
people of Tunisia and we are doing what they request.
Senator Kaine. One other question that I think is a
complicating fact and I am wondering how USAID would approach
it is, in my visit to Israel and to the West Bank the USAID
work with Palestinian entrepreneurs on the West Bank was very,
very notable, and USAID has a great reputation for that work.
The recent announcement that West Bank PLO authorities are
working to find a unification with Hamas in Gaza is problematic
because USAID and we do not have working relationships with
Hamas because of its status as a terrorist organization.
How would you at USAID intend to carry on the ongoing work
that has been positive in the West Bank under this scenario and
what would your approach be to these unification issues?
Ms. Alexander. USAID has a two-track approach in West Bank-
Gaza. One is the budget support that we are working with the
Palestinian authorities on and the other is the project
activities that we are doing, and that includes institution
building. So to the extent that those programs continue, we
have high-impact, microinfrastructure programs that have begun,
and this is part of the peace process and the need to make sure
that these negotiations continue, because at the end of the day
that really is going to be the solution, a two-state solution.
As far as the announcement on the unity government, I think
we have seen this before and we are going to watch carefully
and see what ends up happening at the end of the day. We will
adjust our programs as necessary, but we need to see how this
plays out, because at this point it is not set in stone.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ms. Alexander. I will say the
Foreign Relations Committee recently had an opportunity to meet
with Foreign Minister Liberman of Israel to talk about these
very issues. While expressing a lot of challenges and
skepticism about current developments, when we explored the
reality of the need for these peace negotiations he stated very
plainly that there really is not a solution other than a two-
state solution. How we get there and the timing and the
circumstances is going to be very, very difficult. But, much as
you indicated in your answer, he was very, very plain about
that.
Senator Risch.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Alexander, Americans are the most caring,
compassionate, humanitarian people on the face of this planet.
You will lead the agency that is really the flagship agency of
that caring relationship that Americans have with other human
beings on this planet. I am always amazed at what USAID does.
I think the challenge for you is to convince Americans that
they are doing this and that they are doing a good job doing
this and that they are doing a good job doing this, and that we
should feel good about what we are doing in that regard. What
USAID does I find to be under the radar as far as Americans are
concerned, and yet around the world USAID is regarded so highly
because of the humanitarian work that they do. So we wish you
well and have every confidence you will do a good job.
Ms. Wells, your challenge is a little different. You are
going to one of the countries that is certainly one of our
friends in the Middle East. The King comes here regularly and
meets with us. We have such a good friend in the King. Indeed,
if everyone had, every country in the Middle East, had a leader
like King Abdullah, the Middle East would have an entirely
different complexion than it does today.
I have every confidence that you will carry America's
feelings in that regard. I would just say that it has been
printed and, although we cannot talk completely about it in an
open setting, but it has been printed at least in the media
that there is considerable Jordanian cooperation going on with
Israel regarding counterterrorism work. I would hope that you
would encourage the two agencies to continue that work.
Certainly Jordan needs that with the challenges they have and
the kind of immigration that they have had.
So with that, I would kind of like to hear your thoughts as
far as the relationship with Jordan and Israel?
Ms. Wells. Thank you, Senator. Jordan continues to be a
leader on the Middle East peace process, both by being only the
second Arab state to sign a peace treaty with Israel, but also
by King Abdullah's public and frequent exhortations for the
region and for the process to move forward. He describes peace
as a basic right and a practical need, and he himself has
championed the Arab peace initiative as well as worked very
closely with Secretary Kerry over the last year in terms of the
framework negotiations.
I think what is important about Jordan, irreplaceable
really, is how it leads by example, as you mentioned. The fact
that Jordanian officials sit down pragmatically with Israeli
counterparts to discuss the holy sites in Jerusalem, water,
environment, trade, security, the fact that security officials
have appropriate relationships with one another, is all
extremely important.
As we look ahead, we see new institutional relationships
forming, including over energy security and how Israel and
Jordan may be able to cooperate in the future on less expensive
Mediterranean gas. We see very practical cooperation by King
Abdullah in building Palestinian institutions, including the
training of 5,600 Palestinian Presidential guards and national
security officials.
So I think that, even though sometimes among the Jordanian
public support can be tepid for the peace treaty, the kind of
leadership we see from King Abdullah is really what we need to
see more of in the region. Certainly if I were confirmed I
would work to encourage that level of practical daily
cooperation.
Senator Risch. Well said. I think that probably that is one
of the--again, something that is not stressed enough, and that
is what a success story it is, the relationship between Jordan
and Israel, and the fact that Jordan leads by example. I think
it makes it a lot easier for other Arab countries to deal with
Israel when they see how well this relationship has worked
between Jordan and Israel.
So I am sure that as you work with them you will carry our
message that this is a really, really good thing and we want to
see it continue. I know the King has expressed to us over and
over again that he wants that relationship with Israel and
would like to see all his Arab brothers have the same kind of a
relationship with Israel.
So thank you very much and thank all of you for your
service to the United States.
Senator Kaine. Senator Rubio.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
Thank you all for coming here. Congratulations to you and
your family, and thank you for your offer to serve the country.
For those that are already serving, thank you for that.
My first question is for you, Ms. Alexander. I wanted to
ask you a little bit about the recent announcement of a unity
government by the Palestinian Authority. Is it your position
that this new government as announced as you understand it
complies with or satisfies U.S. conditions on aid to the PA?
Ms. Alexander. For starters, thank you, Senator Rubio.
Hamas is a terrorist organization and we cannot work with
Hamas. As far as the discussion about the unity government, at
this point we are waiting to see what ends up forming. We have
seen this before and we really have to wait and see how the
process works at this point.
Senator Rubio. So obviously then we are waiting to see what
it looks like. But is it safe to say in your opinion that Hamas
has not adequately recognized the Jewish State of Israel's
right to exist and has not adequately accepted all provisions--
or all previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements?
Ms. Alexander. Yes, Hamas as currently configured has not.
Senator Rubio. Can you confirm in your consultations with
the agency that you are about to head that there will be an
immediate cutoff of relevant U.S. assistance unless there is a
full compliance with the letter and the spirit of all the
provisions in the Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act?
Ms. Alexander. I can speak only to what I know at this
point, which is the law. And as the law stands we would not be
able to apply assistance to that government.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
Ms. Wells, let me ask you about Jordan for a moment. I
think you have touched upon it in your statement, but I wanted
to talk briefly about the reform efforts that are occurring
within Jordan. Obviously, there is a situation where on the one
hand there is the need, I think as recognized by the
government, to create more political opening, more space, for
all voices to be heard within Jordanian political society. On
the other hand, there is the need to provide stability.
We have seen what has happened around the world when these
changes are not adequately managed during a pace that is
sustainable. In fact, it creates a space for tremendous
instability.
How would you assess the pace and the status of those
reform efforts as being undertaken in Jordan today by the
kingdom?
Ms. Wells. Thank you. Since King Abdullah came to power in
1999, he has launched a variety of political and economic
initiatives. He would be the first to say he was not satisfied
with the progress he had been able to achieve. I think what we
have seen recently is how the confluence of events have made
difficult choices much more possible. The fact that you had the
Arab Spring, you had the cutoff of the inexpensive Egyptian
gas, and you have the Syrian crisis next door reinforces the
imperative for getting ahead of public demands for change, as
well as being able to respond to what was an unbearable
economic pressure being placed on the government.
So I think we see in three broad areas substantial and
noteworthy efforts at reform. On the political side, the King
has relaunched a public dialogue on reform. He has led an
effort to amend one-third of the constitution. He has created a
constitutional court, an Independent Electoral Commission, he
has held successful parliamentary elections in January 2013
which outside observers deemed as credible. He has also taken
steps to shrink the jurisdiction of the state security courts,
and we welcome those initiatives.
On the economic side, we see the same kind of forward-
leaning approach. His negotiation of a standby arrangement with
the IMF allows Jordan to establish a glide path for removing
subsidies that are simply unsustainable. He has eliminated fuel
subsidies in 2012 and the electricity company by 2017 will be
in a position to have full cost recovery. This is essential
when electricity deficits were eating up 6 percent of GDP.
So we are trying to support that. We are working with other
donors to support that. It is a critical step and Jordan would
be a leader in the region if it achieves those two reforms.
Then just the final element is energy diversification. This
is--when they lost the inexpensive Egyptian natural gas after
20 attacks on the pipeline, their energy costs went up to 21
percent of GDP, again unsustainable. So we have worked with
Jordan and Jordan has been very forward-leaning in seeking to
find less expensive fuels, including through the American
company that works with Israel, establishing an LNG terminal,
working to expand the mix of solar and wind.
So I think right now as friends of Jordan we need to
encourage that approach.
Senator Rubio. Just one more point I wanted to raise. When
we have had this debate here about what to do in Syria, some
ask why should we even care about it. One of the arguments I
have made, of course, is that our relationship and the
cooperation that we get from the King and the Jordanian
Government are extraordinary. It is a very important
relationship in the region. It is one of the cornerstones of
our Middle Eastern policy.
You would agree, I think you have already in your statement
here today, that the events going on in Syria pose a direct
threat to the kingdom, to their ability to continue to be of
assistance to us, given the potential that that has to spill
over into their own territory if not managed appropriately. So
would you agree that as we view the Syrian conflict we should
view it partially through the context of what it would mean to
our allies in Jordan?
Ms. Wells. I agree entirely, Senator. I think from Jordan's
perspective Syria is an existential threat. So if you look at
our strategy in responding to the crisis, we have moved very
aggressively both to provide the humanitarian assistance and
economic aid that Jordan needs to weather this and weather the
influx of refugees.
At the same time, we have a very aggressive program of mil-
mil cooperation, bolstering Jordan's border security,
increasing our own bilateral and multilateral training, trying
to build the capacity, including through the targeting of
foreign fighters, so a broad-based approach to address both the
security element as well as the economic element.
Senator Rubio. Mr. Chairman, I know I am out of time. Can I
ask one brief question on The Bahamas?
Senator Kaine. Yes.
Senator Rubio. Ms. Butts, thanks for being here.
Congratulations. I wish you the best on your assignment. It is
a part of the country that is very--a part of the world that is
very close to my part of the country in Florida.
I did want to ask you, however. There have been reports,
and I have seen the videos of some of this, of how Cuban
refugees have been forcefully repatriated back to Cuba by the
Bahamian Government. We have reached out to their government.
They dispute some of those assertions. Nonetheless, we remain
very concerned about it.
I would just want to encourage you to work with the
Bahamian authorities to ensure that not just Cuban refugees, as
well as other refugees, including Haitian refugees and others,
are treated appropriately and humanely if in fact they wind up
on Bahamian territory. I think it is something that if people
saw some of the images that have been put out there of how some
of them have been treated by these authorities, they would be
very concerned.
Again, we understand the realities of addressing something
like this, the costs associated with it. But I would hope that
you would use your office and our Embassy to speak out in favor
of any vulnerable peoples that may find themselves on their
territory. I would encourage you to use your position there to
be an advocate for that.
Ms. Butts. Thank you, Senator Rubio. I appreciate that
encouragement. It is certainly something that is very important
to me. It is one of the policy issues that was most attractive
about the role in The Bahamas. I have worked on migration
issues before. Actually, I worked on migration issues on the
Hill both on the Senate side and on the House side.
I have not seen the images. I have certainly heard about
some of the allegations with regard to how Cuban refugees have
been treated, migrants have been treated in The Bahamas. As I
understand it, our State Department has had a number of
conversations with the Bahamians. It will be one of my
priorities to ensure that all migrants are treated humanely,
and I am happy to, if I am confirmed, to have a chance to come
back to you, Senator, and to your staff and keep you up to date
on the issues.
Again, it is an issue of great importance to me too. Thank
you.
Senator Rubio. Let me just close by saying to all the
nominees that I have not been here very long, about 3\1/2\
years, but in my short time I have learned that when the
committee is not fully manned here with all the members it is
usually a good sign for your nominations. So I wish you all the
best.
Senator Kaine. Thank you both.
A question about embassy security that I really want to
address both to Ms. Wells and Mr. Kelly. One of my first
hearings as a member of the committee was a hearing to examine
the Accountability Review Board recommendations in the
aftermath of the analysis post-Benghazi. Those recommendations
are significant and numerous, but I think all who were
reviewing the recommendations find the ones that they kind of
most lock on, and the ones that I really locked onto were sort
of the embassy security challenges.
In the time since then, we have augmented the Marine
security guard training program at Quantico to expand the
Marine presence at a number of high-threat embassies. The State
Department has recently announced moving forward with a FASTC,
Foreign Assistance State Training Center, that is a long-
desired effort to augment security training for embassy
personnel. There are other issues concerning the hiring of the
in-country security firms or individuals to assist.
These are issues that I am really passionate about. I just
wonder, for both, especially Ms. Wells and Mr. Kelly, if you
could talk a little about how you intend to tackle the
challenge of keeping your folks safe and secure as you take on
posts in a neighborhood of the world that can be pretty
challenging?
Mr. Kelly. Thank you very much for your question, Senator
Kaine. There is no more important issue for a chief of mission
than taking care of your people. It is something that I have
lived personally in my own career. My first assignment was in
El Salvador during the civil war. We lost many embassy
colleagues during my tour there, the years before and after.
In my second tour, in Chile, I survived a terrorist attack
against a embassy-related softball team, where a terrorist
group put a bomb in a softball bat and killed one of my
teammates and injured some of my embassy colleagues.
So this is an issue that the Foreign Service has been
dealing with for many, many years. So it is something that I am
going to be very focused on as the chief of mission. Now, we
have perhaps an advantageous situation in Djibouti because 2
miles from the Embassy we have more than 4,000 U.S. military
personnel and contractors. So I think that our security is in
pretty good shape. We have a very robust presence by diplomatic
security agents in the Embassy. We also have an almost brand
new Embassy compound, which really provides state of the art
security conditions for our personnel.
But I think the most important thing that a chief of
mission can do is inculcate a culture of security throughout
the mission, and that is something that will be important to me
every day.
Just another point about the environment that we are
operating in now. Another very important aspect of our
bilateral relationship with Djibouti is, because our Djiboutian
partners provide us with a platform to have a forward military
location in Djibouti, that gives us access to a lot of
neighboring countries that are potentially more vulnerable than
we are. Our forces operating out of Djibouti were already
fairly recently able to go into Juba in South Sudan to provide
much-needed security reinforcement to our mission there, and
that enabled our mission to stay open.
So it is an issue that is very important and it is
something that will be on my mind every single day.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Kelly.
Ms. Wells.
Ms. Wells. Like Tom, I have also experienced the
instability that can take place, whether it was in Tajikistan
being evacuated or from Pakistan or the political tensions
escalating between India and Pakistan and the effect it has on
Foreign Service families and the broader American community.
Security would be my number one concern in Amman. It is a
family posting. There are 760 official Americans and their
family members under chief of mission authority. Given the
history of events, the assassination of our USAID officer back
in 2002, attacks on hotels in Jordan in 2005, and just the
general events in the region, it is impossible to take security
for granted.
One of the very first things I would do at post would be to
walk the wire with the regional security officer to understand
what our strengths and weaknesses are, to go outside the
embassy to look at schools and our housing complexes, to have a
sense of how the unofficial American community, which numbers
40,000, what challenges they face.
Thankfully, we have a very capable partner with the
Jordanians, who provide excellent security support to us. The
Embassy is well staffed to oversee our security programs. But
this has to be a preoccupation in this day and age.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
Ms. Butts, a question about one of the major areas of
cooperation between the United States and The Bahamas is in the
antidrug effort. I know that The Bahamas has been a good
partner. There is a regional initiative including The Bahamas
and the Turks and Caicos, that they have been significant
players in.
We recently in Armed Services had testimony by General
Kelly, the head of SOUTHCOM, who basically was talking about
the effect of sequester on drug interdiction efforts by our
Nation. He said: ``I watch about 75 percent of drugs coming
into the United States just go by because I do not have the
resources that I would need to stop them.'' And he estimated
that if he did he would make a huge reduction in the amount of
drugs that come into the United States.
Talk a bit--we have to resolve these budgetary issues, but
what are some opportunities as you look ahead for the United
States and The Bahamas to be even better partners on this
significant challenge that we face?
Ms. Butts. Thank you for your question, Senator Kaine.
Certainly the focus of counternarcotics is a large focus of the
bilateral relationship with The Bahamas. As you mentioned,
Senator, we have the Operation Bahamas, Turks and Caicos, which
the acronym is ``OPBAT,'' which has been going on since 1982.
It is a partnership effort with The Bahamas which focuses on
gathering intelligence, which focuses on cooperating in
investigations, but also focuses on executing interdictions.
We have seen success since 1982 and we are continuing to
see success. Actually, just this past year we have seen an
increase, a significant increase actually, in the drugs that we
have been able to seize through that operation.
In addition to that, under the Obama administration we
actually now have the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative that
actually started in 2010. Over the 4-year period we have
invested $263 million. What is interesting about CBSI, Senator,
is that actually it is a regionwide initiative. Where OPBAT is
focused on The Bahamas, Turks and Caicos, and the United
States, CBSI is focused on the entire Caribbean. One of the
things that the President wanted to do was to show that you
have to have a regionwide focus if we are going to be
successful.
So I would say to you, Senator, in addition to the very
important joint efforts that we are doing through OPBAT, that
we have got to look at the region as a whole in ensuring that
we are doing the right level of cooperation, that we are doing
the right level of coordination. I think that the President has
started that out with the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative,
and I hope that we are able to continue that.
Actually, one of the advantages that The Bahamas has in the
region is that The Bahamas--we have the Southern Command,
obviously, Senator, but The Bahamas is actually organized
through the Northern Command. So we have the Northern Command
resources, just talking about resources that we can bring to
bear to the effort. So we have the Northern Command resources,
but we are the beneficiaries of the efforts going on through
the Southern Command.
Certainly there is a recognition that we never have as much
in terms of resources that we want. But with some of the
rethinking and reallocation of resources as a result of pulling
out of Iraq and winding down in Afghanistan, with actually hope
that there will be some additional resources that might be able
to come the way of The Bahamas and of the Caribbean so that we
can continue what has been a very strong effort on
counternarcotics and counterterrorism efforts.
Senator Kaine. That is one other concern that I know many
have, is whether offshore banks in The Bahamas are at all being
utilized by criminal networks, whether those are networks that
are primarily focused on narcotic activity or other criminal
activity. What is the current status of any activity or
cooperation between the United States and The Bahamas to try to
specify the existence of that problem and hopefully deal with
it?
Ms. Wells. There has been a good deal of cooperation,
Senator, over the years. Certainly The Bahamians understand the
importance of ensuring that their financial services
institutions are not being used in ways that are illicit. They
have put regulations and reforms in place to address that. So
we have some confidence moving forward now and moving forward
that the financial services--that the industry in The Bahamas
is not trafficking in finances from illegal activities. So we
have confidence they have done a very good job. We work jointly
with them in ensuring to provide the support that they need so
that they can get their system in place.
So I think we feel confident. There could always be more
done and as the chief of mission in Nassau I certainly want to
work and coordinate with the Bahamians to ensure that they can
continue to do the good work that they are doing.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you.
Mr. Kelly, one of the things that is interesting, I find
interesting, about Djibouti is the degree of foreign military
presence. The United States only sort of permanent enduring
military facility in southern Africa, and in addition there is
a Japanese military presence and a French military presence and
also the international antipiracy efforts focusing on the Gulf
of Aden are headquartered in Djibouti.
Given your immediate past billet at the State Department,
you would seem to be just exactly the right person to help
manage that. I know those are primarily mil-to-mil
relationships, but talk a little bit about the relationship
that you would have as Ambassador in not only interacting with
the AFRICOM Joint Command, Horn of Africa Joint Command, but
also with the other U.S. allies that have military presence in
Djibouti?
Mr. Kelly. Thank you very much for your question, Mr.
Chairman. What I have been doing the last 3 years at the
Political-Military Bureau is working every day to try to make
sure that State Department and Department of Defense are
working around the world in sync. We have taken a lot of steps
to try to work more efficiently in that regard, including
embedding each other's personnel in the other's agency. We now
have more than 90 Foreign Service officers working in different
military commands and we have doubled the number of uniformed
officers over the last couple of years who are working at the
State Department.
We have that kind of model that is already functioning in
Djibouti. At the CJTF-HOA there is a Senior Foreign Service
officer who works as the adviser to the base commander, and
then there is also a military liaison officer who works at the
Embassy.
It would be my responsibility as chief of mission to make
sure that every day we are working together as efficiently as
possible, to make sure that our coordinated efforts are
advancing all of the very significant interests that we have in
Djibouti. As you said, Mr. Senator, we have very considerable
security interests there. Djibouti provides us with a platform
that we just do not have anywhere else in the entire continent,
and it gives us very important strategic access to places like
Yemen, which is a country that is plagued by the most active
al-Qaeda affiliate in the world right now, as well as al-Shabab
in Somalia. So the stakes are indeed very high.
We will also be coordinating with the other military forces
that are there, as you mentioned. Camp Lemonnier used to be the
overseas base for the French Foreign Legion.
The Foreign Legion is no longer there, but there are still
2,000 regular French troops who are stationed in Djibouti. They
are very active. The only Japanese, significant Japanese
military presence outside of Japan is at Camp Lemonnier as
well.
There is presence by several other foreign military forces,
especially navies that are focused on the counterpiracy mission
that you described. That is going to be an important part of my
job as well and I am looking forward to it.
Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Talk a little bit--Senator Durbin is
particularly interested in development issues in Djibouti and I
wanted to just ask. In the recent meeting between President
Obama and President Guelleh, talk a little bit about economic
issues that came up and what you see as some economic
opportunities for the United States to interact and assist in
the development of this economy. As you point out, only a small
percentage of the land is arable land. There are some
significant challenges there. How can we through USAID or other
strategies be helpful?
Mr. Kelly. Thank you very much, Senator. I am a development
economist by training, so I believe very strongly that our
strategic partnerships have to be underpinned by partners who
govern democratically and openly and who are presiding over
prosperous economies. So I think that it is very important that
we spend a lot of time making sure that we are bringing all our
development assistance resources to bear to make sure that
Djibouti continues to grow.
Djibouti faces a number of development challenges. Besides
the fact that they basically have to import all of their food,
they also face real energy problems. There are blackouts that
last for much of the day. Half of the country does not even
have access to electricity. There is a very high rate of
unemployment, the estimate is about 60 percent of the
population, and young Djiboutians, 20 to 24, the unemployment
rate is probably above 80 percent.
So we need to continue our traditional development focus on
basic health and primary education, but I think we have to do
more than that. During the May 5 conversation that the
President had with the Djiboutian President, we made a
commitment to move into other areas that are very important for
Djibouti's development.
In the first instance, we are going to work actively in
workforce development to try to help Djiboutian authorities
develop the skills of the Djiboutian workforce in a way that is
relevant to the private sector. Then in the energy sector we
are going to work with other donors, including the World Bank,
to try to develop Djibouti's considerable geothermal resources
to provide them with some national source of energy that can
provide them with a more constant source of power, which in
turn I think can help them to attract more private investment,
especially more foreign investment.
Djibouti has very ambitious development plans. We think
that they have a good vision, but they are going to need help
from us and from other donors to get it right, to put in force
the right regulatory framework. I am looking forward, as
somebody who has worked on development for many years, to do
that.
Senator Kaine. Excellent.
Ms. Wells, I wanted to ask a similar question about some
sort of economic issues, and maybe especially given Jordan--the
degree to which the Syrian refugees really stress an economy
that already has a lot of stresses. Jordan is one of the most
water-poor countries in the world. The number of Syrian
refugees coming into Jordan taxes a system that is already
very, very challenged.
I believe that most now see these refugees, not as a short-
term presence, but a longer term presence. So some of the
strategies that you might use to deal with the refugee
population that might just be there for a short period of
time--it now becomes more of a development issue, building
water systems rather than providing bottled water, just to use
an example.
If I am correct about that, that the refugees are not
likely to be returning to Syria any time soon, what are some
strategies that we should be looking at in tandem with the
Jordanian Government to make sure that the number of refugees
does not overly tax this economy that can be fairly fragile?
Ms. Wells. Thank you. I think the first is to step back and
to do as you have, which is to recognize the extraordinary
burden and the extraordinary generosity that the Jordanians are
displaying in hosting the Syrian community, 80 to 85 percent of
whom are living in host communities. The Jordanians have opened
their schools to Syrian children. They have opened their
hospitals to Syrian refugees. In the north we are seeing
schools running double shifts, 80 kids to a class. Hospitals
are at full capacity and in some instances running out of
medicine.
It obviously places a strong burden on the water
infrastructure, with Jordan being--I think there are only three
countries in the world that have less accessible water than
Jordan. So I think the response has to be two-part: one,
continuing to respond appropriately to the crisis conditions
that Jordan faces; but two, to be nimble in our response and to
reprogram and to redeploy assistance as appropriate, which we
have begun to do, whether it is by using moneys to renovate and
build new schools, directing more moneys to municipal water
sources, taking advantage of existing programs, such as the
Millennium Challenge Corporation's $275 million 5-year project
to expand water and waste water efficiency, which will touch
the lives of three million Jordanians.
So I think in terms of how our aid program is structured
for Jordan, we are doing the right things. We are really
focused on the resilience that Jordan needs in water,
education, sanitation, and health, but to constantly be
reassessing what is the burden that is being placed on Jordan
and are we responding appropriately.
Our tools do not have to be limited just to assistance. We
have a lot of other economic tools at our disposal. We have
support for the multilateral programs, like IMF that I have
mentioned, coordination with the World Bank and other key
donors to make sure we have a consistent and appropriate
response. We have a slew of trade mechanisms. Jordan has one of
the most open economies in the Middle East, and we can use the
free trade agreement, the qualified industrial zones, our
bilateral investment treaty, to make sure that we as we build
the private sector are also encouraging and helping Jordan
achieve the increased growth that it needs.
Then I think energy diversification, so keeping Jordan
focused on its own long-term economic sustainability and
modernization.
Mr. Kelly. The Jordanian-American Chamber of Commerce paid
a visit to us recently here and is very interested in expanding
their ties with American technology and other firms. That is
something that I know many of us are interested in working with
them on.
The last question I will ask you is about the status of
political reforms that are under way in Jordan. Jordan has done
a fairly good job of managing different constituencies that in
other nations have been harder to manage. The Muslim
Brotherhood is a sort of loyal opposition to the monarchy in
Jordan and have been treated as a loyal opposition, not
marginalized to a degree where they would then seek to engage--
not shut out of legitimate political opportunities so that they
feel like to be heard they have to carry out illegitimate
opportunity.
But talk about sort of ongoing political reform efforts in
Jordan and how those are affected by other challenges like the
Syrian refugee challenge?
Ms. Alexander. As I mentioned in an earlier answer, there
are a variety of political reform initiatives that King
Abdullah has taken up in the last 3 years. One of the very
important reform initiatives is to take steps to increase the
presence and strength of political parties. Jordan is a tribal
country, a tribal society, along with a significant Palestinian
population. But the Parliament has not reflected, has not
really been based on parties. It has been based on tribal
leaders and individuals with standing in the community, with
one of the sole parties that has a coherent ideology being the
Islamic Action Front.
So if you look back at Jordan's elections, until the
Islamic Action Front began to boycott the elections they were
the single most important party. So some of the reforms that
have been taken recently have been to give Jordan simply one
man, two votes. You can place one vote, which people presume
will go to somebody in your community or a tribal leader, but a
second vote is for a national list. We see this as a very
positive development and beginning to encourage the formation
of other parties.
I agree with your assessment that King Abdullah has ably
managed the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood. They are a
legitimate, as he puts it, part of the Jordanian social fabric.
They have been around since the 1940s, recognized by the
government. They became a political party in 1992. They never
established a militant wing and they have never called for the
overthrow of the Hashemite monarchy.
So to create a culture where there is consensus, where
there is give and take, where all of these parties participate
in the elections, I think is a goal. If you look at the
parliamentary elections that took place in January 2013, they
were judged by many outside observers as being both credible
and an improvement on previous elections.
So again, as friends of Jordan I think we want to continue
to encourage those kinds of forward-leaning reforms.
Senator Kaine. You mentioned a comment that I just want to
underline, which was a comment about the generosity of
Jordanians, Turks, Lebanon in particular in dealing with Syrian
refugees. The scope of it is just staggering. I know the
figures best probably in Lebanon because of my recent visit
there, but the number of Syrian refugees in Lebanon is now the
equivalent of one out of four Lebanon native population. And
they have arrived within a space of about three years.
So if you were to think in the United States, if we
suddenly had 75 million war refugees show up over a 3-year
period, you got to look yourself in the mirror and say, would
we be as generous? I bring that point up because sometimes we
think of this region as a region of troubles and strife and
folks doing horrible things and a lot of atrocities, and there
certainly are. We also need to think of it as a region where
neighbors do some pretty incredible things.
And the Governments of Turkey and Jordan and Lebanon are
pretty different. They are all stressed in their own way, some
resource, some with leadership challenges. And yet in each of
these nations there has been an extraordinary degree of
sacrifice really, to run double shifts in schools, to in a
water-poor nation provide water for refugees.
Now, the United States is the single largest funder of
assistance to Syrian refugees who have fled borders to other
countries, and that is something that we can do and we should
do and hopefully we can do more. But it is important to shine a
spotlight on what Jordan and again Lebanon and Turkey
especially are doing in the midst of this very difficult
situation. I am glad you brought that up.
I want to thank you all for this, for the hearing today,
for your willingness to serve, and your forthright and
thoughtful answers.
I will leave the hearing open officially. If any members of
the committee desire to submit questions in writing, I will
leave the record open until Thursday at 5 o'clock for those
questions to be submitted, and if they are I will trust that
you will respond as promptly as you reasonably can.
With that, the hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:42 p.m. the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Questions and Answers Submitted for the Record
Response of Alice G. Wells to Question
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. The pressures from the Syrian humanitarian crisis on the
Government of Jordan and many sectors of its society remain enormous.
On April 3, 2014, the Senate passed S. Res. 384, calling on the
President to develop and submit to Congress a comprehensive strategy to
address the Syrian humanitarian crisis. The strategy is to be submitted
within 90 days of the resolution's passage, or by early July.
If confirmed, what are your objectives for the strategy,
and what is the status of the administration's progress in
developing and completing it?
Answer. The U.S. Government's Syria policy is guided by six
overarching interests--countering violent extremism and preventing the
growth of terrorist safe havens, avoiding the collapse of the Syrian
state, preventing the transfer or use of chemical weapons, supporting
Syria's neighbors, alleviating the humanitarian suffering, and
fostering a political transition.
The United States is taking steps to ensure that our humanitarian
and development efforts across the region complement and reinforce
those of our partners, neighboring countries, international
humanitarian organizations, and other donors. Of the roughly $1.7
billion in humanitarian assistance that the United States is providing
to respond to the crisis in Syria, more than $268 million is
distributed through international organizations and nongovernmental
organizations operating in Jordan (Migration and Refugee Assistance,
International Disaster Assistance, and Food for Peace (Title II)
funding).
Our funding and programs are geared to support both immediate needs
and longer term programming. To the maximum extent possible, we seek to
have governments and civil society take ownership of programs with
continued and robust international support. The United States has been
supporting the United Nations efforts to develop a Comprehensive
Regional Strategic Framework (CRSF). The goal of the CRSF, which was
just released on May 8, is to coordinate humanitarian, development, and
macrofiscal interventions to meet immediate protection and assistance
needs; build the resilience of households, communities and systems;
strengthen host-country leadership; and support regional stability. We
support the U.N.'s effort to build coherence between traditional
humanitarian and development responses through the CRSF. Donor
coordination tools such as the CRSF and the National Resilience Plan/
Host Community Support Platform in Jordan are useful for making the
best use of limited U.S. Government resources during a time of budget
constraints and several large-scale crises occurring at one time.
Jordan has an important role to play in identifying the areas where
we can best help them, and we will actively seek Jordan's counsel. With
regard to Jordan, my primary role will be to focus on the interests
that facilitate its security and assist Jordan in its efforts to help
alleviate the humanitarian suffering.
Our policies for the specific objectives of alleviating the
humanitarian suffering and supporting Jordan's security are well
developed, and I would seek to build on them. They include continuing
robust humanitarian and economic assistance for Jordan, furthering the
Jordan Border Security Project, pursuing and capitalizing on
opportunities for military training exercises like Eager Lion,
continuing and developing contingency planning and defensive assets in
Jordan, increasing cooperation on countering the flow of foreign
fighters, and, in light of the extraordinary refugee flows into Jordan,
continuing and expanding our extensive cooperation to provide cross-
border humanitarian assistance and nonlethal assistance.
______
Response of Alice G. Wells to Question
Submitted by Senator Bob Corker
Question. In FY 2012, Jordan received $20 million in USAID
sustainable WASH funding, which is nearly 5 percent of USAID's total
sustainable WASH budget. The 2013 Paul Simon Water for the Poor Act's
Report to Congress states that in FY 2012 ``more than 1.7 million
people in Jordan received improved water service through USAID-funded
construction of pumping stations and water conveyance systems. An
additional 8,750 plus people now receive improved access to drinking
water.
Since Jordan has 96 percent access to safe water, can you
please describe what specific communities USAID WASH funds
currently target?
What populations are represented in the 1.7 million and
8,750 figures, and what is the definition of ``improved water
service'' versus ``now receive improved access'' used in the
annual report to Congress?
What proportion of WASH funds are supporting Syrian
refugees and what kind of WASH programs are being directed to
assistance Syrian refugees?
If confirmed, what do you believe are the United States
Government's priorities for WASH funding in Jordan? And how can
these funds be leveraged to bring first time access to safe
water and sanitation to poor and vulnerable communities?
Answer. Jordan has access to safe water because of its piping
network, but this does not mean that the pipes are always full of
water. In fact, Jordan's water distribution system is by and large
discontinuous and rationed. In the northern governorates, water comes
only once every 2 weeks for a few hours at a time, so households are
largely dependent on water stored in cisterns and tanks. On average,
the wastewater network is much less widespread, with approximately 65
percent of coverage across the country.
The ``1.7 million population'' refers to those served by the Zaatri
pump station and the 48 km-long Zatari-Hofa pipeline, which will serve
the 1.7 million residents of Jordan's four northern governorates,
Ajloun, Irbid, Mafraq, and Jerash. We are uncertain to what the
statement ``an additional 8,750-plus people now receive improved access
to drinking water''; refers to, however, the impact of our projects in
improving access to drinking water in the north alone would account for
far broader access to drinking water than that figure: A 20-percent
immediate increase in access was anticipated at the startup of the
Zaatri pump station, which would amount to approximately 340,000 people
receiving improved access to drinking water for this project alone.
The Department of State, Bureau of Population, Refugees and
Migration (PRM), manages the U.S. assistance to Syrian refugees in
Jordanian refugee camps, and USAID directs its assistance to Jordanians
and Syrians living in Jordanian host communities. It is estimated that
85 percent of Syrian refugees are living outside of the refugee camps.
UNHCR and other relief organizations are keeping comprehensive records
and maps detailing percentages of Syrian refugees residing in host
communities throughout Jordan, and USAID Mission Amman is currently
working to develop ways to better quantify the benefits of our water,
sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) programs for Syrian refugees receiving
this assistance. Considering that water pipelines and wastewater
treatment plants benefit all people in Jordan, including Syrians, we
can conclude that our assistance is benefiting millions of people.
There are many things Jordan can do to improve water resource
management. There is a great need for Jordan to continue improving
water policies, tighten up its water system by reducing leaks and
theft, and increasing its ability to recover its costs by improved
billing procedures. Our USAID mission can help by supporting the
Jordanian utility companies, such as the Yarmouk Water Company, in a
similar manner that we helped the Aqaba Water Company and will soon be
engaging Miyahuna, the Water Utility for Amman. The Ministry of Water
and Irrigation has been asked to increase water tariffs and recover
more costs as a condition of loan guarantees from the U.S. They also
need to continue to find ways to decrease water use in the agricultural
sector and better protect their aquifers, while dealing with the high
concentration of Syrian refugees living with no access to wastewater
treatment networks, particularly in the north of the country, where
wastewater network coverage represents only 35-40 percent of
households.
NOMINATIONS OF MARK SOBEL, SUNIL SABHARWAL, MATTHEW McGUIRE, AND
MILEYDI GUILARTE
----------
WEDNESDAY, MAY 14, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Mark Sobel, of Virginia, to be United States Executive Director
of the International Monetary Fund for a term of two
years
Sunil Sabharwal, of California, to be United States Alternate
Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund
for a term of two years
Matthew T. McGuire, of the District of Columbia, to be United
States Executive Director of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development for a term of two years
Mileydi Guilarte, of the District of Columbia, to be United
States Alternate Director of the Inter-American
Development Bank
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10 a.m., in room
SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert Menendez
(chairman of the committee) presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez, Murphy, Corker, and McCain.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. Good morning. This hearing will come to
order.
Today we have four well-qualified nominees for the
committee's consideration. These nominees, if confirmed, will
represent the United States in the International Monetary Fund,
the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and
the Inter-American Development Bank, three essential
international institutions tasked with international
macroeconomic stability, poverty alleviation, and economic
development.
Every Presidential administration since Harry Truman's has
valued the work of international financial institutions. Most
have sought to strengthen them and bolster their capability to
reduce poverty and increase economic development. President
Eisenhower said they assist the world's poorest in their
struggle for ``freedom from grinding poverty.''
But then, as now, they are also instrumental in keeping
America prosperous and secure. It is in our clear interest to
support the global and regional institutions that promote
global financial stability, sound fiscal policies, open
markets, good governance, and help alleviate poverty. And, in
the decades after World War II, they helped keep the peace.
That said, recent efforts to undermine U.S. participation
in these institutions in my view is not the answer, and is a
direct threat to U.S. global leadership of an international
economic system that we largely built.
Do they need reform? Yes. As the world economy evolves, so
must these organizations, and the three international financial
institutions we will hear about today are all in the process of
reform. I look forward to hearing our nominees' thoughts on the
progress being made in reforming these organizations, and what
each of them intends to do to continue the reform process.
Our first panel will focus exclusively on the IMF. Six
weeks ago, this committee approved a Ukrainian bill that
included important governance and quota reforms that IMF
members agreed to in 2010 in recognition of the key role the
IMF played in stabilizing Ukraine's economy, but also because
we believed it was time for the United States to ratify reforms
that would reinforce the IMF as the first-responder to
international financial emergencies.
At the end of the day, supporting the IMF has not been a
partisan issue. Presidents Reagan, Clinton, and both Presidents
Bush backed legislation to increase IMF resources, and
President Reagan called the IMF ``the linchpin of the
international financial system.''
In fact, during our debate on the Ukraine bill, I quoted
from a letter to House and Senate leadership from members of
the Bretton Woods committee who argued--and I quote--
``implementing the IMF quota reforms bolsters our leadership in
the Fund and provides the United States with leverage to
continue to preserve our national security and economic
interests abroad.'' So I look forward to hearing from our first
panel why they believe the IMF as an institution, and the 2010
reforms in particular are critical to continued U.S. global
economic leadership.
We welcome all of our nominees and their family members and
friends. We also encourage nominees to introduce family members
so we can also acknowledge them for their support and shared
sacrifice in this process.
With that, let me recognize the distinguished ranking
member, Senator Corker.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BOB CORKER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Corker. Mr. Chairman, thank you for calling the
hearing and to the two of you for your public service in the
roles that you now play and hopefully will play in the future.
I appreciate the opportunity, as you mentioned, to examine
the roles of these three entities, the IMF, the World Bank, and
IDB.
I want to share the chairman's comments and concerns
regarding the IMF. I too wish that we had been able to pass the
IMF reforms that actually began--I had a good conversation
yesterday with Mr. Sobel. But these IMF reforms began early in
the Bush administration, and somehow things have been
conflated, if you will, recently and people have forgotten the
origin of these and have tried to use the fact that these
reforms are continuing to be pushed by this administration as
if this is something new.
But I do think it is very important for us to have the kind
of reforms put in place at the IMF that have been discussed.
The IMF continues to be a viable entity. I think that we do a
very poor job here of explaining to people back home that when
you have a population of 4.5 percent of the world and yet you
share in 22 percent of the world's gross domestic product, it
is very important--more important--to our citizens maybe than
any other that the world is stable and that we have the
opportunity to continue to grow economically, and we do a
really, really bad job of that, I think, on this committee but,
candidly, in the Senate and as Federal officials in general.
So I appreciate you being here. I do think there are some
challenges when you look at the World Bank and just other
sources of loans. I want to talk a little bit about that.
But, Mr. Chairman, I just want to close with this. I know
that the IMF legislation that we looked at was a part of a
Ukraine bill, and I appreciate the way we have done so many
things together in a bipartisan way.
I will have to tell you that it is very frustrating to get
up every morning and to read the newspapers and to see what
Russia is doing inside Ukraine. For Russia to be making
statements that they have moved troops away--and we know that
they have not--for them to continue to foment problems inside
the country as we sort of race--it is almost a game of chicken
between now and May 25 when the election takes place. It does
not appear that we are doing anything. It looks like Putin is
doing a whole lot. And it is very disturbing to me to know that
we are in a position as a nation, where we are unwilling to
prevent the kind of behavior that Russia is putting forth. And
I know that many people on both sides of the aisle share those
same frustrations.
But thank you for the hearing today, and I look forward to
the witnesses' testimony and I look forward to working with the
chairman as we move along to try to put the IMF reforms in
place at some point so that, again, we have an institution that
is healthy and is able to--even though mistakes were made
during the European crisis--and I am sure it will come up today
or at least in written questions. Mistakes were made. Having an
entity like this that helps usher in economic stability in
countries where that does not exist is a good thing. So thank
you for the hearing.
The Chairman. Well, thank you, Senator Corker, and thank
you for your work with us on the IMF as part of the Ukraine
package and your observations about it, with which we totally
agree, and hopefully we can get there at some point in this
process.
With that, let me introduce our first panel today: Mark
Sobel, nominated to be U.S. Executive Director of the IMF; and
Sunil Sabharwal, to be alternative U.S. Executive Director to
the IMF.
Mr. Sobel has served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of the
Treasury for International Monetary and Financial Policy,
Senior Advisor to the U.S. Executive Director of the IMF, and
Director of the Office of International Monetary Policy, as
well as other senior positions at Treasury.
Mr. Sabharwal began his career at the European Bank for
Reconstruction and Development. He has worked in international
payment systems in both the United States and Europe and has
held senior positions at First Data Corporation, Western Union,
and GE Capital.
Thank you both for your willingness to serve.
Let me just say for the record that your full statements
will be included in the record, without objection, in their
entirety. We ask you to summarize them in about 5 minutes or
so, so that we can enter into a Q&A session. And again, if you
have family members here, please feel free to introduce them.
Mr. Sobel.
STATEMENT OF MARK SOBEL, OF VIRGINIA, TO BE UNITED STATES
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND FOR A
TERM OF TWO YEARS
Mr. Sobel. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
Corker, and members of the committee. I am honored that
President Obama nominated me to serve as Executive Director of
the United States to the International Monetary Fund, and I am
grateful to Secretary Geithner, Secretary Lew, and former Under
Secretary Lael Brainard for supporting me.
I am delighted to be joined today by my wife, Martha
Halperin.
Working with talented Treasury colleagues and senior
officials in administrations from both parties, I have had the
rare privilege of holding a front row seat in the making of
American history for over three decades. As you noted, I have
served as an Assistant Financial Attache in Bonn, Germany;
Director of the Treasury's International Monetary Policy and
Transition Economy Offices; worked in the staff of the U.S. IMF
Executive Director; and since 2000, as Deputy Assistant
Secretary for International Monetary and Financial Policy. In
recent years, I have been proud to play a role in America's
leadership in establishing the G20 Leaders process and
reforming the IMF.
Seventy years ago, as our brave soldiers fought in World
War II to liberate the global from tyranny and dictatorship,
our Nation's financial diplomats took the lead in creating a
new vision for international economic cooperation. Their vision
shunned protectionism and beggar-thy-neighbor currency
policies, forces that helped catalyze the war, and instead
trumpeted multilateralism and shared prosperity. At the center
of that vision, they created the IMF.
Since its inception, the Fund has well served the world
economy and U.S. national security and economic interests,
whether it be in helping to mitigate economic crises in Latin
America in the 1980s, support the transition of the ex-Soviet
states in the 1990s, combat the Asian and emerging market
crises of the latter 1990s, provide concessional support and
debt relief for poverty alleviation in low-income countries, or
tackle the European crisis of the past years.
Without the IMF, these developments had the potential to
rock geopolitical stability to a much greater extent, often in
countries with strategic significance to our national security.
Without the IMF, these developments also had the potential to
spread more virulently around the world and seriously harm U.S.
growth and jobs through decreased export opportunities, lost
foreign investment, and financial shocks.
Throughout my career, I have seen firsthand the IMF's
strengths. Its ability to design and support country reform
programs is unparalleled. The IMF brings together officials
from around the world, creating shared understanding. It
fosters multilateral rules of the road. Its technical
assistance helps countries build the infrastructure for more
robust economic policies. The IMF's surveillance can help
prevent crises.
But despite the Fund's strengths, the organization, like
any other, has room for improvement, for example, in better
providing crisper judgments on global rebalancing and exchange
rate issues, strengthening its work on crisis prevention and
debt sustainability, supporting pro-poor spending in low income
countries, and helping make financial sectors more resilient.
I believe firmly in defending U.S. interests and in
advancing multilateralism, as well as in working pragmatically
and collegially, with analytic rigor and in a nonpartisan
manner. I also believe in the IMF's mission and that our
Nation's leadership of the IMF is critical. Those beliefs have
guided my career.
If confirmed as U.S. Executive Director, I will work
vigorously to strengthen and improve the IMF consistent with
those beliefs. I will dedicate myself to doing my utmost to
work with Congress to help secure U.S. passage of the 2010
quota and governance reforms.
Again, to have been nominated by the President to represent
the United States in the International Monetary Fund, the very
institution at the center of America's post-World War II global
economic and financial vision, is a tremendous and humbling
honor and a responsibility that I am eager to undertake.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Sobel follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mark Sobel
Thank you Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, and members of
the committee. I am honored that President Obama nominated me to serve
as Executive Director of the United States to the International
Monetary Fund (IMF), and I am grateful to Secretary Geithner, Secretary
Lew, and former Under Secretary Lael Brainard for supporting me. I am
delighted to be joined today by my wife, Martha Halperin.
Working with talented Treasury colleagues and senior officials in
administrations from both parties, I have had the rare privilege of
holding a front row seat in the making of American history for over
three decades. I have served as an Assistant Financial Attache in Bonn,
Germany; Director of Treasury's International Monetary Policy and
Transition Economy Offices; a member of the staff of the U.S. IMF
Executive Director; and since 2000 as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
International Monetary and Financial Policy. In recent years, I have
been proud to play a role in America's leadership in establishing the
G20 leaders process and reforming the IMF.
Seventy years ago, as our brave soldiers fought in World War II to
liberate the globe from tyranny and dictatorship, our Nation's
financial diplomats took the lead in creating a new vision for
international economic cooperation. Their vision shunned protectionism
and beggar-thy-neighbor currency policies, forces that helped catalyze
the war, and instead trumpeted multilateralism and shared prosperity.
At the center of that vision, they created the IMF.
Since its inception, the Fund has well served the world economy,
and U.S. national security and economic interests--whether it be in
helping to mitigate economic crises in Latin America in the 1980s,
support the transition of the ex-Soviet states in the 1990s, combat the
Asian and emerging market crises of the latter 1990s, provide
concessional support and debt relief for poverty alleviation in low
income countries, or tackle the European crisis of the past years.
Without the IMF, these developments had the potential to rock
geopolitical stability to a much greater extent, often in countries
with strategic significance to our national security. Without the IMF,
these developments also had the potential to spread more virulently
around the world and seriously harm U.S. growth and jobs through
decreased export opportunities, lost foreign investment, and financial
shocks.
Throughout my career, I have seen firsthand the IMF's strengths.
Its ability to design and support country reform programs is
unparalleled. The IMF brings together officials from around the world,
creating shared understanding. It fosters multilateral rules of the
road. Its technical assistance helps countries build the infrastructure
for more robust economic policies. The IMF's surveillance can help
prevent crises. But despite the Fund's strengths, the organization--
like any other--has room for improvement, for example, in better
providing crisper judgments on global rebalancing and exchange rate
issues, strengthening its work on crisis prevention and debt
sustainability, supporting pro-poor spending in low income countries,
and helping make financial sectors more resilient.
I believe firmly in defending U.S. interests and in advancing
multilateralism, as well as in working pragmatically and collegially,
with analytic rigor, and in a nonpartisan manner. I also believe in the
IMF's mission and that our Nation's leadership of the IMF is critical.
Those beliefs have guided my career.
If confirmed as U.S. Executive Director, I will work vigorously to
strengthen and improve the IMF, consistent with those beliefs. I will
dedicate myself to doing my utmost to work with Congress to help secure
U.S. passage of the 2010 quota and governance reforms.
Again, to have been nominated by the President to represent the
United States in the IMF--the very institution at the center of
America's post-WWII global economic and financial vision--is a
tremendous and humbling honor and a responsibility that I am eager to
undertake.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Sabharwal.
STATEMENT OF SUNIL SABHARWAL, OF CALIFORNIA, TO BE UNITED
STATES ALTERNATE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL
MONETARY FUND FOR A TERM OF TWO YEARS
Mr. Sabharwal. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker,
distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to
appear before you today to present my personal and professional
credentials for the position of the United States Alternate
Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund.
I am grateful to the President for nominating me to this
important office and to Secretary Lew for his confidence and
support. I also want to thank your staff for taking the time to
meet with me prior to today. If confirmed, I look forward to
advancing our shared commitment to make the IMF an even more
effective organization and one where U.S. interests are
strongly represented, promoted, and defended.
I would like to introduce members of my family who are here
with me today, starting with my son, Nicolas, a freshman at
Duke University with an interest in engineering and sciences;
my daughter Izabella, a freshman at National Cathedral School
in high school, who is vying to follow her grandfather to be an
Olympian track athlete; and finally, my wife, Gabrielle, whose
forensic sciences background and attention to detail actually
has helped me a great deal to be able to be sitting here in
front of you. Gabrielle and I also share a common passion for
the sport of fencing, as we met 25 years ago in Culver City,
CA, at a fencing club and continue our involvement with the
sport and the Olympic movement.
The Chairman. Who wins? [Laughter.]
The Chairman. Well, that was determinative. Go ahead.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Sabharwal. I was born in New Delhi, India, to an Indian
father and a Hungarian mother. My parents separated when I was
9, and I moved to Budapest, Hungary, part of the Soviet Bloc at
the time. Following my mother's refusal to join the Communist
Party, she was denied a business permit, was constantly
harassed for her religious beliefs, in the end giving the
family no choice but fleeing the country and seeking asylum in
the U.S. Embassy in Vienna. I had just finished high school
then.
Through the cooperation of the U.S. State Department, the
United Nations, and charitable organizations, we received
political asylum in the United States, more precisely in
Columbus, OH, with the specific assistance of the Upper
Arlington Lutheran Church. To date, I will never forget the
reception we received in Columbus in December 1983, just a few
days before Christmas, and will remain forever grateful to
Professor Cole and his family who enabled me to enroll at the
Ohio State University a few weeks after my arrival. While I put
myself through college with the use of financial aid, work-
study, and scholarships, my family moved to California. Upon
graduation, I joined them in California to begin my
professional career.
When I left Hungary in 1983, I thought that was going to be
for good. Little did we know that less than 10 years later,
massive political changes would sweep the region free. One of
the first institutions created to foster the transition was the
European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and I was
fortunate enough to play a meaningful role in the region's
transition as an American citizen and an EBRD employee.
I established the EBRD office in Budapest in early 1992, a
time in which Hungary was at the forefront of innovative
foreign direct investment legislation and regulations. This
experience allowed me to participate in landmark public and
private sector transactions, including the first bank and
telecom privatizations, infrastructure projects, municipal
finance, and venture capital deals. I then transitioned to the
EBRD headquarters in London as a member of its financial
institutions team, which had the responsibility of investing
and lending to banks in the region.
The 5 years I spent at the EBRD had shaped my early
professional career and have had a significant impact
throughout. I then spent about 10 years working for GE and
First Data Corporation, most of it focused on investing in the
financial services sector and companies that provide services
to the financial services industry. For the last 8 years, I
have served as an independent investor and adviser to the same
sectors.
As a result of my global upbringing, through which I have
had an ability to relate to people around the world, and my 25
years of tenure in the financial services sector, gained in
both public and private domains, I am equipped with the
experience necessary to carry out successfully the duties, if
confirmed, of the U.S. Alternate Executive Director at the IMF.
In addition, my language skills and volunteer experiences are
also highly relevant in a body where we need to get
representatives of nearly 200 countries to support us on a
wide-ranging set of issues.
I look forward to answering your questions and, if
confirmed, working with members of the committee on policy
matters affecting the IMF.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before the
committee today.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Sabharwal follows:]
Prepared Statement of Sunil Sabharwal
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, and distinguished members
of the committee--it is an honor to appear before you today to present
my personal and professional credentials for the position of United
States Alternate Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund
(IMF).
I am grateful to the President for nominating me to this important
office and to Secretary Lew for his confidence and support. I also want
to thank you and the committee's staff members for taking the time to
meet with me prior to today. If confirmed, I look forward to advancing
our shared commitment to make the IMF an even more effective
organization and one where U.S. interests are strongly represented,
promoted, and defended.
I would like to introduce members of my family, who are here with
me today: starting with my son, Nicolas, who is a freshman at Duke
University with an interest in engineering and the sciences. My
daughter, Izabella, who is a freshman in high school at the National
Cathedral School, and is vying to follow her grandfather to be an
Olympian track athlete, and finally my wife, Gabrielle, with a forensic
sciences background whose attention to detail has helped me get through
all the documents needed prior to me sitting here in front of you. We
also share a common passion for the sport of fencing as we met 25 years
ago in Culver City, CA, in a fencing club and continue our involvement
with the sport and the Olympic movement.
I was born in New Delhi, India, to an Indian father and a Hungarian
mother. My parents separated when I was 9, and I moved to Budapest,
Hungary, part of the Soviet Block at the time. Following my mother's
refusal to join the Communist Party, she was refused a business permit,
was constantly harassed for her religious beliefs--in the end giving
the family no choice but fleeing the country and seeking asylum at the
U.S. Embassy in Vienna. I had just finished high school.
Through the cooperation of the U.S. State Department, the United
Nations, and charitable organizations, we received political asylum in
the United States, more precisely in Columbus, OH, and with specific
assistance by the Upper Arlington Lutheran Church. To date, I will
never forget the reception we received in Columbus, in December 1983
(just a couple of days before Christmas) and will remain forever
grateful to Professor Cole and his family who enabled me to enroll at
the Ohio State University weeks after my arrival. While I put myself
through college with the use of financial aid, work-study, and
scholarships, my family moved to California. Upon graduation, I joined
them to begin my professional career.
When I left Hungary in 1983, I thought it was for good. Little did
we know that less than 10 years later, massive political changes would
sweep the region free. One of the first institutions created to foster
the transition of the region was the European Bank for Reconstruction
and Development (EBRD), and I was fortunate enough to play a meaningful
role in the region's transition as an American citizen and EBRD
employee.
I established the EBRD office in Budapest in early 1992, a time in
which Hungary was at the forefront of innovative foreign direct
investment legislation and regulations. This experience allowed me to
participate in landmark public and private sector transactions,
including the first bank and telecomm privatizations, infrastructure
projects, municipal finance, and venture capital deals of Central &
Eastern Europe. In 1995, I transitioned to London to join the EBRD's
headquarters staff as a member of its Financial Institutions team,
which had the responsibility of investing in and lending to banks in
the region. The 5 years I spent at the EBRD had shaped my early
professional career and have had a significant impact throughout. I
then spent about 10 years working for GE and First Data Corporation,
most of it focused on investing in the financial services sector or
companies that provide services to the financial services industry. For
the last 8 years, I have served as an independent investor and adviser
focused on the financial services, or ``fintech'' sector.
As a result of my global upbringing, through which I gained an
ability to relate to people around the world, and my 25 years of tenure
in the financial services sector--in both public and private domains--I
am equipped with the experience necessary to carry out successfully the
duties, if confirmed, of the U.S. Alternate Executive Director at the
IMF. In addition, my language skills and volunteer experiences are also
highly relevant in a body where we need to get representatives of
nearly 200 countries to support us on a wide-ranging set of issues.
I look forward to answering your questions, and, if confirmed, to
working with members of the committee on policy matters affecting the
IMF.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before the committee today.
I would be pleased to answer any questions you may have.
The Chairman. Well, thank you both. You have started off
very well because neither one of you used your full time, and
that is a rarity here at the hearings. So we appreciate that.
Let me start off with you, Mr. Sobel. The United States
championed the 2010 IMF quota and governance reforms, but we
are the only major IMF member country that has yet to ratify
them. How would you describe this as impacting U.S. leadership
in the IMF? And if confirmed, what actions would you take as
the Executive Director to counter any real or perceived decline
in U.S. influence?
Mr. Sobel. Thank you.
I think, as you have suggested, both of you suggest in your
statements, it is an absolute priority for the United States to
implement the 2010 legislation. The IMF is extremely critical
to the United States for our national security, for our
economy, for our ability to lead and foster a multilateral
system of governance around the world, and it is also crucial
to how the world views American leadership. This is an
institution we created, and the world looks to us to play a
major role in leading it. And when we are the one country that
has not passed our legislation, I think the world looks at us
and wonders if we truly remain committed to multilateralism and
to this institution.
You know, I was struck during the recent spring meetings of
the IMF and World Bank. There are many important issues in the
global economy. There are issues about how are we going
strengthen global growth. What are the risks and the potential
tail risks that could undermine our economy? But, in fact, what
happened was that the global community ended up spending most
of its time focused on what did the inability to secure
legislation mean for the IMF. So I think it was a distraction
from really some of the very important issues that the world
economy faces.
I believe that there is a very strong case for the
legislation, for the important role the IMF plays for the
United States. I think the legislative package is an excellent
one. We are not putting $1 into the IMF, and yet, we are
preserving our veto power. We are preserving our leadership and
influence, and we are achieving some modernization of the IMF,
which is critical for the Fund's future. So it is an excellent
package. I will do whatever I can to work with you to make sure
that the importance of this legislation for the United States
and for the global economy is understood by all.
The Chairman. And, if confirmed as the Executive Director,
until we get to that point, you will have a challenge, when
dealing with your counterparts in making them understand that
we are truly committed. And I assume that we can count on you
to be able to do that.
Mr. Sobel. You may, sir. I, in my current position, wear a
G20 hat. This issue is very prominent in the G20 as well, and
the Secretary, I, and many others have spent a considerable
amount of time explaining the situation to others, assuring
them that the executive branch remains fully committed to
securing passage of this legislation, and we will certainly
continue to do that.
The Chairman. Let me ask you. I would appreciate it if you
could discuss the key role the IMF plays in intervening in
financial crises such as the ongoing situation in the Ukraine.
And as part of that, please explain how ratification of the
2010 reforms would strengthen the IMF's ability to fulfill its
mission.
Mr. Sobel. Unfortunately, countries live beyond their
means. They fall into stress, and they come to the IMF often
too late. But what the IMF works to do--I would say the country
then faces two paths. One is a path of disorderly adjustment.
In that path, the country puts in place measures that are half-
hearted, piecemeal, and there can be a very sharp, disorderly
contraction in the economy that has major spillover effects on
the global economy, including the United States.
What the IMF seeks to do is to help the country put in
place sound reforms for a market-based economy and provide some
financial support, conditioned on implementation of tough
reforms, tough reforms that are necessary for the country to
live within its means and to tighten its belt, but to provide
support to provide for a more orderly and gradual adjustment
path that is less disruptive to the people of the country and
less disruptive to the global economy. And that is why I think
the Fund programs are so important in supporting market
economies around the world and lessening the spillback to the
United States.
Ratification of the IMF again is absolutely vital for
strengthening the IMF. We want the membership of the IMF to
feel part of a multilateral system. We benefit from a
multilateral system, and we benefit from countries playing
according to multilateral rules of the road. What we do not
want to see is the world economy splinter off into regional
blocs. We do not want to see a Ukraine that is dependent upon
its neighborhood and not have the support of the international
community. And so to do that, we need a modernized IMF that the
membership feels is relevant and legitimate, and the 2010
reforms will help precisely do that.
The Chairman. I have one last question for you. Last year,
I joined 60 other Senators in a letter to Secretary Lew raising
concerns about currency manipulation. A number of studies
estimate large U.S. job losses due to direct and sustained
intervention in foreign exchange markets by our major trading
partners. And know that I am deliberately not referring to the
effects of central bank monetary policies.
We in Congress are looking for a robust administration
action plan. Now, I understand Treasury's preference has been
to address this through the IMF and G20, not through trade
negotiations, but so far such attempts have fared poorly.
If confirmed, would you use your position to motivate IMF
leadership to press currency manipulators to move forward
toward market-based exchange rates?
Mr. Sobel. Thank you for that question.
As I mentioned in my opening remarks, the IMF was created--
one of the reasons it was created was specifically to overcome
beggar-thy-neighbor currency practices which, as I noted, was
one of the factors that gave rise to the disruptions in World
War II.
Foreign exchange surveillance is a core mandate of the
International Monetary Fund. This is another area referencing
what Senator Corker said at the beginning. Senator Corker said
that the governance reforms in the IMF have been pursued in
both last administrations. The same can be said about IMF and
foreign exchange surveillance. Both administrations very
actively since 2005 have pressed the IMF to exercise firmer and
more rigorous surveillance over exchange rates. And as you have
acknowledged, we have also pushed this case very heavily in the
G20.
In response, I think the IMF has significantly improved its
analysis. It has improved its coverage of exchange rate issues
in its article 4 work and other papers. I still feel that there
is more to be done. As I indicated in my statement, I feel
there is more to be done in providing crisper assessments and
judgments in this area, and I would like to assure you that, if
confirmed, I will definitely press the IMF to undertake more
vigorous and more robust foreign exchange surveillance.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Now, Mr. Sabharwal, since it is only Senator Corker and I,
I am going to take advantage and ask one more question and will
then turn to him.
Being the alternate is important as well because if Mr.
Sobel is not, for any reason, acting and you are going to get
engaged, I want to know how you think. So I would appreciate if
you could give us your perspective, as someone with extensive
experience in the private financial sector, on the importance
of the IMF in ensuring international financial stability, and
why you think--assuming you think--full implementation of the
proposed 2010 quota and governance reforms are justified and
necessary.
Mr. Sabharwal. Thank you for the question.
The IMF really sits in the center of the global economy.
One of its missions is to avert crises, and if a crisis does
happen, to contain them. Whenever the private sector looks to
invest, the first item of risk it is looking at is the risks
that the IMF is addressing, macroeconomic risks, which includes
financial economic currency as well. Therefore, a strong IMF
creates strong global economies, which then leads to a growing
economy that is helpful for us in the United States as about 15
percent of our GDP is based on exports creating 10 million
jobs, and of course, a stronger global economy results in more
exports. When there is stability around the world, then those
countries are also investing more back home.
As a business person, I would think that a proposal where
each U.S. dollar--our dollars--is being matched four to one by
other countries in the objective of strengthening the IMF, and
on top of that, we are then the only country with a veto right.
That is a very strong proposition and one, from a businessman's
perspective, I would take because it benefits us. It is
leveraging our capital. It is growing the global economy that
is creating jobs back home. The strength of the global economy
again is enabling others to invest in our country, travel to
our country, again beneficial for the U.S. economy.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Senator Corker.
Senator Corker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And again, thank
you both for being here.
Just for those who might be looking on and members who are
not here, explain the relationship, if you would, between the
actual person and the alternate and how the two interrelate and
why we have it set up in that way, if you would briefly.
Mr. Sobel. Thank you, Senator.
The Office of the United States Executive Director is
responsible for being the voice of the United States. In the
IMF, some people talk about our votes. So we cast the votes.
The office does. The Fund tries to operate most of the time on
consensus, but we also provide the intellectual heft from the
United States to articulate and represent our views.
I would say one thing I have learned in my career is that
virtually any issue of importance to the international monetary
system is discussed in the IMF board.
So what does the IMF office do?
Senator Corker. Before we get to that, just if you would
specifically--there is an Executive Director and then there is
an alternate. Explain why we have it set up that way, if you
would briefly.
Mr. Sobel. It goes back to the original governance of the
Fund, but of course, there is just a tremendous amount of work
that goes to the board, and the two are there to represent the
United States in the board, to discuss with colleagues around
the world and build a consensus to advance U.S. positions. And
of course, if one or the other is not present, the other would
serve as the representative.
Senator Corker. So you have to be present to vote. Is that
correct?
Mr. Sobel. Yes.
Senator Corker. You cannot do that by proxy.
Mr. Sobel. Absolutely not.
Senator Corker. So is that the reason you have an
alternate?
Mr. Sobel. Absolutely.
The IMF board meets three to four times a week. They are
bringing hundreds of papers to the board for discussion and
presentation of ideas every year, and the office needs to be
positioned to read all the papers and weigh in on each and
every one of them. It is a tremendous volume of work.
Senator Corker. So, Mr. Sobel, we had a meeting yesterday,
and I have been listening to your testimony today and I
appreciate it. You used the word ``intellectual'' a minute ago.
You all provide the intellectual work to analyze what is
happening. And you seem very quiet and unassuming and sort of
reserved. It is kind of refreshing when you think about the
environment I live in daily.
But on the other hand, I would like to ask this question. I
mean, you talk about influencing others. And I know you
probably have a very high IQ, beyond certainly the person
asking the question. I guess the question is how much on the EQ
side is relevant to the job. I mean, is this an influencing job
where you are out trying to influence other people? You are
relatively quiet and I am just wondering what kind of skills
you possess relative to getting other people from other
countries who have divergent views to come your way.
Mr. Sobel. Well, thank you for that question. [Laughter.]
The Chairman. Let me forewarn you before you answer. Do not
take Senator Corker's self-effacing way to suggest that somehow
your intellect is greater than his. This is his ``oh, shucks''
way of getting to people. So I just want you to know.
Senator Corker. Thank you.
Mr. Sobel. I thank you for that. I had not been fooled.
Well, first of all, I thank you for perceiving me for being
quiet and unassuming. I know many people who would not agree
with your assessment.
Over my career, I have come to appreciate that the United
States leads not only by virtue of being the largest country in
the world, but by having good people who are smart and can put
forward strong reasoning and lead with analysis and good ideas.
Obviously, we have to be collegial. I think my colleagues
around the world know that if I need to be a tough negotiator,
I can be a tough negotiator. But I am a straight talker and I
am on my game.
Senator Corker. How much of the job, though seriously--I
know we talked a little bit yesterday. But how much of the job
is you influencing others through discussion and conversation?
How much of it is just analyzing some paper and people reading
and making a decision based on what is in a paper?
Mr. Sobel. The two actually come together. You read papers.
You form your analysis, but then you go talk to others to form
the best position and to exchange ideas on it. And I think that
really is in large measure the essence of what one does in the
IMF executive board.
Senator Corker. Well, I know we talked a little bit about
the quota package or you did with the chairman. I think there
has been some discussion on our side of the aisle, not by me,
but some have questioned the difference between the NAB and the
risk that our Nation has relative to that versus going ahead
and making the investment that is called for by the IMF
reforms.
Would you mind using this opportunity to distinguish
between the two and to talk a little bit about that risk? I
think it would be your view that the investment is not any more
risky than having the NAB out there, or at least I think that
is what it was yesterday. But if you would, please share your
thoughts in that regard.
Mr. Sobel. Thank you.
Both our contributions to the NAB and quotas I feel are
extremely secure. I feel our reserve claims on the IMF are
completely secure. The safeguards that would apply to the NAB
or the quota are the same. When NAB or quota resources are lent
out, they are lent out subject to strong conditionality. When
the IMF lends to country X, our exposure as a nation is not to
country X. It is to the Fund's balance sheet. The Fund's
balance sheet is rock solid. The Fund is regarded around the
world as a de facto preferred creditor. The Fund has strong
reserves. It has strong unrealized gold profits that could back
our loans in case there were any questions. So the Fund's
balance sheet is rock solid. I think that is beyond debate.
Senator Corker. Has the Fund ever lost--has the Fund ever
had a year where losses took place?
Mr. Sobel. No, absolutely not.
Senator Corker. Has it ever lost money on a single loan?
Mr. Sobel. The Fund has not lost money.
Senator Corker. On any loans ever.
Mr. Sobel. They at times have extended loans, and some
principal has gone into arrears but it has been repaid.
Senator Corker. So I think one of the things that people
who criticize the reforms and maybe criticize the IMF in
general are concerned about is there have been a lot of
exceptional access loans recently. It seems to be growing.
People get concerned. Obviously, the IMF has had a solid track
record, as you just alluded to, but people over time, as they
watch things happen that are, quote, extraordinary, meaning
they are not the norm, get concerned about the IMF and the
governance there, if you will, becoming more lax and
potentially exposing taxpayers' losses. I wonder if you might
respond to the fact that we have done much more of that
recently than in the past. We, meaning the IMF.
Mr. Sobel. Thank you.
One observation I would make about the way the global
economy has changed that is directly relevant to your question
is that if you think back to the 1970s and 1980s countries
developed current account issues, problems, and by tightening
macro policies, they could adjust their current accounts.
What has happened--and this is a tremendous benefit to the
world economy--is that we are seeing countries around the world
that have become more integrated into the global financial
system. Their capital accounts play a much more pronounced role
in the financing of the country, and when they face serious
stress, capital can flee very quickly. And I think that is part
of the reason why, starting with Mexico in 1994 and continuing
through the Asia crisis, is that you have sent the Fund need to
rely more on exceptional access programs to provide countries
with resources to stop liquidity runs, to stop liquidity
pressures and the like.
So no policymaker that I know of has ever liked approving
exceptional access programs, but it was felt that one needed to
do this for the stability of the global economy.
Now, in the case of Greece, this issue has arisen, as you
know, and it has been debated in the press. What I wanted to
say about the issue in that context is that in mid-2010, I feel
that Greece was looking potentially at a massive default or a
departure from the euro, and it was also a time when Europe had
not built the firewalls that were really needed to protect the
Eurozone. And had Greece defaulted or left the euro at the
time, I feel there would have been potentially a massive
contagion also within the Eurozone. This would have had a
tremendously detrimental impact not only on Europe, not only on
the world, but particularly the United States. There were a lot
of forecasts that I saw at the time that said if it had been
highly contagious, it could have pushed us back into recession
at a time when we were just beginning to grow our way out of
the 2009 financial crisis, and that would have meant a loss of
hundreds of thousands of jobs in the United States.
And between May and July of 2010, the stock market in the
United States declined by about 15 percent, largely on these
developments, and it wiped off, I was told, $2 trillion in
capitalization. So those are the savings of American works.
Those are their pensions.
And so I think that the IMF, working with the Europeans to
provide support for Greece, even if it was exceptional access,
was very much in the interests of the United States and the
global economy.
Senator Corker. Is it OK if I can go just a little bit
longer? I know I am already over, and I appreciate the extra
time.
So in the case of Greece in particular, there were actually
allegations that the IMF not only did something exceptional but
also sort of bent the rules. And that news--that kind of came
out at a time which made it difficult, if you will, when we
were looking at IMF reforms. Do you want to talk a little bit
about that and the fact that it actually looked like maybe the
IMF staff--it just seemed there was a little shading of what
the current situation was in order to make this happen. And
should that concern policymakers here in Washington?
Mr. Sobel. I would be pleased to answer that.
So when the exceptional access criteria were developed in
the early 2000s, Under Secretary John Taylor, whom you may
know, played a role in advancing that. As I said, no
policymaker liked approving exceptional access loans. And he
felt that there could be perhaps a more systematic and rigorous
process for examining whether such loans met certain criteria:
sustainability, could the country regain market access and the
like. And we developed the exceptional access criteria.
Now, there were a number of loans, even then, that were
approved that did not fulfill all the criteria of the
exceptional access. I think Turkey, Uruguay, Argentina, maybe
even Brazil back then that we approved the did not meet the
criteria.
So if we fast forward to--so I guess the point is I always
thought of the criteria as guidelines but not rigid rules. They
were to help us think through the case and whether it made
sense.
If we fast forward to the Greek case, the IMF felt that
there was a question as to whether there was a high probability
of sustainability of the program. So they put into the second
criteria systemic exception. And they put this to the board,
which under the Fund's governance is the body that, with
requisite voting power, is duly constituted to approve such
loans and that policy change, and the board approved that.
Everybody read the paper. Everybody in the world knew what they
were doing. The shareholders did it, and I outlined the reasons
why I felt at the time this was absolutely the right thing to
do for the world economy and for the U.S. economy.
Senator Corker. So I know that I have gone over and
unfortunately so long that now there is another member. And I
have messed up the chairman's schedule. But I have a couple of
questions and I am going to ask you directly in writing. I
talked to you a little bit yesterday about the Argentina bonds
issue and whether you were involved in trying to get a brief
written outside of the Treasury oversight, if you will. So I am
going to ask you a couple of other questions in writing.
But I thank you both for your willingness to serve in this
way and your testimony today. Thank you very much.
I am sorry to take so long.
The Chairman. Senator, my pleasure.
Senator Murphy.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I actually will
not belabor this meeting.
Thank you very much, both, for being here. Mr. Sobel, I am
sure you have covered the topic of Ukraine in your remarks and
some of the back and forth. Maybe you have answered this, but
let me just pose it to you and if you have, you can expound
upon it.
I appreciate all of the thought that the IMF has given to
the conditions upon which support has been granted to the
Ukrainian Government. A lot of outstanding questions remain
about their ability to repay that loan, especially given some
of their past history with this kind of assistance.
What is the relationship between the ability of Ukraine to
normalize trade relations with Russia and their ability
ultimately to pay back the money that has been lent and will be
lent? Or is there an ability to have a frozen conflict over the
course of 5 or 10 years and still be able to repay their
obligations? Ultimately, obviously, we believe that there is
going to be an ability for Ukraine to have a relationship with
Europe but also have a significant relationship with Russia.
But if that were not to happen in the course of the next 10
years, does that potentially compromise their ability to pay
back that money and what role would the IMF have then in trying
to facilitate some normalization of relations after the
temporary hostilities, that we hope are temporary, abate?
Mr. Sobel. Thank you, Senator Murphy.
I think the IMF's loan for Ukraine is absolutely vital. I
think Ukraine, after many years of a difficult policy
experience, fits and starts, faces a critical moment, as I know
you do. And we are keenly interested in seeing a Ukraine that
is on the path of reform, that becomes an economy that is able
to sustain its finances, to stand on its own feet, to trade and
interact with the world, the whole world, and to lessen its
vulnerability and dependence to its neighbors.
And that is what the IMF package seeks to do. Obviously, it
is going to be a very tough program, and given the history of
Ukraine with the IMF, we are going to have to be very vigilant
and make sure that the tough reforms that Ukraine needs to take
are implemented faithfully. These, as you know, involve
addressing extraordinarily heavy subsidization of energy in the
economy. I was told that basically Ukrainian consumers pay 20
percent of the cost of energy, and this results in a subsidy of
about 8 percent of GDP to the economy. And so it just puts an
enormous burden on them, but it also puts a tremendous
dependence upon them on the region. And it also then puts huge
pressure on their fiscal policy and whatnot. And given that
Ukraine has had an overvalued exchange rate for a long time, it
is not the most competitive economy and it is addressing those
issues.
I think if Ukraine is able to address those issues--and it
is going to be tough. We are going to have to monitor it very
carefully--there is the prospect that Ukraine can put itself on
its own feet and be able to interact on a much more market-
oriented basis with the rest of the world.
And so I feel that the IMF is offering that multilateral
path forward and is absolutely essential. But Ukraine will have
to pay its energy bills, and that is part and parcel of the
program that is being put forward for the country.
The IMF has an excellent repayment record. It is regarded
as the world's de facto preferred creditor. The IMF is always
repaid. And I have no doubt that Ukraine will repay the IMF, as
it always has in the past. But I very much hope that this time
we will be able to see Ukraine embark on a much bolder reform
path, tackle the corruption and governance problems that the
country has had, and make significant progress forward.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Mr. Sobel.
Let me just ask one thing of you, that as we implement the
repayment terms, I think it is important to understand, as I
know you do, that there is going to be enormous pain with
respect to the conversions that the Ukrainian economy has to
make to move away from these dramatic inefficiencies and
oversubsidization of energy prices. But the result of moving
too quickly and too rapidly is a corresponding rapid
undermining of support for this new government, which
ultimately I think is the only one that has the potential to
deliver on these reforms.
I know this is always a tension that the IMF faces when
trying to press economies for these types of reforms, but in
Ukraine, which is different than some of the other European
countries that have been offered these assistance packages,
they have an alternative. They can always go back to a
financial and economic dependence on Russia. Ultimately this
path forward, one in which they are in partnership with the IMF
and Europe, is better for Ukraine, better for the continent and
ultimately I think better for the United States. And being
careful about the timing and the terms upon which we ask them
to make reforms is integral to the ability of this new
government to be able to stand on its two feet in the long run.
So thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Sobel. I fully agree with that.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator McCain.
Senator McCain. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Sobel, at any time during the last year, did you urge
officials of the Government of Mexico to file an amicus brief
with the U.S. Supreme Court, taking the side of a foreign
government against U.S. investors?
Mr. Sobel. No, sir. The Mexican Government asked the U.S.
Treasury about the litigation, but the Mexican Government
decided on its very own to file, as did France and Brazil. We
did not advocate that.
The Secretary was asked about this recently in a hearing in
the House, and he also indicated that Mexican officials have
spoken to him and that he had interacted with them on this
issue and explained the longstanding concerns of the United
States on this issue.
Senator McCain. So I take it that your answer is you did
not urge officials of the Government of Mexico to file an
amicus brief with the U.S. Supreme Court.
Mr. Sobel. No.
Senator McCain. Did you recommend to the Government of
Mexico that they do that?
Mr. Sobel. No.
Senator McCain. Did you urge or express support for the IMF
filing a brief without the approval of your own superiors at
the Treasury Department?
Mr. Sobel. The IMF decided on its own that it wanted to
file a brief and then communicated that through the U.S. ED's
Office to the Treasury. This was known in the Treasury. There
were senior level discussions of the issue and staff level
discussions. And Secretary Lew again said in the hearings a few
weeks ago that he had discussed this matter with the IMF.
Senator McCain. So at no time during last year did you urge
the International Monetary Fund officials to file an amicus
brief with the U.S. Supreme Court.
Mr. Sobel. It was their decision. They decided. We did not
encourage or discourage them. This was their decision.
Senator McCain. Are you aware of any other examples in
which the IMF has intervened in a domestic court case in a
member state?
Mr. Sobel. So I am not a lawyer. I am told that it is rare
for IMFs, the international financial institutions, to do so,
but that they have. And I would be happy to submit for the
record what our lawyers have come up with in that regard.
[The information requested was not available at the time
this transcript went to press.]
Senator McCain. And I assume you do not know why the IMF
originally had the impression that the United States supported
the filing and why that impression needed to be corrected.
Mr. Sobel. I think you would have to ask Madame LeGarde.
Senator McCain. So you have no idea.
Mr. Sobel. No, sir.
Senator McCain. Well, do you have personal views on the
continuing litigation between U.S. investors in Argentina over
Argentina's refusal to settle its defaulted debt?
Mr. Sobel. So this is a longstanding issue, as you know. It
involves a clause in sovereign bonds that the United States has
felt the interpretation of the clause is important for the
orderliness and predictability of the sovereign debt process,
as well as for New York's role as a financial center.
The Bush administration filed a case in 2004--filed an
amicus in 2004 with the appellate court, and the Treasury also
filed two briefs in 2012 on this same issue. So there is a
longstanding concern in the Treasury Department--well, not only
Treasury. It is Treasury, State, and Department of Justice that
all come together and weigh in on these issues. There is a
longstanding concern that has existed since 2004, if not
earlier, on this issue and I think that remains the view of
many. That remains the view in the Government.
Senator McCain. Is it not a fact that Argentina has refused
to settle its defaulted debt even though when the bonds were
issued, they pledged to submit to U.S. court judgments and
waive their sovereign immunity? Argentina's current leadership
is defying U.S. courts and refuses to even negotiate with its
creditors. And is it not true that the U.S. courts have
consistently ruled against Argentina in the matter, most
notably in the unanimous ruling by a panel of the Second
Circuit Court of Appeals last August? It is my understanding
that you disagree with that court's ruling. Do you disagree
with that court's ruling?
Mr. Sobel. Thank you.
I want to be clear. We do not condone Argentina's behavior.
We have urged Argentina to honor its commitments. We have had a
policy for many years of opposing MDB lending to Argentina. Our
interest in the matter has related, as provided for in our
briefs, to our broader concerns about the impact of this issue
on--again, it comes back to the orderliness and predictability
of the sovereign debt restructuring process.
It is just an issue about Argentina. We have seen a
tremendous uptick in such litigation around the world over the
last decade or so. There was recently an academic article, and
I would be happy to provide to your staff after this, which
actually contains a catalog of all the increased holdout
litigation, but it affects countries like Liberia and Zaire and
others around the world. That is the concern in the United
States.
Senator McCain. Do you agree or disagree with the court's
ruling?
Mr. Sobel. The court has ruled as it is.
Senator McCain. I repeat my question, sir. Do you agree or
disagree with the court's ruling? It is a pretty
straightforward question.
Mr. Sobel. I appreciate that, Senator. My job is to provide
advice to the Secretary of the Treasury. The Treasury----
Senator McCain. I am aware of what your job is. I would
like to know whether you agree or disagree with the court's
ruling. As I say for the second time, it is a pretty
straightforward question. You are free to elaborate on your
view, but I would like to know whether you agree or disagree.
Mr. Sobel. I continue to believe that the court's ruling
has given--gives rise to the questions that we have had for
over a decade----
Senator McCain. Mr. Sobel, you know, this is really getting
a little frustrating. It is a fairly straightforward question.
I would like to know whether you agree or disagree with the
court's ruling, and you can elaborate on it however you want.
Mr. Sobel. Senator----
The Chairman. Let me just ask because I want to wrap this
up. Do you have an opinion? If you have an opinion, yes. If you
do not have an opinion, then your answer is you have no opinion
on the ruling.
Mr. Sobel. I have an opinion.
The Chairman. Maybe it is not your job to have an opinion
on the ruling.
Mr. Sobel. OK. Senator, I have an opinion. I continue to be
concerned that the court's ruling could upset the orderliness
and predictability of the sovereign debt restructuring process.
So, yes, I have concerns about the court's ruling. But that is
me speaking personally. As to what the U.S. Government does,
that will be a matter that will be determined by the Department
of Justice, the Department of the Treasury, and the Department
of State.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator McCain. Well, I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Let me thank both of you for your testimony. Because we are
going to have votes in a few minutes, I want to get to the
second panel. There are other questions. I do not want Mr.
Sabharwal to think he walked away that easily. We have a few
other questions, but I am sure you will both be able to answer
them.
If questions are provided for the record, I would urge you
to answer them expeditiously because the sooner you answer
them, the more quickly we can consider you at a business
hearing for the committee's vote.
And with the gratitude of the committee for your testimony
and your willingness to serve, this panel is excused.
Let me bring up our second panel. We have Matthew McGuire,
nominated to be the U.S. Executive Director of the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and
Mileydi Guilarte, nominated to be the Alternate U.S. Executive
Director to the Inter-American Development Bank.
Mr. McGuire is the Assistant to the Secretary and Director
of the Office Business Liaison at the Department of Commerce.
He previously worked as a senior executive in the financial
services industry, and has been active with nonprofit and civic
organizations throughout his career.
Ms. Guilarte has served at USAID, the United Nations, the
World Bank, and the IMF, giving her a broad perspective on
global economic development and poverty alleviation efforts.
Welcome to both of you.
Again, I will just state for the record that your opening
statements will be fully included in the record for their
entirety, without objection. I would ask you to summarize them
in about 5 minutes. And if you do have family members or
friends here, please feel free to introduce them prior to
making your statement.
Mr. McGuire.
STATEMENT OF MATTHEW T. McGUIRE, PH.D., OF THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA, TO BE UNITED STATES EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE
INTERNATIONAL BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT FOR A
TERM OF TWO YEARS
Dr. McGuire. Thank you. Thank you, Chairman Menendez,
Ranking Member Corker, and distinguished members of the
committee. It is an honor and a privilege to be here as
President Obama's nominee for Executive Director of the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development.
I have enjoyed meeting some of your staff in the last few
weeks, and I look forward to answering your questions today.
I am, as you mentioned, fortunate to have a number of
family members with me, and I would like to acknowledge them
before I begin. First, my wife, Michelle, is here with our two
daughters, Alexandra and Charlotte. My mother, Georgianna
McGuire, is here, as is my brother, Eric and his wife, Stacy.
My uncle and aunt, John and Lynne McGuire, and their son and my
cousin, Jason, as well as my in-laws and my other parents,
Bobby and Dianne Mance. I am from D.C. as I will come back to
in a minute and so many family who are here.
The Chairman. Well, thank you for populating the hearing.
We appreciate it. [Laughter.]
Dr. McGuire. Certainly. I try to be helpful.
My mother was part of the first Peace Corps group ever to
go overseas, Ghana 1, back in 1961. She was the first person in
her family to go to college, having worked her way through, and
when she graduated, she heard President Kennedy's call to reach
out beyond America's shores and make a difference, however
small or however large that might be. She taught English in a
small town in Ghana called Tema, and many years later, a
student of hers from Tema's secondary school became one of my
professors at Brown University. As you might imagine, I grew up
hearing many stories about those sorts of connections, and I
grew up hearing about the importance of America's role in the
world, especially through its uniquely American institutions
like the Peace Corps.
My father, who died when I was 6 years old, also served in
the Peace Corps in what was then East Pakistan and is now
Bangladesh. He spent most of his career working on
international affairs as well, and his influence on me has been
considerable even in his absence.
I also grew up working in my family's business here in
Washington, DC, the McGuire Funeral Service. My great
grandfather, Robert Grayson McGuire, founded the funeral home
in 1912, and when I was old enough I began spending my summers
and my weekends there, washing cars, arranging flowers,
shoveling snow off the driveway, and even acting as a
pallbearer when a family was in need of another set of hands.
And I will always remember that my mother and my uncle paid me
minimum wage and no more, punching a time clock like everyone
else, for every hour and every minute that I worked there.
Through the course of watching my grandfather, my mother,
my aunt, and my uncle run the funeral home, I learned numerous
things. I learned how important it is to have a bank that
provides credit in bad times, as well as good, about how having
economic independence makes it easier to engage with the
political issues of the day, like the civil rights movement,
which my family was deeply involved in, and about the pride and
responsibility that comes from being able to hire more people
as your company grows. These are simple yet powerful things
that I carry with me to this day.
The first part of my career was squarely focused on issues
of economic equality and how public policies can increase the
possibilities of ordinary citizens to raise their incomes and
have a shot at realizing their dreams. I got a Ph.D. in
anthropology from Harvard, finishing in 1998, and my
dissertation was on the redevelopment of public housing in
Chicago. During that time, I also spent several months in
Ethiopia and Eritrea researching the relationship between those
countries shortly after the end of their 30-year-long war. And
when I finished my Ph.D., I ran a welfare-to-work job training
program in New York before joining a firm that helped U.S.
cities redevelop public housing projects into mixed-income
communities.
In 2003, I moved into the financial services industry, and
I spent the next 8 years working for several mutual fund and
hedge fund companies, raising capital and serving as a senior
executive in three entrepreneurial and dynamic firms. During
that time, I began to more fully understand the role that
financial markets play in our economy and how interconnected
the global economy is as a result of the ease with which
capital moves across national borders, industry sectors, and
asset classes. In an era where CEO's and investors can deploy
their next dollars or euros or ryal almost anywhere in the
world at almost a moment's notice, it is increasingly important
that countries like ours pay close attention to their financial
positions and that they strive to maintain and strengthen the
integrity of their capital markets.
And that is what I would like to close with. Should this
committee and the full Senate confirm me, you can be sure that
I will undertake the role of Executive Director with that very
sensibility in mind at all times. I will strive to be a sound
steward of our country's capital at the bank and I will work to
ensure that each dollar we commit is used to support the values
that have proven so durable since America's founding, that open
societies are the strongest societies, that transparent systems
are the most successful systems, and that those countries which
endeavor to give all of their citizens a fair shot at becoming
educated, being healthy, and achieving economic independence
are the countries that will succeed no matter where they happen
to be located. Those are just a few of the values I have
watched President Obama champion for many years now, and I
would be honored to carry them forward on his behalf and on the
country's behalf as the Executive Director of the bank.
I look forward to answering any questions you might have,
and I thank you again for allowing me to come before you today.
[The prepared statement of Dr. McGuire follows:]
Prepared Statement of Matthew T. McGuire, Ph.D.
Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, and
distinguished members of the committee. It is an honor and a privilege
to be here, as President Obama's nominee for Executive Director of the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. I have enjoyed
meeting some of you and your staff in the last few weeks, and I look
forward to answering your questions today.
I am fortunate to have a number of family members with me, and I
would like to acknowledge them before I begin. First, my wife,
Michelle, is here with our two daughters, Alexandra and Charlotte. My
mother, Georgianna McGuire, is here; as is my brother, Eric, and his
wife, Stacy. My uncle and aunt, John and Lynne McGuire, are here as
well; and so are my in-laws and my ``other parents'' Bobby and Dianne
Mance.
My mother was part of the first Peace Corps group ever to go
overseas, ``Ghana I,'' back in 1961. She was the first person in her
family to go to college, having worked her way through, and when she
graduated she heard President Kennedy's call to reach out beyond
America's shores and to make a difference however small or however
large it might be. She taught English in a small town in Ghana called
Tema, and many years later a student of hers from the Tema Secondary
School became one of my professors at Brown University. As you might
imagine, I grew up hearing many stories about those sorts of
connections, and I grew up hearing about the importance of America's
role in the world, especially through its uniquely American
institutions, such as the Peace Corps. My father, who died when I was 6
years old, also served in the Peace Corps, in what was then East
Pakistan and is now Bangladesh. He spent most of his career working on
international affairs as well, and his influence on me has been
considerable even in his absence.
I also grew up working at my family's business here in Washington,
DC, the McGuire Funeral Service. My great-grandfather, Robert Grayson
McGuire, founded the funeral home in 1912, and when I was old enough I
began spending my summers and my weekends there, washing cars,
arranging flowers, shoveling snow off the driveway, and even acting as
a pallbearer when a family was in need of another set of hands. And I
will always remember that my mother and my uncle paid me minimum wage
and no more, punching a time clock like everyone else, for every hour
and every minute that I worked there.
Through the course of watching my grandfather, my mother, my aunt
and my uncle, run the funeral home, I learned numerous things. I
learned about how important it is to have a bank that provides credit
in bad times as well as good; about how having economic independence
makes it easier to engage with political issues of the day, like the
civil rights movement, which my family was deeply involved in; and
about the pride and responsibility that comes from being able to hire
more people as your company grows. These are simple, yet powerful
things that I carry with me to this day.
The first part of my career was squarely focused on issues of
economic equality, and how public policies can increase the
possibilities of ordinary citizens to raise their incomes and have a
shot at realizing their dreams. I got a Ph.D. in anthropology from
Harvard, finishing in 1998, and my dissertation was on the
redevelopment of public housing in Chicago. During that time I also
spent several months in Ethiopia and Eritrea, researching the
relationship between those countries shortly after the end of their 30-
year-long war. And when I finished my Ph.D., I ran a welfare-to-work
job training program in New York before joining a firm that helped U.S.
cities redevelop public housing projects into mixed-income communities.
In 2003, I moved into the financial services industry, and I spent
the next 8 years working for several mutual fund and hedge fund
companies, raising capital and serving as a senior executive in three
entrepreneurial and dynamic firms. During that time I began to more
fully understand the role that financial markets play in our economy,
and how interconnected the global economy is as a result of the ease
with which capital moves across national borders, industry sectors, and
asset classes. In an era where CEOs and investors can deploy each next
dollar, or euro, or real, almost anywhere in the world at almost a
moment's notice, it is increasingly important that countries like ours
pay close attention to their financial positions, and that they strive
to maintain and strengthen the integrity of their capital markets.
And that is what I would like to close with. Should you all confirm
me, you can be sure that I will undertake the role of Executive
Director with that very sensibility in mind at all times. I will strive
to be a sound steward of our country's capital at the Bank, and I will
work to ensure that each dollar we commit is used to support the values
that have proven so durable since America's founding: that open
societies are the strongest societies; that transparent systems are the
most successful systems; and that those countries which endeavor to
give ALL of their citizens a fair shot at becoming educated, being
healthy, and achieving economic independence, are the countries that
will succeed no matter where they happen to be located. Those are just
a few of the values I have watched President Obama champion for many
years now, and I would be honored to carry them forward on his behalf,
and on the country's behalf, as Executive Director of the Bank.
I look forward to answering any questions you might have, and I
thank you again for allowing me to come before you today.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Ms. Guilarte.
STATEMENT OF MILEYDI GUILARTE, OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, TO
BE UNITED STATES ALTERNATE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTER-
AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK
Ms. Guilarte. Thank you, Chairman. Before I begin, I would
like to introduce my family: my mother, Zenaida, my sister,
Maida, my sister-in-law, Meda, my brother, Jose, and my father,
Jose.
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, members of the
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today. I am honored that President Obama nominated me to serve
as the Alternate Executive Director at the Inter-American
Development Bank. I am also grateful to Secretary Lew and
Assistant Secretary Marisa Lago for supporting me.
I am also grateful to my family, friends, and colleagues
that are present today for their love, encouragement, and
unwavering support. I specially would like to thank my mother,
Zenaida, for inspiring me to be better each day.
If confirmed, I will bring to the IDB a deep understanding
of Latin America, solid experience with international
development, a strong belief in the value of public service,
and the commitment to relentlessly promote the U.S. interests
in the region.
Representing the United States at the IDB, an institution
created to support the economic and social development of Latin
America, is a humbling yet vital undertaking. If confirmed, I
would be the first Latina in nearly 30 years to hold this
important position.
Let me take the opportunity to tell you a little bit about
my background, which has shaped how I came to pursue a career
in international development. Born in Cuba, I left Havana for
the United States at an early age with my family in search of a
better life with only a single blue suitcase in our hands. I
spent my formative years in Miami, where I worked side by side
with my parents in flea markets each weekend to help make ends
meet. These experiences taught me the value of discipline and
hard work. I was the first member of my family to graduate from
college, and I feel deeply blessed to have prospered in
America.
While in graduate school, I focused on developing a solid
academic foundation to understand economic, political, and
social issues as they impact development and democracy.
After graduation, my deep commitment to the promotion of
democracy and human rights led me to work and live in various
countries around the globe. Professionally I have worked in
countries as diverse as India, East Timor, the Philippines, and
the Republic of the Maldives. Through these experiences, I
deepened my leadership skills and learned how critical the
interaction between financial institutions, donors, and civil
society are in the development of the world's poorest nations.
At the World Bank and at the United Nations, I worked on
conflict prevention, humanitarian assistance, and strengthening
emerging democracies. Most recently, at the United States
Agency for International Development, I worked in El Salvador
shepherding an interagency initiative which supported broad-
based economic growth and citizen security. These experiences
allowed me to appreciate the challenges of working within
complex multilateral institutions and develop the skills to
help promote effective initiatives in that environment.
Thinking about Latin America has been a constant throughout
my life. The opportunity to represent our great country at the
Inter-American Development Bank is a particular honor for me as
an American born in Latin America.
If confirmed, I will work diligently to advance U.S.
objectives at the Inter-American Development Bank by carefully
stewarding the resources of the U.S. taxpayer and promoting
greater accountability, transparency, and effectiveness. I look
forward to working closely with the members of this committee
and your staff.
Thank you for your consideration. I look forward to
answering any questions you might have.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Guilarte follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mileydi Guilarte
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored
that President Obama nominated me to serve as the Alternate Executive
Director at the Inter-American Development Bank. I am also grateful to
Secretary Lew and Assistant Secretary Marisa Lago for supporting me.
I am also grateful to my family, friends, and colleagues that are
present today, for their love, encouragement, and unwavering support. I
specially would like to thank my mother, Zenaida, for inspiring me to
be better each day.
If confirmed, I will bring to the IDB a deep understanding of Latin
America, solid experience with international development, a strong
belief in the value of public service, and the commitment to
relentlessly promote the U.S. interests in the region.
Representing the United States at the IDB, an institution created
to support the economic and social development of Latin America, is a
humbling yet vital undertaking. If confirmed, I would be the first
Latina in nearly 30 years to hold this important position.
Let me take the opportunity to tell you a little bit about my
background, which has shaped how I came to pursue a career in
international development. Born in Cuba, I left Havana for the United
States at an early age with my family in search of a better life with
only a single blue suitcase in our hands. I spent my formative years in
Miami, where I worked side by side with my parents in flea markets each
weekend to help make ends meet. These experiences taught me the values
of discipline and hard work. I was the first member of my family to
graduate from college, and I feel deeply blessed to have prospered in
America.
While in graduate school, I focused on developing a solid academic
foundation to understand economic, political, and social issues as they
impact development and democracy.
After graduation, my deep commitment to the promotion of democracy
and human rights led me to work and live in various countries around
the globe. Professionally, I have worked in countries as diverse as
India, East Timor, the Philippines, and the Republic of the Maldives.
Through these experiences, I deepened my leadership skills and learned
how critical the interaction between financial institutions, donors,
and civil society are in the development of the world's poorest
nations.
At the World Bank and at the United Nations, I worked on conflict
prevention, humanitarian assistance, and strengthening emerging
democracies. Most recently, at the United States Agency for
International Development, I worked in El Salvador shepherding an
interagency initiative which supported broad-based economic growth and
citizen security. These experiences allowed me to appreciate the
challenges of working within complex multilateral institutions and
develop the skills to help promote effective initiatives in that
environment.
Thinking about Latin America has been a constant throughout my
life. The opportunity to represent our great country at the Inter-
American Development Bank is a particular honor for me as an American
born in Latin America.
If confirmed, I will work diligently to advance U.S. objectives at
the Inter-American Development Bank by carefully stewarding the
resources of the U.S. taxpayer and promoting greater accountability,
transparency, and effectiveness. I look forward to working closely with
the members of this committee and your staff.
Thank you for your consideration, and I look forward to answering
any questions you might have.
The Chairman. Well, thank you both for your testimony.
Just like the previous panel, you have extraordinary
personal backgrounds, and we always marvel about how people can
come forth from their different backgrounds and engage in
public service. So we applaud you in that respect.
And your father is probably the smartest person here. He
has a guayabera on. I wish I could get away with that here.
[Laughter.]
But in any event, let me ask you, Mr. McGuire. The World
Bank is now in the second year of President Kim's ambitious
reform plan to refocus the bank on its twin missions of ending
extreme poverty by 2030 and promoting shared prosperity.
What is your assessment of that progress to date?
Certainly, strong U.S. leadership is essential in this process.
If confirmed, in addition to your assessment, what interaction
would you expect to have with President Kim's reform program?
Dr. McGuire. Thank you for the question, Mr. Chairman.
You are absolutely right. Dr. Kim has undertaken
significant changes at the bank in terms of how it operates and
those two goals that you outlined. I am quite supportive to
this point of the efforts he is undertaking. Anytime there is
significant change in an institution, there are hiccups and
bumps and I think that the changes he is making are significant
ones, and as a result, it is imperative as the Executive
Director, the United States maintain close focus on how it is
all going and whether or not the capital that we entrust to the
bank continues to carry out the purposes that the board has
approved them to do.
I would say that one of the things in particular he has
done I applaud, which is a move toward practice areas or in the
business world we called verticals, and moving toward aligning
the experts in agriculture, in education, in energy in such a
manner that they really can spread their expertise more
effectively across the many regions working with the country
directors who understand the local environment the best. I have
seen that model work quite well in the private sector, and
while it takes time for it to really take root, it is one thing
in particular that I think is quite commendable. And I look
forward to working with Dr. Kim closely on seeing its execution
all the way through.
The Chairman. Ms. Guilarte, what is your perspective on how
the IDB initiatives complement U.S. foreign policy goals for
this hemisphere? And do you believe there are areas where the
United States and the IDB could coordinate more closely to be
able to further mutual objectives?
Ms. Guilarte. Thank you, Chairman.
The IDB plays a critical role in the region. As the largest
shareholder at 30 percent, we have a unique opportunity to
really shape the way that we conduct our relationship with the
region. It helps in a number of ways--our assistance to the
bank. Primarily it helps promote and advance our national
interests, our security agenda. It helps promote U.S.
opportunities and increase investment to U.S. firms, create
jobs. So in a number of ways, our assistance goes a long way. A
stable economy for our neighbors means a stable economy for us
as well.
In terms of our collaboration, I think there is a lot of
work being done right now between the IDB and the World Bank.
One great example is for the Haiti reconstruction that we have
worked very closely on. So there are a lot of opportunities. It
does not mean that we cannot do more. Absolutely. And if
confirmed, I look forward to working with my colleague at the
World Bank to promote and encourage more collaboration,
ensuring that we do not duplicate any of our efforts.
The Chairman. One other question for you. Argentina has
failed to honor international obligations to the IMF, the
United States, and other Paris Club creditors and to private
bondholders. And I understand that the administration's policy
since 2011 has been to oppose all MDB loans, including from the
IDB, to Argentina, and that the IDB is currently large inactive
in Venezuela.
If confirmed, will you assure us that you will work to
ensure that the IDB continues to take the U.S. Government's
concerns about Argentina and Venezuela into consideration, and
will keep the Congress informed?
Ms. Guilarte. Thank you, Chairman.
Absolutely. The United States does not support any loans to
Venezuela or Argentina, and if confirmed, I will continue to
uphold that position and keep your committee informed.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Senator Corker.
Senator Corker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you both for your willingness to do this, your
great backgrounds. And you are very fortunate today that we
have vote coming up and this is going to be short meeting.
[Laughter.]
I would like for you, if you would, Mr. McGuire to explain
to people again looking on what our national security dividend,
if you will, is for being such a large contributor to the World
Bank and being involved in that way.
Dr. McGuire. Sure. There are any number of things. I would
start with several. One, as was mentioned earlier, economic
stability is in the interest of our national security in the
sense that when there are fragile or failed states in any part
of the world, they tend to have spillover effects in the
surrounding region. And to the extent that the World Bank can
serve to strengthen countries all over the globe, it allows us
to extend our foreign policy toolbox, as it were, in ways that
are very important to not only the citizens of those countries,
but to our Government itself.
I would point secondly, coming from the Commerce
Department, that I think an awful lot about the U.S. economy
and its importance not only to our national security but to the
globe's well-being. Clearly to the extent that there are
growing middle classes around the world, there are deeper
export markets for our companies to sell into, and as President
Obama says an awful lot, 95 percent of the world's customers
are outside of the United States. So to the extent that we can
strengthen economies around the world, there are dividends not
only to our national security but to companies here in the
United States, to workers here in the United States, to our
economy every single day.
Senator Corker. So one of the things people look at
relative to your organization, the organization you hope to be
a part of--China has obviously dramatically changed over the
last two decades, and yet we are still involved with--the World
Bank is still involved with making loans there. I guess I would
ask, should we not be moving away from being involved with
economies and countries like China, Brazil, and India?
Dr. McGuire. So there are two ways I would come at that.
First, in terms of India itself, as I understand it, the bank
is not providing loans except--to China except in those cases
where there are considerable human needs. It is really about
very, very basic human needs. So if the question is in terms of
loans there, I would just want to differentiate between China
and some other countries.
In terms of the----
Senator Corker. Explain that to me again.
Dr. McGuire. As I understand it, at this point the World
Bank is not loaning to China for projects there except for
those instances where there are exceptional human needs having
to do with very basic health, having to do with really
fundamental lives being at stake. So in the sense that it is
not like borrowing countries where there are projects coming
before on a very regular basis.
Senator Corker. So on that note, though, that is
interesting, and obviously we care about people's human needs.
But on the other hand, China is making massive loans to
countries in Africa, obviously taking advantage of natural
resource access. And actually people are very worried about the
amount of loans they are making to some of those countries and
their ability to repay them and what happens over time to those
countries' sovereignty.
So can you explain to me the rub there? So here we are
making loans to China inside their country for basic human
needs. On the other hand, they are loaning massive amounts out
to other countries and, in essence, maybe making them stewards
of China. It just seems like to me there is a little bit of a
conflict there, and I wonder how you might resolve that.
Dr. McGuire. So I think the important point there is that
China can do things on a bilateral basis or on a multilateral
basis. And it is important that China is part of the World Bank
and that we are working with them so that they are in part of
this multilateral institution and with other countries from
around the world who can engage and try to shape some of the
things that are going on within not only China but elsewhere in
the world. So really it comes down in a very basic way from my
perspective about working with someone versus entirely against
someone, and I think it is always advantageous to the extent
you can bring people into these global institutions and work
with them and try to shape behavior there.
I would also say that in terms of Africa specifically or
other countries where the World Bank operates, as does a
country like China bilaterally, it is very important for a
member of the World Bank's role often is the smart money, if
you will. The capital markets have changed. The global
environment is radically different now than it was 20 years
ago. One of the things that World Bank money does is often come
with the expertise that is highly respected and that,
therefore, can shape the way the particular governments there
operate differently than they might if they only were choosing
between a bilateral choice of Chinese dollars--or Chinese yuan
versus American dollars and there were not institutions like
the World Bank to be mediators and to push people in the right
direction.
Senator Corker. So I have met Jim Kim, and I think actually
the chairman may have hosted something where he came in to talk
a little bit about the World Bank. And we have been reading
stories about the restructuring, and we all know probably
better than anybody in the world here that when you change
anything, there is lots of resistance. A lot of people have a
lot of stake in the status quo.
But you feel with his background, which is very different
for somebody looking at billions and billions and billions of
dollars alone--he has a very different background, if you will,
coming mostly I think from a health background. Do you feel
like he is qualified, first of all, to carry out the role of
the World Bank but also the changes that he has put in place
with things that are going to lead to a good end at the World
Bank?
Dr. McGuire. I do and for several reasons. One, I would
note that he has run various types of organizations in his
career. So as president of Dartmouth University, that is a very
different entity than when he cofounded Partners in Health,
which was really doing health care around the world, public
health. So I think the diversity of the types of organizations
he has run is an advantage.
I think also importantly, though, this is where the
Executive Director can play a real role. The United States is a
leader on the board, as you know. We have significantly more
shares than anyone else at the bank. And this is a role that I
hope that I can help play by garnering support at the board
level, by working closely with management, and making sure that
this does go smoothly going forward.
Finally, the thing I would say that is important--and you
know this as a business owner yourself, I would imagine--is how
important the people under you are. And I think so long as he
continues to maintain the extraordinary talent under him and
let them do their jobs effectively, I am very confident that he
will be able to succeed going forward.
Senator Corker. Well, thank you both. And we will have some
written questions to follow up. But I do appreciate especially
people with the backgrounds that you have aspiring to serve in
this way.
Thank you for bringing of your family members. We have a
minister that ends up having the children's choir a lot to make
sure the audience is full. [Laughter.]
So thank you very much, all of you, for being here. And we
look forward to a speedy confirmation. So thank you.
Dr. McGuire. Thank you very much.
Ms. Guilarte. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Corker.
Again, as I said to the previous panel, there will be some
other questions submitted for the record. I would urge you to
answer them as expeditiously as possible in order to consider
your nomination before a business meeting of the committee.
This record will remain open until the close of business
tomorrow, Thursday.
And with the thanks of the committee for your testimony and
your willingness to serve, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:30 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Material Submitted for the Record
Letter Signed by 11 House Members Supporting the
Nomination of Matthew T. McGuire
______
Responses of Mark Sobel to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
eu financial crisis and imf reforms
Question. Since the beginning of the financial crisis in 2009, 11
European countries have entered into financial assistance programs with
the IMF, with commitments totaling about $157 billion. Of these
programs, three are with members of the Eurozone: Greece, Portugal, and
Ireland. Some critics, including here in Congress, are concerned about
whether loans to Europe are an appropriate use of IMF resources, and
have called for internal, systemic reform of the IMF surveillance
program and lending processes.
Given that you were working at Treasury during the crisis,
what is your view of the IMF's response to the crisis in
Europe? If confirmed, are there any aspects in particular of
the IMF's mandate and/or procedures that you believe merit
review and possible reform?
Answer. The Fund's engagement with Europe is strongly in the U.S.
interest. The IMF has played a critical role in supporting its European
members' efforts to stabilize their economies and financial systems,
and helping to mitigate contagion from Europe to other countries,
particularly the United States. As our largest economic partner, Europe
is an important source of growth and jobs for the United States, and
our economic health is closely intertwined with Europe's.
The IMF benefits all of its members by standing ready to provide
policy advice, technical assistance, and financing, if needed. The IMF
has supported specific European countries in cases where the European
Union has provided the bulk of the financing and has been willing to
apply its policy tools flexibly and aggressively to support necessary
reforms. This lending has come with rigorous conditions in the context
of macroeconomic adjustment programs. Today, Ireland has exited and
Portugal is close to exiting from IMF support, and Greece has achieved
a primary surplus and completed an international bond issue.
Despite its many strengths, the IMF--like any other organization--
has room for improvement. As I discussed in my testimony, I think the
IMF can provide crisper judgments on global rebalancing and exchange
rate issues, strengthen its work on crisis prevention, spillover
analysis, and debt sustainability, support pro-poor spending in low-
income countries, and help make financial sectors more resilient. I
look forward to working to strengthen the IMF's work in these areas, if
confirmed.
______
Responses of Mark Sobel to Questions
Submitted by Senator Bob Corker
imf quota package
Question. If the quota reforms are implemented, the United States
will transfer approximately $63 billion from the New Arrangements to
Borrow (NAB) credit line to the more permanent IMF quota system. The
overall IMF quota will be doubled, reaching approximately $755 billion.
There are many in Congress who approved the emergency NAB credit
line in 2009 because they were led to believe the NAB funds were
important in a time of global financial emergency.
Why is a doubling of the IMF quota justified?
Answer. The 2010 reforms are necessary to put the IMF on a more
sustainable and stable financial footing for the future.
The world has changed since the 1980s and 1990s, and the size of
IMF quotas has not kept pace with global growth and the rise in global
trade and capital flows. With increased financial integration and
globalization, the extent to which destabilizing flows can flee a
country has greatly increased. Moreover, reflecting this and other
realities, the world has confronted far greater tail risks since the
global financial crisis. In short, there is the potential for much
larger demands for IMF resources in the face of continuing global
economic and financial instability.
The doubling in quota resources was also an important element of
the 2010 negotiations, facilitating the achievement of needed
realignments in quota shares and to modernize IMF governance.
Specifically, these reforms are designed to rebalance shares to more
accurately reflect today's global economy, while maintaining the U.S.
veto.
It is critical to underscore, however, that the overall amount of
resources available to the IMF when the 2010 reforms are implemented
will only increase slightly, and the United States will not increase
its commitment to the IMF by a single dollar.
Under the 2010 reforms, the United States preserves its veto and
leadership role in the IMF, facilitates a needed realignment to ensure
that the Fund's membership remains anchored in the multilateral system
and continues to view the Fund as legitimate, all without committing
any new resources to the IMF. At the same time, the IMF gets the
resources it needs to keep pace with the growth in global output,
trade, and financial flows.
Question. Engagement with Congress on the IMF reform package has
not been effective since the administration agreed to the reform
measures and quota changes in 2010. Given that you were responsible at
the Treasury Department for the IMF during that period, what would you
do differently going forward in your engagement with Congress to
explain and promote congressional approval of the proposed IMF changes?
Answer. The administration has been, and continues to be, strongly
committed to passage of legislation to implement the 2010 IMF quota and
governance reforms. As Deputy Assistant Secretary for International
Monetary and Financial Policy, I have appreciated the opportunity to
engage with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and other
congressional committees, on the importance of passing this
legislation. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing to work with
you and other Members of Congress on this high priority legislation.
imf surveillance and the response to the 2008 global financial crisis
Question. One of the key functions of the IMF is to monitor the
economic and financial policies of its member countries, highlighting
the risks to stability in the international monetary system and
advising on needed policy adjustments. Yet, recent financial crises
such as the global financial crisis of 2008 and the Eurozone crisis
seem to have caught many by surprise and unprepared.
In your view, what lessons have we learned from the 2008
crisis? What changes to IMF surveillance and policies have been
implemented in response to these crises?
Answer. IMF surveillance indeed has an important crisis prevention
role. The global community is far better served by crisis prevention
rather than coping with crisis resolution.
As a first line of defense, countries have important
responsibilities to implement sound policies. Many countries,
especially emerging markets, have learned lessons from their crises in
the past decade, and have improved their policies, consistent with IMF
advice, in order to create more space and shock absorbers.
The 2008 crisis revealed other lessons. One was that the potential
for capital to rapidly flee countries has further grown. Another lesson
in this spirit is that interdependencies among countries have also
increased, meaning that contagion can spread more virulently and
quickly around the world. In this regard, IMF surveillance
underestimated the combined risk across economies, as well as sectors,
and the importance of financial sector feedback and spillovers. Another
lesson is that a sound macroeconomic policy framework is the best first
line of defense against external risks.
Accordingly, since 2008, the United States has encouraged the IMF
to strengthen its focus on multilateral surveillance through increased
coverage of financial stability and external sector issues, as well as
analysis of the spillover effects of country policies. In response, the
IMF now produces annual spillover reports and external sector reports,
and has enhanced its analysis of financial stability issues in
Financial Sector Assessment Program (FSAP) reports. The United States
has also continued to urge the IMF to undertake more rigorous bilateral
surveillance and put forward its views in a more candid and forthright
manner.
Further work, though, is still needed to create incentives for
countries to follow IMF advice to strengthen their policies and reduce
vulnerabilities, recognizing that sovereign countries may not always
follow the IMF's recommendations. If confirmed, I will work to ensure
that surveillance is strengthened.
argentina bonds and amicus briefs
Question. As you know, the U.S. Second Circuit Court of Appeals
recently held that Argentina breached its contractual obligations to
U.S. taxpayers by refusing to honor its financial obligations under
bonds owned by those taxpayers. Last summer, Christine Lagarde,
managing director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) announced
that the Fund would be filing an amicus brief in support of Argentina's
appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court.
It is my understanding that the IMF has never before filed
a U.S. Supreme Court brief. Is that accurate?
Answer. I am aware that though the IMF has not filed an amicus
brief before the Supreme Court, it has filed at least one amicus brief
in a U.S. appellate court. In 1997 and 1998, the IMF (together with the
Inter-American Development Bank, Pan-American Health Organization, and
Intelsat) filed, in both the federal district and appeals courts,
amicus briefs opposing the imposition of D.C. sales taxes on cafeteria
transactions by a World Bank contractor. International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development v. District of Columbia, 171 F.3d 687
(D.C. Cir. 1999).
I understand that submission of amicus briefs by international
financial institutions occurs infrequently, but the IMF and other
international financial institutions such as the Inter-American
Development Bank and the World Bank do file amicus briefs in U.S.
courts from time to time.
Question. What communications did you have with the IMF Executive
Board and any staff of the IMF regarding the Argentine sovereign debt?
Did you participate in any conversations regarding the potential IMF
amicus brief? If so, please describe such conversations.
Answer. The IMF's decision to file in this case was its own,
reached by IMF management and staff. The IMF's concerns about the
implications of the Court's ruling in undermining the orderliness and
predictability of the sovereign debt restructuring process were similar
to those expressed in prior U.S. Government briefs in the litigation.
The State and Treasury Departments actively discussed the merits of
whether the United States should file an amicus brief, working closely
with the Department of Justice. Treasury exchanged views with the IMF
at the staff level on the posture of the litigation, consistent with
discussions ongoing at senior levels. As Secretary Lew stated in recent
testimony (before the House Subcommittee on Financial Services and
General Government on April 29, 2014), he discussed these issues with
the IMF.
In the context of this broader discussion, I engaged with the IMF
management, in particular through the U.S. Executive Director, who is a
member of the Executive Board, to help advise senior Treasury officials
in determining the appropriate U.S. posture with respect to the IMF's
consideration of a potential amicus brief and to engage with IMF
officials regarding such a brief.
Question. What are your views on the propriety of the U.S.
Executive Director to the IMF advocating that the IMF or foreign
governments file amicus briefs in domestic U.S. court cases?
Answer. The positions taken by the U.S. Executive Director to the
IMF at the IMF Board are subject to the direction of the Secretary of
the Treasury. If confirmed, I will adhere to the instructions of the
United States Government, and in particular, the Secretary of the
Treasury.
Question. Would you please elaborate on your concern that ``the
court's ruling could upset the orderliness and the ability of the debt
restructuring process''?
Answer. The United States, in briefs filed in the U.S. Court of
Appeals for the Second Circuit in [April] and December 2012, stated
that U.S. efforts to promote voluntary debt restructuring, along with
macroeconomic reform and support as necessary from the international
financial institutions, is the most effective way to resolve sovereign
balance of payment crises while minimizing economic damage. This in
turn will help protect the U.S. economy and U.S. jobs.
As those briefs stated, the court's ruling may make voluntary
sovereign debt restructuring substantially more difficult by tilting
the incentives away from consensual, negotiated restructuring in the
first place.
In 2004, the United States also filed a brief with the District
Court for the Southern District of New York in the case involving
Argentina. Like the 2012 briefs, the 2004 brief highlighted the
potentially harmful impact on debt restructuring of both novel
interpretations of standard contract terms and novel enforcement
mechanisms. The 2004 brief also noted that the United States has only
previously twice intervened in litigation on sovereign debt issues (in
Allied Bank/Costa Rica in 1984 and in CIBC/Brazil in 1994), emphasizing
the adverse effects that contractual uncertainty could have on
international financial markets and on restructuring efforts.
investor rights and sovereign borrower lending from the imf
Question. The IMF staff issued a report in April last year on
sovereign debt restructuring examining collective action clauses. What
are your views on balancing the rights of bond holders with the need to
establish a financially stable restructuring path for the debt burdened
sovereign.
Do you think property rights of investors should be
respected when a sovereign borrower needs to restructure its
debt in an economic crisis? How do you balance respect for
investor's property rights and the need for debt relief to help
the borrowing country recover?
Answer. As I stated in the hearing, the United States does not
condone Argentina's treatment of its creditors or actions, respects the
sanctity of contract rights, and urges countries to honor their
commitments. As stated in the U.S. amicus brief filed in the Argentina
case, U.S. sovereign debt policy implicitly recognizes the critical
role of the contract in resolving a debt crisis. Restructuring
negotiations, when these unfortunately become necessary, must take
place within a framework where creditors can seek recourse to the
courts to enforce contractual obligations. Moreover, creditors must be
assured that the terms of any new debt instruments issued pursuant to a
restructuring plan will be legally enforceable. As the amicus brief
submitted by the U.S. Government in 2012 stated, it would harm the
process that has evolved to address sovereign debt problems if
creditors, in negotiating with debtors, also retained the option to
litigate to obtain interpretations of standard terms than are not
supported by commercial market practice.
Question. Do you think good faith negotiations between a sovereign
borrower and its private sector investors is the best way to arrive at
a fair and mutually agreed restructured deal? What do you think of the
proposals from some quarters for a non-negotiated or unilateral deal
approach on the grounds of expediency?
Answer. I believe that good faith negotiations between a sovereign
borrower and its private sector are the best way to arrive at a fair
and mutually agreed deal. Borrowers should engage constructively with
creditors, and fully disclose information on the country's financial
situation and plans going forward.
I would not support proposals that would impose a unilateral deal
on the grounds of expediency.
ttip and financial services regulation
Question. Treasury has opposed including financial services
regulatory issues in TTIP. Is that still Treasury's position or has
there been any further interagency discussion on how to approach the
issue in TTIP?
Answer. It is my understanding that the administration's position
has not changed. As Secretary Lew has indicated, traditional market
access issues for financial services should be part of the
negotiations; however, financial prudential and regulatory cooperation
should continue in existing and appropriate bilateral and multilateral
regulatory fora, such as the G20, the Financial Stability Board, and
international standard setting bodies, in parallel alongside the TTIP
negotiations.
Question. My understanding is that the Europeans have stated
publicly that the current Financial Regulatory Markets Dialogue (FMRD)
is insufficient to address bilateral issues, and they appear to be
insistent that these issues be addressed in TTIP.
Isn't there some sort of creative solution that can bring
some of these issues into TTIP in a way that does not undermine
U.S. law or negatively affect regulators' prudential authority?
Answer. Ensuring the safety and soundness of the U.S. financial
system through a robust regime of prudential regulation and supervision
remains a top priority of the administration.
Since the financial crisis, the United States has been pursuing a
comprehensive agenda, with ambitious deadlines, on regulatory and
prudential cooperation in the financial sector--multilaterally, in the
G20 and the Financial Stability Board, bilaterally with the European
Union in the Financial Markets Regulatory Dialogue, and in
international standard-setting bodies such as the Basel Committee on
Banking Supervision and the International Organization of Securities
Commissions.
Alongside the TTIP negotiations, the United States will continue to
work to make progress in these channels in the near term, including by
raising international standards to the levels that our financial
regulators are now implementing in the United States. This is the best
way to assure high quality regulation globally and level the playing
field for U.S. firms.
congressional relations
Question. In your role as Deputy Assistant Secretary of the
Treasury, did you at any time discourage the U.S. Executive Director to
the International Bank of Reconstruction and Development, the U.S.
Executive Director for the Asian Development Bank, or the Executive
Director from the Inter-American Development Bank from agreeing to
requests to appear at hearings of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee?
Answer. No.
Question. If confirmed as U.S. Executive Director, do you commit to
appearing at hearings of this committee when requested and to
responding to committee requests for information in a timely manner?
Answer. Yes, I look forward to working with your committee.
______
Responses of Mark Sobel to Questions
Submitted by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In your answers to Senator McCain's questions you
indicated that both the IMF's announcement, in July 2013, that it would
file an amicus brief with the U.S. Supreme Court siding with Argentina
against U.S. investors, and then the subsequent reversal of this
announcement were decisions that originated at the IMF and received no
support or influence by any U.S. Government officials.
Is this an accurate summary of your position?
Answer. The IMF's decision to file in this case was its own,
reached by IMF management and staff. The IMF's concerns about the
implications of the Court's ruling in undermining the orderliness and
predictability of the sovereign debt restructuring process were similar
to those expressed in prior U.S. Government briefs in the litigation.
The State and Treasury Departments actively discussed the merits of
whether the United States should file an amicus brief, working closely
with the Department of Justice. Treasury exchanged views with the IMF
at the staff level on the posture of the litigation, consistent with
discussions ongoing at senior levels. As Secretary Lew stated in recent
testimony (before the House Subcommittee on Financial Services and
General Government on April 29, 2014), he discussed these issues with
the IMF. In view of the posture of the litigation, and the U.S.
decision not to file a brief, Treasury indicated to the IMF that it
would not support the brief.
Question. In its 68-year history, the IMF has never attempted to
influence a domestic U.S. court case, and in fact, the Fund has
maintained a decades-long tradition of remaining neutral in debt
disputes between member states.
Will you assure this committee that, if confirmed as U.S.
Executive Director to the IMF, you will maintain this tradition
and oppose any effort by the IMF to influence a domestic U.S.
court case?
Answer. The positions taken by the U.S. Executive Director to the
IMF at the IMF Board are subject to the direction of the Secretary of
the Treasury. If confirmed, I will adhere to the instructions of the
United States Government, and in particular, the Secretary of the
Treasury.
I am aware that though the IMF has not filed an amicus brief before
the Supreme Court, it has filed at least one amicus brief in a U.S.
appellate court. In 1997 and 1998, the IMF (together with the Inter-
American Development Bank, Pan-American Health Organization, and
Intelsat) filed, in both the federal district and appeals courts,
amicus briefs opposing the imposition of D.C. sales taxes on cafeteria
transactions by a World Bank contractor. International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development v. District of Columbia, 171 F.3d 687
(D.C. Cir. 1999).
I understand that submission of amicus briefs by international
financial institutions occurs infrequently, but the IMF and other
international financial institutions such as the Inter-American
Development Bank and the World Bank do file amicus briefs in U.S.
courts from time to time.
______
Responses of Sunil Sabharwal to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
imf reform
Question. The 2010 quota and governance reforms increase the IMF's
resources and adjust its governance structure to more accurately
reflect current global economic participation. However, stemming from
IMF engagement in EU countries during the financial crisis, some
critics contend that other systemic and operational reforms should be
considered.
Do you agree that, aside from the 2010 reforms, other
internal reforms are needed at the IMF and do you intend to
explore additional reform options, if confirmed?
Answer. It is important for the IMF to be evenhanded and maintain
the same high standards in its lending to European countries as in its
lending to other countries around the world. On the other hand, it is
not uncommon that the IMF's exposure at any given time is high to a
finite group of countries in a given region for the purposes of
avoiding contagion, negatively affecting the global economy. An example
of this would be the Asian crisis of the late 1990s.
The IMF plays an important role in promoting fiscal discipline and
open and transparent budget processes in its member countries. As a
businessman, I believe that the IMF should apply similar discipline to
its own internal budget framework and demonstrate strong institutional
transparency. I understand the United States has been a strong voice
over the years in encouraging IMF budget stringency and greater
transparency of the IMF's operations. I look forward to supporting
these efforts and looking into these issues further, if confirmed.
imf surveillance
Question. A frequent accusation of critics is that IMF surveillance
is ineffective, because the IMF has no means of enforcing its policy
recommendations in countries that do not borrow from the IMF.
Do you agree with this assertion? If so, how might the
USED's office work with the IMF to make its surveillance more
effective?
Answer. Surveillance is one of the IMF's primary activities to
identify risks and prevent crises. Many countries have learned lessons
from past crises and have improved their policies consistent with IMF
advice. I understand that given the importance of surveillance to
crisis prevention, the United States has encouraged the IMF to
strengthen its focus on multilateral surveillance through increased
coverage of financial stability and external sector issues, as well as
analysis of the spillover effects of country policies. Multilateral
surveillance can be further improved by increasing cooperation with and
amongst other stakeholders of the global economy.
In addition, more work is needed to create incentives for countries
to follow IMF advice to strengthen their policies and reduce
vulnerabilities, recognizing that in the end, countries are responsible
for charting their own course.
Therefore, I believe surveillance can be improved throughout, via a
number of methods, such as the application of peer pressure using the
article IV consultations and publication of IMF staff assessments. If
confirmed, I will work to ensure that surveillance is strengthened.
imf transparency & accountability
Question. To what extent has the IMF, as it claims, increased
transparency and accountability to both shareholders and loan
recipients? If confirmed, will ensuring greater transparency in the IMF
be a priority for you?
Answer. In the 1990s, very little information was published about
the IMF's institutional or operational activities. Since then, I
understand the United States has consistently pressed for greater
transparency at the IMF, including enhanced disclosure of economic and
financial information by IMF member countries. Today, extensive
information about the IMF's operations and activities is publicly
available on the IMF Web site, and I understand that over 90 percent of
IMF article IV staff reports and lending program documents are
published. If confirmed, I will work to promote enhanced transparency
at the IMF.
______
Responses of Matthew T. McGuire to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
world bank safeguard reform
The World Bank is currently overhauling its social and
environmental safeguard policies. With strong U.S. leadership, the Bank
was the first international financial institution to adopt such
policies, which have been influential and remain critical in ending
extreme poverty and promoting shared prosperity.
As USED, how will you use this opportunity to ensure
safeguard policies reflect international best practices and
U.S. development priorities at the World Bank?
Answer. The World Bank's social and environmental safeguard
policies are an integral part of its comparative advantage and impart
value added beyond the financing that the World Bank provides. The
current review of the World Bank's safeguards is an opportunity to
update and strengthen the safeguards, both in terms of the written
policies and the way in which they are implemented. If confirmed, I
will work with other Board members to build support for safeguard
policies that reflect international best practices and U.S. development
priorities. I will also actively consult with civil society groups and
the private sector on the World Bank's safeguard review process.
world bank response to ukraine and global financial crisis
Question. What is your evaluation of the World Bank's response to
the global financial crisis? What reforms, if any, would have improved
its effectiveness? The World Bank has announced its intention to
support IMF and other bilateral and multilateral efforts to stabilize
and reform Ukraine. What are the goals of this program and what role do
you anticipate you would have as USED in discussions regarding Ukraine?
Answer. The World Bank responded to calls from G20 Leaders to
increase lending to emerging and developing economies in support of
essential government spending during the global financial crises. The
World Bank's Independent Evaluation Group concluded that the World Bank
was responsive in scaling up countercyclical financing, but was also
critical of the Bank's crisis-related fiscal management operations and
financial sector support. The evaluation puts these findings into
perspective by noting the severe economic headwinds.
In Ukraine, the World Bank has responded rapidly. My understanding
is that the Board will consider a lending package totaling up to $3
billion in 2014. I also understand that World Bank programs in Ukraine
are tackling the difficult reforms required in the country to improve
governance and lay the foundations for future economic growth. If
confirmed, I will continue to encourage the World Bank to respond
effectively to the crisis in Ukraine.
world bank energy initiatives in africa and asia
Question. Off-grid energy markets in sub-Saharan Africa and South
Asia have grown rapidly, but could grow faster with better access to
reliable financing partners.
If confirmed, what will you do to ensure the Bank's
Lighting Africa and Lighting Asia programs not only break down
market barriers, but also provide long-term, low-cost
financing?
Answer. I understand the United States supports the World Bank's
Energy strategy, which aims to increase access to energy, enhance
energy security and move countries toward more sustainable energy
practices. Lighting Africa and Lighting Asia are helping to increase
access to modern lighting services by setting industry standards for
product quality, promoting relevant policy and regulatory reforms and
mobilizing private capital to increase access to low-cost finance. If
confirmed, I will continue to support and encourage the World Bank's
efforts to increase energy access in Africa and Asia.
world bank doing business report
Question. The ``Doing Business'' report has long been lauded as
signature World Bank initiative that promotes reform efforts around the
world to improve the ease of doing business. However, it has aroused
some controversy and last year an external panel appointed by President
Kim reviewed the report and suggested reforms.
What were the main reforms the panel recommended and how
would this affect the integrity of the report? What has World
Bank leadership decided as far as implementation of the
recommendations? If confirmed, would you have the opportunity
to influence internal decisions on this issue, and what is
Treasury's position on the results of the review?
Answer. I understand the United States Government vigorously
supports the ``Doing Business'' report, including its aggregate country
rankings. I believe that the report is a valuable knowledge product of
the World Bank Group that helps incentivize changes to improve business
climates in the Bank's member countries. Dr. Kim has announced that he
will focus on improving methodology and increasing data to strengthen
the ``Doing Business'' report. If confirmed, I will work actively with
senior World Bank management and other Board members to protect and
enhance the ``Doing Business'' report.
world bank--emerging market lending
Question. What reasons are there for the World Bank to continue to
lend to dynamic emerging market economies such as China, which have
substantial resources of their own and often have their own active
assistance programs?
Answer. While the World Bank's grant resources are appropriately
reserved for the poorest countries, I believe there is an ongoing role
for the World Bank in middle-income countries, where the majority of
the world's poor live today. For example, World Bank programs deliver
the highest quality procurement standards, as well as strong
environmental and social safeguards. Moreover, World Bank lending to
middle-income countries supports domestic consumption within these
economies, which generates export markets for U.S. firms and
contributes to broader global rebalancing efforts.
To clarify a previous statement that I made about World Bank
lending to China, the World Bank provides a range of lending to China,
mainly for projects supporting green growth and stronger social
inclusion. But consistent with congressional legislation, it is U.S
policy to oppose World Bank projects for China, except those that are
specifically aimed at meeting basic human needs, such as clean water,
basic education, and health services to poor populations.
world bank--procurement opportunities for u.s. companies
Question. There are billions of dollars in procurement
opportunities from World Bank lending.
To what extent are U.S. firms bidding on, and winning,
these contracts? What hurdles do U.S. firms face on bidding for
contracts? If confirmed, what actions would you take to ensure
American companies are fully informed of opportunities and can
compete on a level playing field for such contracts?
Answer. My understanding is that in the World Bank's fiscal year
2013, U.S. firms won 134 prime contracts with a total value of almost
$100 million. The World Bank is currently reviewing and revising its
procurement policy, and the U.S. Government has committed to ensuring
that the World Bank maintains procurement policies that uphold a level
playing field for all businesses. As a way to level the playing field
between American firms and international firms, if confirmed, I will
continue to push for greater use of nonprice factors, such as quality
or after sales service, in the awarding of contracts, rather than only
the lowest cost options.
world bank/ifc water projects
Question. Access to clean and affordable drinking water is a major
challenge in much of the world, and water-borne illnesses are a major
source of death and lost productivity in the developing world. The
World Bank has been a global leader in this area, particularly its
private finance arm, the International Finance Corporation, and this
has great potential to alleviate global poverty. However, I have heard
concerns that IFC has prioritized financial outcomes over access.
I fully understand the complexity of water issues, and
realize the private sector has a crucial role to play. However,
will you commit to me now that, if confirmed, you will explore
this issue during your first year, in coordination with my
office?
Answer. I understand that this is an issue on which the U.S.
Executive Director's Office has been engaged with civil society
organizations, IFC and World Bank staff in recent months. My
understanding is that when the IFC provides support to private water
companies, it sets out explicit development objectives for these
investments, including expanding access and improving quality. If
confirmed, I will continue to engage on this issue and would be pleased
to update your office as the work progresses.
world bank--changes to the international development association (ida)
Question. According to some estimates, the number of countries
eligible to borrow from the World Bank's concessional facility, the
International Development Association, or ``IDA, will decline from the
current 81 countries to as low as 30 within the next 10-15 years, and
with most of those in sub-Saharan Africa.
Can you explain this expected development, and could this
fundamentally change how the World Bank operates? What would
this mean for the new objective of eliminating extreme poverty
by 2030?
Answer. I understand that the U.S. Government places a very high
importance on IDA, given its global reach and focus on the poorest,
which aligns with administration priorities. Current demand for IDA
resources remains high for countries that are too poor to attract
sufficient capital to support their urgent development needs. And, to
achieve the World Bank's goal of eliminating extreme poverty by 2030,
IDA support is critical for the hardest-to-reach places, like fragile
and conflict-affected states, where progress has been slower.
world bank reform--measuring performance and global public goods
Question. Many critics of the World Bank argue that its main
weakness has been to judge performance by how much it lends rather than
by what it and borrowing countries achieve . . . essentially a quantity
over quality criticism.
Do President Kim's reforms address this common concern with
the World Bank?
Answer. Yes, I understand that Dr. Kim's reforms will restructure
the World Bank around ``global practices,'' which are thematic areas,
such as water, energy, health, and education. I believe that
restructuring the World Bank in this way will strengthen its expertise
on these issues, improve the flow of knowledge across the different
countries in which the World Bank works and improve the quality of the
World Bank's lending. The effort to shift the World Bank's culture to a
stronger focus on results will take sustained attention over time. If
confirmed, I will continue to support Dr. Kim's reforms that aim to
accelerate this cultural change and, more generally, work to elevate
the use of evidence and the measurement of results.
Question. Given the huge size of private investment in emerging and
developing economies, some critics also contend that the Bank should
devote fewer resources on country programs and instead use its global
reach to focus efforts and serve as a catalyst for addressing global
challenges, such as those related to the environment, health,
agricultural productivity, and good governance.
The World Bank already engages in regional and global
initiatives, but are you aware whether the ongoing
reorganization will accelerate this shift? If confirmed, do you
anticipate supporting more regional World Bank programming?
Answer. The World Bank can convene a broader set of stakeholders
than bilateral agencies. This is especially important for providing
global public goods or when dealing with global challenges like climate
change or food security, which are too vast and complex for any one
country--or even group of countries--to effectively manage on their
own. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage the World Bank to work
on regional projects and to address global challenges that are not
contained within country boundaries.
______
Responses of Mileydi Guilarte to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
idb private sector consolidation
Question. The IDB is reviewing options for consolidating multiple
existing private sector divisions, following a 2012 independent
evaluation that was critical of the inefficiencies of the current
structure.
Is the administration supportive of the private sector
restructuring initiative? Do you expect greater efficiency and
efficacy from a consolidated private sector division? What
concerns does the administration have, and what can we expect
as far as consultations with Congress? If confirmed, what
involvement with this issue would you expect to have?
Answer. I understand that the United States welcomes the initiative
to improve the efficiency and development impact of the IDB's private
sector operations, and that during the recent IDB annual meeting, the
Board of Governors passed a resolution to continue work on developing a
proposal for the so-called ``merge-out'' restructuring of the IDB's
private sector windows.
It is also my understanding that the United States has advocated
for an in-depth review of the proposed restructuring, including an
analysis of the assumptions and implications of the potential business
and capitalization models. This process will be ongoing throughout 2014
and 2015. If confirmed, I would aim to ensure that the process is
comprehensive and that the potential implications for the IDB's
financial outlook and development effectiveness and soundness are fully
understood and considered. If confirmed, I will work with Congress to
keep you updated on both the process and new developments.
idb--energy in the caribbean
Question. The Caribbean has been in an energy crisis for quite some
time. Electricity rates are high and there is a great dependence on
Venezuela's subsidized oil. The political and economic catastrophe in
Venezuela could very well end that subsidized oil program and further
exacerbate hardship throughout the Caribbean.
Are you familiar with IDB energy initiatives related to the
Caribbean? What policies guide the USED's office on this issue
and, if confirmed, what actions would you be in a position to
take to help the IDB address this issue?
Answer. I understand that the IDB is very active on this issue. For
instance, the IDB hosted the Caribbean Energy Ministers Conference in
December 2013. During this conference, the USED's office helped to
facilitate a meeting between U.S. Energy Secretary Moniz and President
Moreno, which led to an enhanced working relationship between the IDB
energy sector staff and USG agencies. I understand that the IDB is
funding energy studies that explore the feasibility of conversion to
natural gas as a fuel source in the Caribbean, as well as the role for
renewables and energy efficiency. I believe that collaboration with
U.S. Government agencies has been integral to these studies. If
confirmed, I will continue to support this important cooperation.
In addition, I understand that the participation of the USED's
office in IDB energy initiatives related to the Caribbean is in line
with the administration's energy objectives in the region, and is
guided by the President's Climate Action Plan, which seeks multipronged
energy solutions. If confirmed, I will continue to pursue U.S. policy
goals at the IDB on these important issues.
idb--social development versus economic growth
Question. Social development is one of the IDB's strategic policy
goals. In particular efforts to reduce inequities in opportunity based
on gender, ethnicity, race, disability, and social and economic
circumstance are key priorities.
How important is social development for economic
development, compared, for example, with efforts to promote
productivity, to enhance private sector growth, and to
encourage economic and institutional reform? How will you
balance these sometimes competing objectives if confirmed?
Answer. Economic growth and social development are inextricably
linked, and I understand that both are central to the IDB's mission to
support efforts by Latin American and Caribbean countries to reduce
poverty and inequality through sustainable and inclusive growth. I
understand that the IDB has put in place a development effectiveness
framework to ensure that all IDB activities--whether for social
development specifically, or for private sector growth and
institutional reform--contribute to the overall goals of the
institution, while complying with effective social and environmental
safeguards.
I understand that last year 21 percent of approved IDB financing
was allocated to social sector programs; 34 percent was allocated to
infrastructure and the environment; 9 percent to regional integration
and trade; and 36 percent to institutional support for development. If
confirmed, I will work to ensure that the IDB project portfolio
continues to support both the goals of social development and economic
growth.
idb--programs in haiti
Question. The IDB is a major donor to Haiti and has pledged to
provide $2.2 billion in grant assistance to Haiti by 2020.
Is IDB assistance to Haiti meeting its objectives, and is
it doing so in an open and transparent manner? If confirmed, do
you expect to have the opportunity to influence IDB programs in
Haiti?
Answer. I understand that in 2010 the shareholders of the IDB, with
strong leadership from the United States, agreed to forgive all of
Haiti's outstanding debt to the IDB and to provide $200 million in
transfers each year to the Haiti Grant Facility over a 10-year period.
The fourth transfer of $200 million to the grant facility was approved
at the recent IDB annual meeting. I understand that this funding will
continue to provide critical resources to support the IDB's ongoing
work in six priority sectors in Haiti: education reform, private sector
development, energy, agriculture, transportation, and water and
sanitation. My understanding is that IDB projects in Haiti are subject
to the same approval processes and transparency protocols as any IDB
project, including Board approval prior to project implementation.
From my experience at USAID, I know that the sustainable
development of Haiti's economy is an important policy priority for the
U.S. Government, given Haiti's proximity to the United States and our
close economic and people-to-people ties. If confirmed, I will
represent these interests by supporting the IDB's annual $200 million
transfer to the Haiti Grant Facility each year, and work with IDB staff
to ensure that those resources are used effectively and in a
coordinated manner in helping to meet Haiti's long-term development
objectives.
idb--multilateral investment fund
Question. The United States is in arrears to the Multilateral
Investment Fund, and there are concerns that without additional
financing, the MIF could be forced to cease operations as soon as 2015.
What other sources of funding, besides the United States,
can the MIF draw from? Are you aware how U.S. arrears to the
MIF compare to the arrears of other countries? Would
consolidation of the private sector functions potentially solve
this problem?
Answer. I understand that the United States has been an active
supporter of the MIF, and if confirmed, I will continue to strongly
support the MIF's critical work and valuable contributions to
development in Latin America. My understanding is that the United
States is the only IDB shareholder in arrears to the MIF.
I understand that the MIF would be part of a new, consolidated
entity, but that its precise relationship is unclear and the reform
process itself may take some time to conclude. For that reason, it is
my understanding that at the recent IDB annual meeting, the Board of
Governors asked IDB management to present formal proposals for interim
MIF financing by June 2014, to ensure an appropriate level of
operations until decisions are made on the private sector restructuring
initiative.
idb--procurement opportunities for u.s. companies
Question. There are significant procurement opportunities related
to IDB project lending, especially in the infrastructure sector.
To what extent are U.S. firms bidding on, and winning,
these contracts? What hurdles do U.S. firms face in competing
for these contracts? If confirmed, what actions would you take
to ensure American companies are fully informed of
opportunities and can compete on a level playing field for such
contracts?
What can the USED's office do to encourage the IDB to adopt
procurement policies that encourage the adoption of high-
quality goods, services, and technology, as opposed to simply
accepting a bid with a low initial cost, but poor durability
and excessive maintenance requirements?
Answer. I understand that U.S. companies are actively bidding on--
and winning--contracts related to IDB project lending. I understand
that the percentage of U.S. firms that bid on and win consulting
opportunities averages 75-80 percent, while the percentage for
contractors is around 60-65 percent. Since 2011, U.S. companies have
been awarded 240 consulting contracts for IDB-related projects,
totaling $32,982,266, as well as 53 contracts for goods and services
related to IDB projects, totaling $55,166,702.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure that the USED's office, in
collaboration with the U.S. Commercial Liaison Office to the IDB, makes
every effort to assist U.S. companies in preparing bids for
international procurement opportunities with the IDB and in clearing
any hurdles that might arise during the procurement bidding process. My
understanding is that the USED's office advises U.S. companies on how
to be successful in their bids by providing helpful guidelines (such as
information about IDB procurement rules, networking opportunities, and
process suggestions), and by assisting companies with obtaining
procurement related documents (all of which are available on the IDB
Web site).
It is also my understanding that the USED's office participates in
Board- and Committee-level discussions pertaining to reforms of the
IDB's procurement policies. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage
robust procurement policies that conform to international best
practices and provide a level playing field for U.S. firms.
economic statecraft
Question. I have long been interested in finding ways to leverage
U.S. agencies such as Ex-Im Bank, OPIC, and TDA to promote economic
integration in the Western Hemisphere, specifically by tackling Latin
America's infrastructure deficiency.
In your opinion, how can the U.S. Government and private
sector work with the IDB to address this issue and create new
economic opportunities here in the United States and throughout
the hemisphere?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to support the ongoing efforts
made by the U.S. Government and the private sector to work in
cooperation with the IDB in promoting economic integration and
addressing infrastructure deficiencies in Latin America. As just one
example, I understand that the U.S. Government is actively exploring
ways to work with the IDB and other partners in the region to improve
trade and logistics infrastructure through Central America and its
linkages to North and South America. With regard to private sector
coordination, I understand that the Americas Business Dialogue (ABD) is
a private sector driven initiative facilitated by the IDB intended to
foster a high-level and open dialogue among the region's most important
business leaders, and is being supported by the State Department and
the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. If confirmed, I will continue to support
these types of efforts and seek out new opportunities to address this
issue.
cuba's status in the idb
Question. Cuba signed the 1959 IDB Charter as an ``original
member'' but never formalized its membership. Any move to include Cuba
in the IDB would receive intense and bipartisan interest from both
Congress and the administration. The United States has the ability as
the largest shareholder to withhold the quorum needed to proceed with a
vote by the IDB Board of Governors to include Cuba as a member.
Given ongoing congressional interest will you assure us
that you will consult closely with Congress on any and all
developments concerning Cuba's membership in the IDB?
Answer. It is my understanding that, at present, there are no
discussions regarding potential membership for Cuba in the IDB. If
confirmed, I would consult closely with Congress on any developments
concerning Cuba's potential membership in the IDB, were that to occur.
______
Response of Matthew T. McGuire to Question
Submitted by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. The World Bank is currently reviewing its safeguard
policies, which identify and minimize harm caused by bank projects to
vulnerable people and the environment. Women, girls, and minority
communities compose more than half of the world's population, but face
discrimination, human rights abuses, and frequent exclusion from
positive benefits of economic development. Recent World Bank studies
have affirmed the real economic costs of discrimination to economic
development. In recent months, the consequences of this exclusion on
women, girls, and LGBT communities have become particularly evident, in
part because of unfortunate new laws and practices in some countries
that seek to discriminate and exclude, rather than support these
groups.
The World Bank has never adopted a mandatory safeguard policy to
mitigate risks associated with its investments to these vulnerable
groups. As a result, the Bank risks excluding these individuals--often
some of the poorest and most marginalized--from benefiting from or
contributing to its projects and programs, and, in so doing, it may
even reinforce or create new inequalities in the countries in which it
works. This is bad for our investments and it is not what we stand for
as a country. I was pleased to see that the Obama administration
recently released a policy paper expressing support for adding
additional safeguards to World Bank projects, particularly safeguards
on gender, sexual orientation, and gender identity.
As the Executive Director of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development, how will you seek to ensure
that World Bank projects do not exclude marginalized groups?
Would you support an effort by the World Bank to update its
safeguard policies so that they address the impacts of World
Bank projects on women, girls, and LGBT minorities?
Answer. Exclusion of vulnerable and marginalized groups, including
women, girls, and LGBT persons, is unacceptable. If confirmed, I will
work with other Board members to build support for World Bank policies,
including safeguard policies, that seek to ensure that Bank projects
and other Bank activities do not directly or indirectly contribute to
exclusion of these groups and that help enable the Bank to fulfill its
goal of inclusive economic growth.
NOMINATIONS OF ANDREW SCHAPIRO
AND NINA HACHIGIAN
----------
THURSDAY, MAY 15, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Andrew H. Schapiro, of Illinois, to be Ambassador to the Czech
Republic
Nina Hachigian, of California, to be Representative to the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations, with the rank
and status of Ambassador
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:36 p.m. in Room
SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Christopher Murphy
presiding.
Present: Senators Murphy and Johnson.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER MURPHY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT
Senator Murphy. This hearing of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee will now come to order. We will be joined
shortly I believe by Ranking Member Senator Johnson. Thank you
very much for your patience. As you know, we just finished a
long series of votes, which happens to be the final series of
votes for the week. So that may explain what could be a smaller
turnout for this hearing. We appreciate your patience, figured
that you guys have waited for months for this hearing to take
place, so an extension of a few hours might not necessarily be
so disastrous.
I am pleased to welcome both of our nominees and also your
friends and family who have come here today to support you. The
committee will consider today the nominations of Andrew
Schapiro to be our Ambassador to the Czech Republic and Nina
Hachigian to be our Ambassador to the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations.
Just to outline the process, I will give some opening
remarks. If Senator Johnson arrives, he will give his as well.
Then we will proceed to introductions of our nominees, at which
time you will be invited to give your opening statements and
then answer questions from the panel. It would be great of you
could keep your opening statements to around 5 minutes or less.
To begin, I would like to address the United States
relationship with the Czech Republic and the challenges and
opportunities that await our next Ambassador. The United
States-Czech relationship is a special one. Our democratic
histories have served as an inspiration to each other. Former
Czech President, poet, and playwright Vaclav Havel and the
revolutionary manifesto Charter 77 are icons of freedom and
democracy to millions here in the United States.
Correspondingly, America of course was a refuge for thousands
of Czechs fleeing both Nazi occupation and Soviet control.
In addition to our shared values, we also have strong
security and economic ties. The Czech Republic is a key NATO
ally and serves as the protecting power for U.S. interests in
Syria after we evacuated our Embassy in Damascus. Since 2002
they have been one of our staunchest and strongest partners in
Afghanistan, sending 700 soldiers, including special forces,
who operate in some of the most challenging areas of
Afghanistan.
Perhaps not surprisingly, the Czech Republic plays a
leading role promoting democratic values around the world,
helping countries make that difficult transition from
authoritarian regimes to representative democracy. It was under
the Czech Presidency of the European Union that the Eastern
Partnership Initiative was launched.
Still, there are challenges in the Czech Republic that no
doubt will be met by our next Ambassador. The surprisingly
successful entrance of the ANO Party on the Czech political
scene was largely driven by voters fed up with bribery and
corruption. According to a Gallop Poll, the percentage of
Czechs who perceive corruption as widespread in the government
increased by 15 percentage points between 2007 and 2013,
reaching 94 percent last October. The recent scandal that
forced the Prime Minister's resignation and triggered new
elections may have been the most notable of these problems, but
hopefully it will also lead to real reform.
Another area that will be both a challenge but also an
opportunity is the field of energy security, which has
increasingly become a central issue of our discussions around
Ukraine and the European response to Russia's belligerent
actions in the region. The Czech Republic, like many nations in
Central and Eastern Europe, is highly dependent on Russian
energy. They need a regional strategy to diversify their
sources and to modernize their energy infrastructure.
Now let me say a few words about ASEAN. The United States
has deep interests in Southeast Asia, including maritime
security, the promotion of democracy and human rights, the
encouragement of liberal trade and investment regimes,
counterterrorism, the combating of illegal trafficking of
narcotics and human trafficking, and many other issues.
As a Pacific nation and a global power, it is imperative
that the United States continue to deepen our engagement in the
region and with ASEAN, its most important multilateral
institution. In terms of our economic partnership, the trading
and investment figures with the region speak for themselves.
U.S. goods trade with ASEAN is nearly $200 billion. Services
trade is approximately $30 billion, and U.S. foreign direct
investment in those markets is around $160 billion. Conversely,
the 10 countries have a market of approximately 600 million
consumers and economic growth there has been faster than the
world average for the past decade.
In terms of political and security interests, I would note
that the United States has an abiding interest in maintaining
peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region, and this
includes ensuring open sea-lanes in the South China Sea and the
East China Sea, where so much of the world's commerce flows. So
it is of paramount importance that any disagreements and
territorial disputes in Asia be resolved peacefully, through
international law, through arbitration and through codes of
conduct, not through aggressive actions and confrontation.
The tension between Vietnam and China--I am sure we will
talk about that today--that we have seen in recent days
underscores they need for peaceful mechanisms to resolve
territorial disputes. We hope that the Association will
continue to play an important role in facilitating these
discussions.
We look forward to hearing your thoughts on those subjects
and many others. In the absence of Senator Johnson's opening
remarks, let me proceed to introducing our witnesses and then
you can proceed with your statements. I am pleased to introduce
Andrew Schapiro, who is the nominee for Ambassador to the Czech
Republic, who has come before this committee after a career in
both the public and private sector.
Andrew is a Czech American who has deep family ties to the
country to which he has been nominated to serve. I would
encourage all of my colleagues to read the incredible moving
story of his family's experience during the time of Nazi
occupation of Czechoslovakia as documented in ``Letters From
Prague.''
Mr. Schapiro attended Yale University, graduating magna cum
laude with a degree in history. He was awarded the Marshall
Scholarship to do postgraduate work at Oxford, earning a degree
in philosophy, politics, and economics, and then he returned to
the United States to attend Harvard, the law school there,
where he also graduated magna cum laude.
Again, his legal career as a clerk to two distinguished
Federal judges, both Richard Posner and Supreme Court Justice
Harry Blackmun. He then entered public service, spending 5
years as a Federal public defender in Manhattan. He went on to
become a partner at two leading international law firms,
achieving newsworthy victories in the areas of intellectual
property, white collar criminal defense, and commercial
litigation. He was selected for inclusion in The Best Lawyers
of America and has been described as one of the brightest legal
minds of his generation.
In addition, Mr. Schapiro is involved in a number of civic
and charitable organizations, serving on the Criminal Justice
Act Advisory Board for the U.S. Court of Appeals in the Second
Circuit and the Board of Directors for the Chicago Low Income
Housing Trust Fund, as well as the Board of Directors for the
Jewish Council of Urban Affairs.
I am also pleased to introduce Nina Hachigian as the
nominee for the Ambassador to be the Representative of the
United States to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations,
with the rank and the status of Ambassador. She is currently a
senior fellow at the Center for American Progress, based in Los
Angeles. She focuses on great power relationships, the United
States-China relationship, international institutions, and
United States foreign policy.
She is the coauthor of the book ``The Next American
Century: How the U.S. Can Thrive as Other Powers Rise.'' She
was previously a senior political scientist at RAND Corporation
and served as the director of the RAND Center for Asia Pacific
Policy for 4 years. Before that she was with the Council on
Foreign Relations and also on the staff of the National
Security Council in the White House.
She has published numerous reports, book chapters, and
journal articles. She is on the board of the Institute for
International Affairs of Stanford University and is a member of
the Council on Foreign Relations and the Pacific Council on
International Policy.
She received her bachelor of sciences from Yale University
and then, like Mr. Schapiro, for inexplicable reasons left
Connecticut to pursue her J.D. from Stanford Law School.
We will now move to opening statements. We will start with
you, Mr. Schapiro, and then Ms. Hachigian.
STATEMENT OF ANDREW H. SCHAPIRO, OF ILLINOIS, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE CZECH REPUBLIC
Mr. Schapiro. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thanks in
advance to Ranking Member Johnson and all members of the
committee. It is an honor to come before you as the President's
nominee to be our next Ambassador to the Czech Republic.
Seventy-five years ago my late mother, then a small girl,
watched from the window of her family's apartment in Prague as
German soldiers marched in to occupy her city. Czechoslovakia,
as it was then known, had been a flourishing outpost of Western
democracy and culture prior to those tragic events. Our family,
like all the Czech people, learned the hard way that you cannot
take liberty and security for granted.
We ultimately learned something else--that the United
States of America, the Nation that gave my mother and her
parents refuge when they fled the Nazis, literally saving their
lives, is a force for good in the world like no other.
I want to thank President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the
trust that they have shown in me with this nomination, and I am
so pleased that if I am confirmed my wife and children will be
joining me to represent America in the Czech Republic. They
mean everything to me and they are here with us today: my wife
Tamar, our 13-year-old daughter, Gallia, and our 10-year-old
son, Alexander. Mr. Chairman, they will be force multipliers in
Prague if I am confirmed for this position.
I would also like to acknowledge my sister, also named
Tamar, who has come in from California to be here today. Sadly,
my parents are no longer with us, but their wisdom and their
examples are always present.
The Czech Republic is a staunch, important ally in the
heart of Europe. We have deep relationships in three key areas:
our shared security, our shared prosperity, and our shared
values. Let me address each in turn.
Our defense and security relationship has flourished since
the end of the cold war. As an active member of NATO, the EU,
and the OSCE, the Czech Republic plays a role in global affairs
that is disproportionate to its relatively small size. As you
mentioned, Mr. Chairman, Czech military forces serve side by
side with U.S. forces in Afghanistan. The Czechs have helped to
promote peace and stability in the Balkans, in Mali, and the
Sinai, and the Czechs have courageously served as our
protecting power in Syria since we closed our Embassy there in
2012.
If confirmed, I will work to fortify our bilateral and
multilateral cooperation in building security around the world.
Of course, Russia's actions in Ukraine now remind us and
our allies of the role that NATO was originally created to
perform, the defense of transatlantic security. Here again, the
Czechs are making important contributions. They have offered
fighter jets to reinforce Baltic air space and troops to
support the NATO Response Force. They have also provided
monitors for OSCE missions. In fact, a Czech was among the OSCE
monitors recently taken captive and then released in Eastern
Ukraine.
The Czech Republic has quickly and faithfully implemented
the targeted sanctions and asset freezes that have been imposed
on Russia, and if confirmed I will make sure that we continue
to coordinate closely with our Czech allies as we jointly
address the situation in Ukraine. I will also take every
opportunity to reaffirm our ironclad commitment to mutual self-
defense under NATO's Article 5.
Today the Czech defense budget totals just over 1 percent
of GDP, falling well short of NATO targets and placing the
Czechs in the middle of the pack among our European allies in
terms of defense spending. If confirmed, I will urge the Czech
Government to boost the share of resources that it dedicates to
defense.
Recent events also starkly demonstrate the need for greater
attention to European energy security. The Czech Republic,
which gets about 75 percent of its oil and gas from Russia,
understands that predictable and uninterrupted access to energy
is fundamental to both national security and economic
prosperity. If confirmed, I will work with the Czech Republic
to help increase its energy security through diversification of
energy sources and routes.
Next, I want to build on our two nations' growing economic
and commercial ties. Over the last 4 years bilateral trade
between the United States and the Czech Republic has doubled to
nearly $6 billion. The Czech Republic has become one of the
United States fastest-growing export markets in Europe, and if
confirmed I will be a strong advocate for U.S. business
interests to support job creation back home and I will make
expanding our trade ties and ensuring that our firms can
compete on the ground a top priority.
Completing an ambitious Transatlantic Trade and Investment
Partnership, or TTIP, is a key strategic goal for both the
United States and the European Union and its member states,
including the Czech Republic. I promise that, along with our
excellent interagency team in Prague, I will work to maintain
the support of the Czech Government for TTIP and help to
promote awareness that a mutually beneficial agreement will
ensure continued growth and prosperity on both sides of the
Atlantic.
Finally, on our shared values, if confirmed I will advocate
for transparency and rule of law in the business sector and
encourage the Czech Government to continue its anticorruption
efforts to help improve the overall business climate. I will
also work with the Czech Government and civil society
organizations to help foster a more inclusive society so that
all Czechs, regardless of ethnicity, religion, or sexual
orientation, benefit from equal opportunity and full protection
of the law.
In all of these efforts I will draw upon my experience as
an advocate, as a public speaker, as a student of economics and
politics, and as a manager of large and diverse teams to
advance the goals of our Nation and the Embassy.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I noted at the
outset that in the late 1930s my mother and grandparents
watched Nazi troops enter their city from their apartment
window in Prague. That apartment building still stands and it
is within walking distance of the U.S. Ambassador's residence
where, if confirmed, I will soon be living with my own family.
It is not a long walk, but it is quite a journey that has taken
us from that apartment to that residence. I am deeply honored
to have been asked to represent the United States in Prague. I
thank you for this opportunity to appear before you and I
welcome any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Schapiro follows:]
Prepared Statement of Andrew H. Schapiro
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Johnson, and members of the
committee. It is an honor to come before you as the President's nominee
to be our next Ambassador to the Czech Republic.
Seventy-five years ago, my late mother--then a small girl--watched
from the window of her family's apartment in Prague as German soldiers
marched in to occupy her city. Czechoslovakia, as it was then known,
had been a flourishing outpost of Western democracy and culture prior
to those tragic events. Our family--like all the Czech people--learned
the hard way that you cannot take liberty and security for granted. And
we ultimately learned something else: that the United States of
America--the nation that gave my mother and her parents refuge when
they fled the Nazis, literally saving their lives--is a force for good
in the world like no other.
I want to thank President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the trust
in me that they have shown with this nomination. And I am very pleased
that, if I am confirmed, my wife and children will join me in
representing America in the Czech Republic. They mean everything to me,
and they are here with us today. My wife, Tamar; our 13-year-old
daughter, Galia; and our ten-year-old son, Alexander. They will be
``force multipliers'' in Prague if I am confirmed for this position. I
would also like to acknowledge my sister--also named Tamar--who has
come in from California to be here today. Sadly my parents are no
longer with us--but their wisdom and their examples are ever-present.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, at this critical time,
the Czech Republic is a staunch, important ally in the heart of Europe.
We have a deep relationship in three key areas: our shared security;
our shared prosperity; and our shared values. Let me address each in
turn.
First, our defense and security relationship has flourished in the
decades since the end of the cold war. As an active member of NATO, the
EU, and the OSCE, the Czech Republic plays a role in global affairs
that is disproportionate to its relatively small size. Czech military
forces serve side by side with U.S. soldiers in Afghanistan; they are
currently in charge of base protection at Bagram Air Force base and
contribute helicopter training units and special forces troops. The
Czechs have promised that they will draw down only in consultation with
allies, and have pledged to be ``in together, out together'' with us in
Afghanistan.
The Czechs have also made important contributions to peace and
stability in the Balkans, providing units for both NATO's force in
Kosovo and the EU's mission in Bosnia. Today Czech soldiers are
deployed with the EU Training Mission in Mali, and with the
Multinational Force Observers mission in the Sinai. Additionally, the
Czechs have courageously served as our protecting power in Syria since
the closure of our Embassy there in 2012. If confirmed, I will work to
fortify our bilateral and multilateral cooperation in promoting
democracy and building security around the world.
And while Czech forces have proven their mettle in expeditionary
missions, Russia's actions in Ukraine now remind us and our allies of
the role that NATO was originally created to perform, the defense of
transatlantic security. Here again the Czechs are making important
contributions. They have offered fighter jets to reinforce Baltic
airspace and troops to support the NATO Response Force. They have also
provided monitors for OSCE missions; indeed a Czech was among the OSCE
monitors recently taken captive and then released in Eastern Ukraine.
The Czech Republic has quickly and faithfully implemented the
targeted sanctions and asset freezes that have been imposed on Russia.
If confirmed, I will make sure that we continue to coordinate closely
with our Czech allies as we jointly address the situation in Ukraine. I
will also take every opportunity to reaffirm our ironclad commitment to
mutual self-defense under NATO's Article 5.
Today the Czech defense budget totals just over 1 percent of GDP,
falling well short of NATO targets and placing the Czechs in the middle
of the pack among our European allies in terms defense spending. If
confirmed, I will urge the Czech Government to boost the share of
resources that it dedicates to defense. I know that Defense Secretary
Hagel and Czech Defense Minister Stropnicky discussed Czech
modernization efforts and the need to maintain readiness and
capabilities to support NATO when they met here in Washington last
month. If confirmed, I will continue to engage on this high priority
topic.
The events in Ukraine also starkly demonstrate the need for greater
attention to European energy security. The Czech Republic--which gets
about 75 percent of its oil and gas from Russia--understands that
predictable and uninterrupted access to energy is fundamental to both
national security and economic prosperity. With the cancellation of the
Temelin nuclear power plant tender, the Czech Government is reexamining
its energy security strategy. If confirmed, I will work with the Czech
Republic to help increase its energy security through diversification
of energy sources and routes.
Next--I want to build on our two nations' growing economic and
commercial ties. Over the last 4 years, bilateral trade between the
U.S. and the Czech Republic has doubled--to nearly $6 billion. With a
prosperous, industrialized economy, the Czech Republic provides
substantial export opportunities for the U.S. in high-tech,
manufacturing, and other sectors. Last year, with the support of the
U.S. Commercial Service, we exported almost $2 billion of goods to the
Czech Republic--more than at any other time in our history. In fact,
the Czech Republic has become one of the United States fastest growing
export markets in Europe. If confirmed, I will be a strong advocate for
U.S. business interests to support job creation back home, and will
make expanding our trade ties and ensuring that U.S. firms can compete
on the ground a top priority.
Completing an ambitious Transatlantic Trade and Investment
Partnership, or TTIP, is a key strategic goal for both the United
States and the European Union and its member states, including the
Czech Republic. The Czechs will benefit from the expansion of trade and
reduction in the cost of doing business through lowering tariffs and
removing ``behind the border'' barriers. U.S. companies will benefit
from the opening of opportunities--especially for small and medium-
sized businesses--to trade with and invest in the Czech Republic. I
promise that--along with our excellent interagency team at our Embassy
in Prague--I will work to maintain the support of the Czech Government
for TTIP and help to promote awareness that a mutually beneficial
agreement will ensure continued growth and prosperity on both sides of
the Atlantic.
Finally, on our shared values, if confirmed, I will advocate for
transparency and rule of law in the business sector and encourage the
Czech Government to continue its anticorruption efforts to help improve
the overall business climate. Last year, several prominent Czech NGOs
came together to speak with one voice on anticorruption issues. Their
efforts led to creation of several distinct pieces of anticorruption
legislation which a majority of parliamentarians have publicly
supported. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Czech civil
society organizations to support and amplify their efforts.
Confronting all forms of racism and intolerance reinforces the
values and security of both the United States and the Czech Republic. I
will work with the Czech Government and civil society organizations on
building a more inclusive society to ensure that all Czechs, regardless
of ethnicity, religion, or sexual orientation benefit from equal
opportunity and the full protection of the law.
In all of these efforts, I will draw upon my experience as an
advocate, a public speaker, a student of economics and politics, and a
manager of large and diverse teams to advance the goals of our Nation.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I noted at the outset
that in 1939 my mother and grandparents watched Nazi troops enter their
city from their apartment window in Prague. That building still stands,
and it is within walking distance of the U.S. Ambassador's residence
where--if confirmed--I will soon be living with my own family. It is
not a long walk, but it is quite a journey that has taken us from the
apartment to the Residence. I am deeply honored to have been asked to
represent the United States in Prague. I thank you for this opportunity
to appear before you. I welcome any questions you may have.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Schapiro.
Ms. Hachigian, I hope that I came somewhat close to
pronouncing your name correctly. You are welcome to give your
opening statement.
STATEMENT OF NINA HACHIGIAN, OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO BE
REPRESENTATIVE TO THE ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS,
WITH THE RANK AND STATUS OF AMBASSADOR
Ms. Hachigian. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the
committee. I am deeply honored to appear before you today and
humbled by the confidence that President Obama has shown in me
with this nomination. My Armenian grandmother, whose locket I
am wearing, only had a grade school education. When she came to
this country fleeing persecution and poverty in her homeland, I
do not think she could have imagined the path that would bring
me here.
Her younger son served in the U.S. Air Force during the
Korean war. He earned a Ph.D. in math. He married another
professor from Germany and they had a daughter, who ended up at
this table. I am my grandmother's American dream. My parents
would also have been very proud of this nomination.
I would like to introduce my husband. My family is more
important to me than anything and I would not be here if Joe
and my two children were not willing to embark on a genuine
adventure. I also want to thank my friends and colleagues who
are here with us today.
I have been working on U.S. Asia policy for some 15 years
now since I left the staff of the National Security Council,
first as the Director of the Center for Asia Pacific Policy at
the RAND Corporation and now as a senior fellow at the Center
for American Progress. In those jobs, I traveled to the region
frequently, had the opportunity to meet with Asian leaders and
work closely with my Asian counterparts.
I am thrilled by the prospect of entering government again
and serving my country if I am confirmed as the next Ambassador
to ASEAN. I want to acknowledge the key role the Senate has
played in recognizing the growing importance of ASEAN,
including by creating this position in 2006.
Just as the Rebalance to Asia is an important part of the
administration's foreign policy, engagement with ASEAN plays a
central role in the rebalance. Increasingly, the most
challenging issues in Asia--energy security, territorial
disputes, climate, human trafficking--can only be solved by
nations working in concert. ASEAN is at the heart of Asia's
institutions, providing the architecture to work through these
issues, and that is why Secretary Kerry said last year ``The
partnership that we share with ASEAN remains a top priority for
the Obama administration.''
What binds the 10 countries of ASEAN together is their
commitment to nonviolence and the rule of law. We share those
values. We share ASEAN's vision of a peaceful, prosperous,
rules-based order in the Asia-Pacific. If confirmed and with
your help, I will work with ASEAN to further our common values,
including human rights for the people of Southeast Asia.
The United States has other important interests in the
region, including economic opportunity. Southeast Asia's over
600 million people are already America's fourth-largest export
market, supporting over half a million U.S. jobs. ASEAN is
pursuing an integrated economic community and the United States
is supporting that effort. America is the largest foreign
investor in Southeast Asia. If confirmed and with your help, I
will continue to work to expand U.S. business's access to the
growing ASEAN market.
Energy, environment, and climate are also critical issues
in Southeast Asia. As a Californian, I especially welcome the
chance to engage with the region on how to protect oceans and
rivers, these critical natural resources that provide food
security and economic livelihoods for so many.
Our engagement with ASEAN is also about its people, many of
whom are our relatives. Over 6 million Americans identify with
an ASEAN ethnicity. The region is young--65 percent of ASEAN's
people are under the age of 35. With the Young Southeast Asian
Leaders Initiative that President Obama launched in April, we
are looking to build ties with the leaders of tomorrow, giving
them a platform to work with each other across ASEAN borders.
All of our interests in Southeast Asia ultimately rest on
the peace and stability made possible by our enduring security
presence in the Asia-Pacific. Two treaty allies, the
Philippines and Thailand, are members of ASEAN. The United
States response after Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines shows
the unique capabilities that our military and civilian agencies
bring to bear and demonstrates our deep and abiding commitment
to addressing both traditional and nontraditional security
challenges in the region.
Half of the tonnage of the world's ship-based cargo passes
through the South China Sea. The United States has a national
interest in the unfettered flow of this commerce and in freedom
of navigation and overflight in these waters. We have a deep
stake in ensuring that the territorial and maritime disputes in
the South China Sea are solved peacefully, without coercion,
force, or intimidation, and in accordance with international
law.
Unfortunately, we have seen lately what appears to be a
pattern of unilateral actions by China to advance its
territorial and maritime claims, the latest of which is China's
introduction of an oil rig into the disputed waters near the
Paracel Islands. This is provocative and raises tensions and it
highlights the need for claimants to clarify their claims in
accordance with international law. America supports ASEAN's
strong and unified voice on these disputes and its efforts to
manage them in a manner that is consistent with a rules-based
regional order and international law. We encourage ASEAN and
China's efforts to conclude a meaningful code of conduct. A
peaceful rules-based process will benefit all the claimants,
big and small, and help preserve regional peace and stability.
An effective ASEAN will have lasting benefits for the
region and for our shared future. If confirmed and with your
help, I will commit myself to deepening our ties with this
important organization. Thank you for the opportunity to
testify today and I am happy to answer your questions now or at
any time in the future.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Hachigian follows:]
Prepared Statement of Nina Hachigian
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am deeply honored to
appear before you today, and humbled by the confidence that President
Obama has shown in me with this nomination.
My Armenian grandmother, whose locket I am wearing, had only a
grade school education. When she came to this country, fleeing
persecution and poverty in her homeland, I don't think she could have
imagined the path that would bring me here.
Her younger son served in the U.S. Air Force during the Korean war.
He earned a Ph.D. in math, married another professor from Germany (my
mother, who later became a small businessowner), and they had a
daughter who ended up at this table.
I am my grandmother's American dream.
My parents would also have been very proud of this nomination.
I would like to introduce my husband. My family is more important
to me than anything, and I wouldn't be here if he and our two children
were not willing to embark on a genuine adventure.
I've been working on U.S. Asia policy for some 15 years now, since
I left the staff of the National Security Council--first as the
director of the Center for Asia Pacific Policy at the RAND Corporation,
and now as a Senior Fellow at the Center for American Progress. In
those jobs, I traveled to the region frequently and had the opportunity
to meet with Asian leaders and work closely with my Asian counterparts.
I am thrilled by the prospect of entering government again, and
serving my country, if confirmed as the next Ambassador to ASEAN.
I want to acknowledge the key role that members of the Senate and
of the House have played in recognizing the growing importance of
ASEAN, including creating this position in 2006. I will count on your
continued engagement if confirmed.
Just as the Rebalance to Asia is an important part of the
administration's foreign policy, engagement with ASEAN plays a central
role in the rebalance.
Increasingly, the most challenging issues in Asia--energy security,
territorial disputes, climate, human trafficking--can only be solved
multilaterally. ASEAN is at the heart of Asia's institutions, providing
the architecture to work through these issues, and that is why as
Secretary Kerry said last year: ``The partnership that we share with
ASEAN remains a top priority for the Obama administration.''
What binds the 100 countries in ASEAN together is their commitment
to non-violence and the rule of law. We share those values, and we
share ASEAN's vision of a peaceful, prosperous rules-based order in the
Asia-Pacific.
If confirmed, and with your help, I will work with ASEAN to further
our common values, including human rights for the people of Southeast
Asia.
The United States has other important interests in the region
including economic opportunity. Southeast Asia's over 600 million
people already are America's fourth-largest export market, supporting
over half a million U.S. jobs.
ASEAN is pursuing an integrated ASEAN Economic Community, and the
United States is supporting that effort. In 2012, President Obama
established the U.S.-ASEAN Expanded Economic Engagement initiative to
promote increased U.S. trade with and investment in the region, and to
encourage ASEAN countries to join high-standard trade agreements. If
confirmed, and with your help, I will continue this work to expand U.S.
businesses' access to the growing ASEAN market, creating more jobs for
Americans and realizing ASEAN's own goals.
Energy, environment, and climate are critical issues in Southeast
Asia. As a Californian, I especially welcome the chance to engage with
the region on how to protect oceans and rivers--these critical natural
resources that provide food security and economic livelihoods for so
many.
Our engagement with ASEAN is also about its people, many of whom
are our relatives. Over 6 million Americans identify with an ASEAN
ethnicity.
The region is young. Sixty-five percent of ASEAN's people are under
the age of 35. With the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative that
President Obama launched in April, we are looking to build ties with
the leaders of tomorrow, giving them a platform to work across ASEAN
borders to solve social and economic challenges.
All of our interests in Southeast Asia ultimately rest on the peace
and stability made possible by our enduring security presence in the
Asia-Pacific. Two treaty allies, the Philippines and Thailand, are
members of ASEAN, and all five Pacific allies are members of the East
Asia Summit. The U.S. response after Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines
shows the unique capabilities our military and civilian agencies bring
to bear and demonstrates our deep and abiding commitment to addressing
both traditional and nontraditional security challenges in the region.
Half of the tonnage of the world's ship-based cargo passes through
the South China Sea. The United States has a national interest in the
unfettered flow of this commerce and in freedom of navigation and
overflight in these waters.
We have a deep stake in ensuring that the territorial and maritime
disputes in the South China Sea are solved peacefully, without
coercion, force, or intimidation and in accordance with international
law.
Unfortunately, we have seen lately what appears to be a pattern of
unilateral actions by China to advance its territorial and maritime
claims, the latest of which is China's introduction of an oil rig into
disputed waters near the Paracel Islands. This is provocative and
raises tensions, and it highlights the need for claimants to clarify
their claims in accordance with international law.
America supports ASEAN's strong and unified voice on these disputes
and its efforts to manage them in a manner that is consistent with a
rules-based regional order and international law. We encourage ASEAN
and China's efforts to conclude a meaningful Code of Conduct. A
peaceful, rules-based process will benefit all the claimants, big and
small and help preserve regional peace and stability.
An effective ASEAN will have lasting benefits for the region and
for our shared future. If confirmed, and with your help, I will commit
myself to deepening our ties with this important organization.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify today, and I am happy to
answer your questions, now or at any time in the future.
Senator Murphy. Thank you to both of our nominees. Welcome
to your families as well.
We will now start an opening round of questions. Mr.
Schapiro, let me start with you to talk a little bit about the
subject of my first, and I think only, visit to the Czech
Republic, which was some years ago in the middle of the tender
for the nuclear contract, which has now been shelved, in part
likely because of energy price dynamics in the Czech Republic
and the region. But of course, this was always about the Czech
Republic's efforts to make themselves energy independent, and
maybe the price sensitivities of the market today do not allow
for the tender to go forward. But hopefully we will have an
ambassador there who will try to impress upon the Czechs the
need to reopen this bidding process. We clearly have an
American company that we hope gets fair consideration, but it
is hard to figure out in the short term and the medium term how
the Czech Republic really moves in a substantial manner to
independence with respect to energy from Russia without that
nuclear project getting under way.
What is your understanding as you have learned about this
country, about the prospects of that deal being put back
together, and what is the role of our next Ambassador in trying
to make that happen?
Mr. Schapiro. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. You raise a very
important issue, the issue of energy independence, which has
both an economic and a security aspect to it, as we have
learned in recent events. As you note, the Czech Republic does
rely on nuclear power for some of its electricity generation,
and we were of course disappointed that the Temelin tender, the
tender for the Temelin nuclear power plant, has been called
off.
I can say that our Embassy team in the Czech Republic did
wonderful work in advocating for Westinghouse in that regard.
But, as you noted, it was essentially an economic decision by
the Czech Government. The Czech energy company, CEZ, had asked
for price guarantees, but, given the economic realities, the
government was not able to make those price guarantees.
If I am confirmed, I will make sure to advocate for and
support an open and transparent tender process. There is word
that the tender is not necessarily permanently taken off the
shelf.
Senator Murphy. If you could talk a little bit about the
orientation of the Czech Republic to Europe. Their former
President Vaclav Klaus was famously Euroskeptic in his views.
You have now got the ANO Party. The leader of that party is not
supportive of joining the euro zone, although he is, frankly,
not rabidly committed to staying out of European Union affairs.
A lot of talk within the region about this next round of
European Parliament elections perhaps resulting in more
Euroskeptic Parliament members going to Brussels. What do you
see? What do you understand to be the view and the trend line
over the next 5 years of attitudes toward Europe and the EU
within the Czech Republic?
Mr. Schapiro. Thank you, Senator. What I can say about that
is that the current government is generally regarded as
somewhat more EU-centric than the government that it replaced.
But as you correctly point out, one of the larger parties
within the coalition, ANO, is sometimes seen as not so tilted
toward Europe. So I think what we can draw from that is that it
is very hard to predict. It is a relatively new government. But
certainly we have seen nothing that causes any alarm or
concern. There are strains of Euroskepticism in Czech politics,
as in most countries in the EU.
I would not hazard to predict how the European
parliamentary elections, which I think are a week from today,
will turn out. I think we will have to wait and see. But
everything I have heard suggests that we have no cause for any
alarm.
Senator Murphy. Ms. Hachigian, I am not sure whose phrase
this was, but one of your focuses is on great power
relationships and clearly that would seem to describe the
relationship between the United States and China. But part of
being a great power is submitting yourself to internationally
acceptable ways of resolving disputes. One of the troubling
trend lines in the part of the world that our subcommittee
looks at over the past several months has been one great power,
Russia's, enthusiasm, frankly, for walking away from those
traditional ways of dealing with disputes and disagreements.
As you look at this pattern of aggressive activity on the
open seas by the Chinese, do you think this is a government
that is moving toward attempting to settle disputes outside of
those acceptable norms, or do you think this is just a sort of
series of provocations designed to lay claims so that they can
settle disputes in an acceptable form?
Ms. Hachigian. Thank you for that question, Senator. It is
a difficult question because I do not think we really know yet.
What we are seeing is the pattern, and it is China's acting
unilaterally to change the status quo and not resorting to
diplomacy, which is what the United States would want to see,
that these disputes are resolved peacefully and in accordance
with international law.
That said, the ASEAN and China are engaged in negotiations
over a code of conduct, and the United States would very much
like to see that be a meaningful code that is concluded
swiftly, because there is obviously a need for more guidelines
so that there is not further violence in the region.
Senator Murphy. One of the criticisms of ASEAN is that it
is a talk shop, that it is a forum for a lot of discussion, but
not as much action. So take the dispute over the Paracel
Islands. What is the role for ASEAN to play in a bilateral
dispute like this and what is the potential for ASEAN to shed
that image and deliver a little bit more action and a little
bit less discussion?
Ms. Hachigian. Thank you for that question. ASEAN has a
central role in these disputes. It negotiated a declaration of
conduct with China back in 2002, which is a document that asks
for all the claimants to act peacefully and to not act in an
escalatory manner. Now, as I said, it is in negotiations with
China over a declaration of conduct.
Over this last weekend ASEAN had its summit, and in three
separate documents it talked about its serious concerns over
these incidents in the South China Sea. That is significant. It
shows a level of concern on the part of ASEAN that we have not
seen before. The Indonesian foreign minister made some
surprisingly strong statements. Of course, the Vietnamese
Foreign Minister did as well.
I think that, would we like to see even stronger statement?
We would and if confirmed as Ambassador that is something that
I will certainly be working on.
The other thing I should note is that talking is actually
very important in this region that does not have a history of a
security architecture. So ASEAN's forums, where the entire
region can get together, China and us and many others, to talk
about these issues, is actually playing a meaningful role. They
also generate a number of confidence-building exercises,
including those related to humanitarian response and disaster
assistance. So you have all the 10 ASEANs plus China and Japan
and us and Australia and others working together to facilitate
the future cooperation.
Senator Murphy. One last question and then I will turn it
over to Senator Johnson. Has the announced pivot to Asia,
whether or not you agree with the realization of that policy,
had an effect on the influence of the United States
representative to ASEAN, or are those nations waiting to see
what the actual policies are that come after that announcement
in policy shift? What has this announced pivot to Asia meant
for the influence specifically within the association of the
U.S. representative?
Ms. Hachigian. I would say that having a Permanent U.S.
Representative is part of the Rebalance to Asia. If confirmed,
I would only be the second one, so we have only had one since
2010. We were the first non-ASEAN country to have a Permanent
Representative in Jakarta at the Secretariat and that meant a
lot and means a lot to the ASEANs.
I think as I look at it from the outside, there is a lot
going on in Asia, that we have a tremendous number of different
kinds of programs across the board in economics, in security,
and in democracy and human rights. It has been a very active
policy. I think that an ambassador to ASEAN is able to point to
all those things to show that we are there to stay, that we
have been a Pacific power and we will continue to be one in the
future.
Senator Murphy. Thank you.
Senator Johnson.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms.--how do you pronounce your name?
Ms. Hachigian. ``Hah-CHEE-gee-an.''
Senator Johnson. ``Hah-CHEE-gee-an,'' OK.
Ms. Hachigian. You were very close.
Senator Johnson. Do you draw any parallels in terms of what
is happening in Eastern Europe, what the U.S. response has been
to Vladimir Putin's aggressive expansion, our reaction to it,
and what China is doing in terms of, in your words, acting
unilaterally? Do you draw a parallel there?
Ms. Hachigian. I see the parallel that you are drawing. But
we have very strong interests in Asia that the rebalance is all
about, and I do not think anyone should doubt our resolve to
realize those interests and those of our allies in the region.
Senator Johnson. You are saying nobody should, but are
people doubting our resolve? Have you spoken to some of the
ASEAN countries and are they starting to question Americans'
resolve? And is that a concern to you, and how are you going to
address it?
Ms. Hachigian. I see your point. I think that we are doing
so much in Asia that I do not think that they are doubting our
resolve. I see the analogy that you are drawing, but these
unilateral actions that China has been taking, they precede the
annexation of the Ukraine and they continue to exist. I do not
think that there has been a direct effect that I can see,
although I do not know for certain.
What I can say is that Putin's annexation of the Crimea has
perhaps put more pressure on China in the region to show that
it actually means to resolve these disputes peacefully, as is
its stated policy.
Senator Johnson. That would be a hopeful outcome. Let us
hope that is exactly what China is thinking. I think they are
probably thinking something else. I think they are thinking
this is probably a pretty good time to act, and that is a
concern.
Talk to me about the economic opportunities we have in East
Asia? What are our greatest opportunities?
Ms. Hachigian. I think we have a terrific opportunity to
increase exports. It is already the fourth-largest market and
it is growing rapidly. ASEAN has plans to form an integrated
economic community, which over time will mean more
harmonization of standards and regulations across the 10
countries, and I think that will make it a lot easier for our
exporters.
So I would say that that is a central and important
opportunity for us, and if confirmed I will be speaking with
U.S. businesses about how we can realize that.
Senator Johnson. There has been an awful lot of talk here
in Congress and in Washington about potential Chinese currency
manipulation. I kind of happen to think that the United States
is calling the--the pot calling the kettle black here. And
there has been an awful lot of reports that it is very
difficult to say exactly where the Chinese currency value would
actually fall if it were in a true free market.
Do you have any thoughts on that?
Ms. Hachigian. China is a major economic player in the
region, no question. They have strong trading relationships
with ASEAN. But we have strong trading relations with ASEAN as
well and we are the largest foreign investor by far.
In terms of China's currency, I am certainly no expert and
should probably take that question back.
Senator Johnson. That is a pretty large driver, though, of
economic activity between the countries, correct, currency
valuations?
Ms. Hachigian. It certainly is bilaterally between us and
China, and I assume is as well within the region. But in terms
of the detailed economic analysis of that, I do not think I can
get it to you just now.
[The written response to Senator Johnson's question to Nina
Hachigian follows:]
It is imperative that we get our relationship with China right,
given the effect its economic policies have on the United States,
including the Rebalance to Asia, and on the world economy. We have an
interest in developing a positive, cooperative, and comprehensive
relationship with China that delivers benefits to both our countries
and to the broader international community. As a part of developing
this relationship, we must find ways to address the array of issues
born of our substantial and complex bilateral economic engagement.
The policy of the administration is to use all the tools at U.S.
disposal to direct China toward full compliance with its international
trade and commercial obligations, including its commitment to enhance
exchange rate flexibility. The management of our economic relationship
cuts across a range of U.S. agencies, including USTR and the
Departments of Treasury, Commerce, Energy, and Agriculture, in addition
to State. I agree with the objective of leveling the playing field in
China for U.S. businesses and workers; however, I defer specific
questions about currency to the Treasury Department.
More broadly, we must remind China how both our countries benefit
from China's increased integration into the rules-based international
economic system--and of the level playing field this system requires.
Senator Johnson. Mr. Schapiro, why do you not speak a
little bit in terms of what are our greatest opportunities
economically with the Czech Republic?
Mr. Schapiro. Thank you, Senator. I am very excited to
build on the great work that our team on the ground in the
Czech Republic has been doing over the last 4 years under
Ambassador Eisen. They have doubled trade between our
countries, so that now the Czech Republic is one of our fastest
growing, I think it is either the second- or third-fastest
growing export market in Europe.
So I want to support and encourage that type of trade. I
think there are four things I can do in that regard. First, I
think the Ambassador's job is to be, and his team is to be,
alert to opportunities and make sure that that gets
communicated back home to companies, to businesses, to this
committee.
At the same time, we have to be advocates, and that is
something that I have spent my career doing, so to be out
advocating for U.S. companies on the ground.
Next, I think we really need to work to build an
environment in which free trade allows both our country and the
Czech Republic to really reap the benefits of economic growth.
For that reason, pressing and encouraging the Czechs, who are
already essentially on board with the TTIP treaty--there are
still discussions going on, but they have been supporters.
Working to make sure they help the European Union get that
across the finish line with us would be the third thing I would
want to do.
Then fourth, as Senator Murphy said, I think before you
were coming in, is to do all I can to level the playing field
by pressing for rule of law and advancing the anticorruption
efforts that we already have under way, especially in
procurement. If you are a U.S. company coming in, you need to
know that the rules are going to apply by one yardstick to
everyone.
Senator Johnson. So specifically in what product areas or
service areas have exports grown, and are those the same areas
that there is renewed or increased opportunity in the future,
or are there some other areas as well? Specifically with the
product or service areas?
Mr. Schapiro. The U.S. exporting to the Czech Republic, I
know that we have increased exports in high tech and that we
also have large resource and development capabilities that some
American companies have placed in the Czech Republic. In turn,
the Czechs mainly export manufactured goods to the United
States.
I think there is a great deal of opportunity, but I
probably will need to be on the ground and surveying the
landscape before I can opine as to whether one sector or
another is best for us. We had hoped that the area of nuclear
energy would be one and, as we discussed earlier, there still
may be some hope to revise that effort. That is certainly
something that creates a tremendous amount of jobs back here in
the United States.
Senator Johnson. Both Senator Murphy and I have been
involved in meetings with European partners and there is always
a great deal of vocal support for TTIP in general, but then it
kind of gets down to the specific issues. Are you aware of any
specific trouble spots in terms of negotiating TTIP that will
come out of the Czech Republic?
Mr. Schapiro. Nothing unique to the Czech Republic, other
than there are some concerns about farmers markets and whether
farmers markets and agriculture will be affected in a way that
hurts Czech farmers. I think that is not the case, and so one
of my jobs--and I know our team is already doing this--will be
to make sure that the story gets out about how a mutually
beneficial treaty between the United States and the European
Union can benefit everyone.
But the short answer to your question is there are no large
concerns on the horizon that we have heard, nothing different
from what we are seeing in many of the European countries.
Senator Johnson. Thank you.
Thanks, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Senator Johnson.
One of the things that both of us have observed as we have
watched the crisis in the Ukraine and on Russia's borders play
out is that, as we are increasingly concerned about security
interests, we tend to spend a little bit less time focusing on
some of the human rights issues and problems inside places like
Russia. It is a convenient distraction from some of the very
serious issues regarding the freedom of civil society.
I think the same thing plays out in Southeast Asia as well.
As we are focused on these almost daily security concerns, we
maybe lose sight of some of our interests in promoting human
rights.
That is an opening to ask a broad question to you, Ms.
Hachigian, over this question of what ASEAN's role is in
promoting human rights in the region. I just noted the recent
decision of Brunei to institute fairly strict sharia law,
including floggings for abortions and adultery. What is the
role that we play within ASEAN on the issue of human rights and
how aggressive will ASEAN itself be in trying to work on those
issues?
Ms. Hachigian. The issue of human rights is very important
to me. When I was in college I spent some time at an
antiapartheid organization in South Africa. I went to
Afghanistan to do some research on the placement of land mines
in civilian areas. In my first trip to Southeast Asia I was
part of a Navy program to train Cambodian military officers in
human rights and the rule of law. So these are personal--this
is a personal interest to me.
I think if you look at the region overall the human rights
situation has gotten quite a bit better over the last 20, 30
years. But there are still pockets of real need for
improvement, including the Rohingya in Burma and freedom of
expression in Vietnam and then, as you say, sharia law in
Brunei.
ASEAN has a few years ago established a human rights
commission, and the United States has been working with that
commission from the beginning. If confirmed I will continue to
work to try to make that a more effective body than it
currently is.
When it comes to sharia law in Brunei, I know that our
bilateral embassy is engaged on this issue. I think it comes
down to it being important that a nation's laws conform with
its international obligations on human rights. Some of the
physical corporal punishment associated with that law, if
implemented, as you point out, would be inconsistent with
international obligations.
Senator Murphy. One additional question for you, Mr.
Schapiro. We have danced a little bit around Ukraine here
today. The Czechs have been very strong, frankly, in their at
least language and rhetoric that they have used surrounding the
provocations of Russia in Eastern Ukraine and the invasion and
annexation of Crimea. What is the disposition as you understand
it of the Czech Republic with respect to the next level
sanctions, possible sectoral industry-wide sanctions, that will
have an economic effect on major Russian trading partners like
the Czech Republic? We have heard a lot of strong talk from
some of our European partners, but not necessarily
corresponding action.
I am one, and I think others on the committee join me, in
believing that it is probably about time for the United States
to move out on our own with respect to stronger sanctions.
What do you understand to be the disposition of the Czech
Republic?
Mr. Schapiro. I think I would describe the disposition as
cautious, Senator. As you note, the Czechs have thus far stood
side by side with us. There is no daylight between our
positions. They have implemented the sanctions that are in
place thus far and they have most recently condemned the May 10
referenda in Eastern Ukraine. No major media outlets in the
Czech Republic are tilting pro-Russian in any way.
That being said, Russia is a significant trading partner of
the Czech Republic. They get 70 to 80 percent of their gas and
oil from the Russians. So they face competing concerns. I think
my job as Ambassador, if confirmed, will be to continue to try
and, through public engagement and through private meetings
with the government, do all I can to support those who will
stand with us, because the Czechs do recognize--and this is one
of the sources of the strong support that you describe--they
understand that you cannot be asleep at the wheel when there is
a dangerous power not too far away. They had the experience of
the late 1930s, they had the experience of 1968. So I think
they get it.
All that being said, it is true there would be some
significant economic pain if we go to sectoral sanctions.
Ms. Hachigian. I would just ask you in your capacity as our
next Ambassador to convey a very strong message that this
assumption of security based on NATO membership comes with
limitations. One limitation is that the United States cannot
continue to provide 70 percent of the funding. We cannot allow
for countries like the Czech Republic to come in with only 1
percent of their GDP. I was glad that your opening remarks
talked about your intention to press that point.
But secondarily, what Putin is perfecting is an ability to
rattle nations and gain control of portions of their society
and public affairs without a transparent invasion through
military force. That should worry every single NATO member
because we have an Article 5 obligation to protect NATO
members, but the question is if the kind of tactics that Putin
is using in places like Eastern Ukraine start to be used in a
NATO country, a Czech Republic or a Hungary or a Baltic State,
there is a legitimate question as to what our Article 5
responsibility is.
That is why, even with the pain that may come with engaging
in tougher sanctions, our European allies especially on the
eastern edge of the continent I would hope should be willing to
deal with some of that temporary economic pain to make sure
that those kind of tactics are not visited upon their country,
posing a pretty significant and troublesome question about what
NATO's response will be.
Mr. Schapiro. I could not agree with you more.
Senator Murphy. Senator Johnson.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I think Putin is perfecting that technique because he is
not paying a price. Mr. Schapiro, you talked about the Czech
Republic's dependence on Russian oil. As Ambassador, would you
advocate for opening up those oil markets so we can end
Vladimir Putin's basic monopoly on oil and gas supply to not
only the Czech Republic, but the Ukraine and other parts of
Europe?
Mr. Schapiro. Well, I am pleased to say that the Czechs
have increased storage capacity and made investments in
reversible pipeline technology. We support that. I will
encourage Czech efforts to diversify their energy sources, to
liberalize EU energy markets, to increase interconnectivity of
European energy supply works.
I was pleased to read that I think just yesterday, I
believe it was the V-4--Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and the
Czech Republic--announced their intention to come up with a
plan to deal with any potential shutoff of Russian gas and oil,
because I think this has to be a wakeup call for them, and that
is a message I intend to bring.
Senator Johnson. But just storing Russian oil is not the
answer. They actually have to get supplied from other places.
Certainly I think the United States has the capability of doing
it, and I think it would be helpful if people on the ground
there could advocate back to the administration. It would be
very helpful to start, for example, to allow those LNG permit
applications to proceed forward. Just that announcement I think
would be helpful.
Earlier today I read a report that the Czech Defense
Minister said that he sees no NATO troops stationed on Czech
soil. Do you have any further information on that? Have you
heard about that, and what that posture is?
Mr. Schapiro. I do, Your Honor----
Senator Johnson. Close enough.
Mr. Schapiro. It is my former job as a lawyer. [Laughter.]
Senator Johnson, yes. The Czech Defense Minister's
comment--I think it was to a Reuters reporter--about seeing no
need for NATO troops to be stationed on Czech soil caused a bit
of an uproar over the last 2 days in the Czech Republic. He was
roundly criticized by all of the parties in the government,
including the Prime Minister. He has essentially walked that
back, said that his comments were taken out of context by
Reuters, he was talking about permanent stationing of troops.
In response to this, the lower house of the Czech
legislature just--it was either yesterday or today; I am not
sure about how the time difference plays into this--passed a
new resolution stating that they will comply with all NATO
obligations. So I was pleased to see that it created and
expression of support for NATO.
Senator Johnson. So you would anticipate, then, that the
Czech Republic--and you would potentially help advocate for
this--could potentially host training exercises as somewhat a
show of strength and resolve against Vladimir Putin's actions?
Mr. Schapiro. I think--I could be wrong about this, but I
think the Czech Republic has already stated that it would be
open to hosting training exercises. I know that the Defense
Minister was here in April and met with Secretary Hagel and
National Security Adviser Rice. It is possible that I am
mistaken about that with regard to exercises, but I believe
that is accurate.
Look. Anything that we ask the Czechs to do as a part of
NATO or that NATO wants to do that involves the Czech Republic
is something that is going to need to be worked out through a
dialogue with our Czech partners, and my job will be to
facilitate that dialogue and advance our interests.
Senator Johnson. I would like to ask both the nominees--and
we will start with Mr. Schapiro. When we were over in the
Ukraine, I think, one of the most important messages we heard
is that the propaganda coming out of Vladimir Putin and Russia
is incredibly effective. I think we see it in Venezuela. We
have these very dictatorial regimes in total control of the
media.
My concern, across the board, is that America has pretty
well withdrawn from providing the truth and providing
information. My final question to both of you is your
assessment of that and what do you think we can do in the
countries that you are going to be representing the United
States in, to hopefully increase our efforts?
Mr. Schapiro. It is a real issue, Senator. A few weeks ago
I turned on my television in a hotel room and I was watching
what I thought was an ordinary news program. This was here in
Washington. And after about 4 minutes I realized, something
just seems off about this. Then I realized I was watching RT,
the Russian faux cable news channel. I can see how, to those
who do no view it necessarily with a critical eye, it is fairly
sophisticated. That is a real issue.
The Czechs have a good history of partnering with us to
counter Russian disinformation. Back after the fall of the Iron
Curtain, Vaclav Havel, who was then the President of the Czech
Republic, invited Radio Free Europe-Radio Liberty to move from
Germany to Prague. So RFE and Radio Liberty are now located in
the Czech Republic. Of course a lot of what they do is beamed
toward other areas of the world, but some of it is Russian
language.
I think, in light of what has happened, no one should be
blind to the danger that that type of propaganda poses, and as
Ambassador, if confirmed, I will encourage and support all of
our efforts to push back.
I will say, though, I think one of our great strengths is
that those who pay attention understand that when they look at
our country and the diversity of voices and CNN and Fox and MSN
and NBC, I think people can tell the difference. I would not
want to fall into any ham-handed propaganda, but I do not think
that is what you are suggesting.
Senator Johnson. No. The problem is so many people just
live their lives and they are not paying attention, not
closely. So when they are inundated with propaganda from
Vladimir Putin's Russia or from the dictators now in Venezuela
or other places, there is just no pushback.
I think one of the problems we have, whether we are talking
about the human rights abuses within Muslim countries, requires
a real concerted effort to provide real information.
So I just throw that question to you as well.
Ms. Hachigian. Thank you, Senator. I think this is why our
continued advocacy for freedom of the media in all these
countries is really important. I do think, though, that actions
speak louder than words, and even in a country where media is
controlled, as in Vietnam, the message of China's recent
actions has really come through. As you know, there have been
protests across the country.
I think, similarly, our actions and what we did in Typhoon
Haiyan in the Philippines, that is real. That is showing a real
commitment, and that is better than any propaganda. We just
have to make sure we can get the message out about what we are
actually doing. I think that is the challenge. That is what
public diplomacy is all about and what, if confirmed, I will
help to try to do.
Senator Johnson. I agree, actions speak far louder than
words, and that is a lesson we can learn in other areas as
well.
Thank you.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Johnson.
Thank you both for your testimony today. I think you have
acquitted yourselves very well. We are going to keep the record
open for a short period of time. We are going to keep it open
just until tomorrow at 5 o'clock. So if we do get any questions
in, we hope that you can turn them around very, very quickly,
in part because we are going to try to move your nominations
through the committee very, very quickly. So the record will be
open until Friday at 5. You will try to turn any questions
around as quickly as possible.
Thank you for your participation today, and with that this
hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:30 p.m., the committee was adjourned.]
NOMINATIONS OF ROBERT STEPHEN BEECROFT, STUART E. JONES, DANA SHELL
SMITH, JAMES D. NEALON, AND GENTRY O. SMITH
----------
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 11, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Hon. Robert Stephen Beecroft, of California, to be Ambassador
to the Arab Republic of Egypt
Hon. Stuart E. Jones, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Iraq
Dana Shell Smith, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the State of
Qatar
James D. Nealon, of New Hampshire, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Honduras
Gentry O. Smith, of North Carolina, to be Director of the
Office of Foreign Missions
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 11:05 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
Menendez (chairman of the committee) presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez, Murphy, Kaine, Corker, Risch,
Rubio, Johnson, and Barrasso.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will come to order.
For our first panel today, we have nominees for U.S.
Ambassadors to Egypt, Iraq, and Qatar.
In Egypt on Sunday, the former Minister of Defense, Field
Marshall Sisi, was sworn into office. But, as we all know, a
sustainable democratic transition is about more than elections.
I remain concerned by the state of media repression in Egypt,
the intimidation and detention of activists, mass death
sentences, and the disproportionate use of force by Egypt's
security services. That said, the people of Egypt have taken to
the streets to protest successive governments, and there is no
reason not to expect protests again if the Sisi government is
unable to deliver on its promises.
Ultimately, my goal is to find a way forward for the United
States/Egypt partnership, which means maintaining the peace
treaty between Israel and Egypt, and a strong defense in
counterterrorism partnership. When it comes to assistance,
continued U.S. aid must be based on the totality of our shared
interests. And this now includes the Egyptian Government taking
steps toward a sustainable democratic transition. That is not
only my view, but a legal requirement of the 2014 Omnibus
Appropriations Act. So, that said, I look forward to hearing
from Ambassador Beecroft on his views.
In Iraq, while political leaders are dealmaking to form a
government, the Iraqi people are not benefiting from their
country's increased oil output, and the conflict continues to
surge in western Iraq, as the spillover from Syria has enabled
the Islamic state of Iraq and Syria to take hold. Clearly, we
must continue to support the Iraqi Security Forces, but I am
concerned by reports that they have been using barrel bombs in
their operations. Syria's questions remain unanswered: Iraq's
role in Syria, the activities of Iraqi Shia militias fighting
with Assad security forces, Iranian influence in Iraq, and the
commitment of the Iraqi Government to protect the residents of
Camp Liberty until we can conclude a resettlement process. So,
Ambassador Jones, I look forward to your perspectives and
analysis.
Qatar presents another set of issues. I know that there are
many who have questions about the context of the negotiations,
the Qatari Government's role in facilitating the talks, and its
commitments regarding the status of the Taliban detainees.
However, Qatar's multifaceted strategic importance goes far
beyond its facilitating role in the Bergdahl/Taliban deal. So,
I sincerely hope that this hearing does not denigrate into a
political debate that demands answers the nominee does not have
and ultimately holds up the process, leaving us with no
ambassador on the ground to enforce the terms of the agreement.
This is not the time to debate those terms. It is time to
confirm an ambassador who will enforce them. I look forward to
hearing from you, and to hearing about what you see as your
role in Qatar, broadly, as well as on this issue. If you are
confirmed, I am monitoring this commitment, and I want to make
it clear that Congress will play an active oversight role on
this issue. That said, I look forward to hearing from the
nominee on the many facets of Qatar's broader strategic
importance.
With that, let me turn to the distinguished Ranking Member,
Senator Corker, for his remarks.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BOB CORKER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Corker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thanks, to all three of you, for your desire to serve
in this way. We obviously have three very qualified nominees,
and going to very, very important places.
And I think, to a lesser degree in Qatar, but certainly to
a degree, there are two issues that overwhelmingly will affect
the service of both Ambassador Jones and Beecroft, and that is
the black hole that we have right now in Syria.
And I know that both of you have already experienced that
in the countries in which you are serving right now and the
fact that we have never really put in place any kind of policy
or strategy, or even laid out what our objectives are clearly.
And that is obviously having a very destabilizing effect on
Iraq and Jordan, where both of you have been.
We also have a situation where there is just no regional
strategy. You know, the administration, unfortunately,
continues to hide behind, you know, classified briefings and
those kind of things, and is unable to lay out a coherent
strategy for the region. And so, again, all three of you enter
places where that has created significant difficulties. And
again, I thank you for your desire to serve in that way.
Egypt, since 2011, there has been no stabilization there.
The country is really no better off, relative to many of the
issues that we care about, than it was. I do have hopes--maybe
greater hopes than our chairman just mentioned--for Egypt,
going forward. And I know that they are a very important
relationship for our country.
Iraq, we are continuing to read daily the devolution that
is taking place there. You feel it on the ground. The lack of
involvement that we have had in helping shape things on the
ground is very, very apparent, and I know we will talk about
that during Q&A.
And in Qatar, because of our inability or lack of desire or
just whatever in taking a lead, relative to the Syrian
opposition, Qatar obviously has taken a role that has been
unhealthy. I understand that may be tapering back some now, but
that is a very, very important relationship.
So, I look forward to our questions and answers. I want to
thank each of you again for the lives you have led that have
made you so qualified for the positions that you are ascending
to. And I thank you for being here today.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Corker.
Let me again welcome our first panel of nominees, all
decorated career Foreign Service officers. None is a stranger
to demanding, consuming critical assignments, both domestically
and abroad. And we thank them and their families for their past
service, and for their willingness to serve again in very
challenging roles.
Let me introduce them. They are Robert Stephen Beecroft, to
be Ambassador to Egypt; Stuart E. Jones, to be Ambassador to
Iraq; and Dana Shell Smith, to be the Ambassador to Qatar.
Ambassador Beecroft has undertaken difficult assignments in
the most critical countries for U.S. national security and
strategic interests. He is a career Foreign Service officer
with the rank of minister counselor, and currently serves as
Ambassador to the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad.
Stuart E. Jones also is no stranger to demanding
assignments in the most strategic, pressing areas for the
United States. He is a career Foreign Service officer with the
rank of career minister. He is currently serving as our
Ambassador in Amman, Jordan, and has served twice as the deputy
chief of mission in Baghdad, and in our Embassy in Egypt.
Dana Shell Smith is truly a global diplomat, having served
throughout the world in her capacity as a public affairs
officer. She, too, is a career Foreign Service officer, with
the rank of minister counselor, and currently serves as senior
advisor to the Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy and Public
Affairs.
So, let me join Senator Corker in thanking you all for your
service, both past and moving forward in the future.
We have a larger audience than we normally have for
nominees, so I assume that maybe there are some family members
or friends present. If they are here with you, we would urge
you to introduce them to the committee when you have your time
to testify. We understand and appreciate that families are a
big part of the sacrifice and the service, and we honor their
willingness to have you serve our country while they,
themselves, face sacrifices as a result of it.
Your full statements will be included in the record,
without objection, so we ask you to summarize your openings in
about 5 minutes or so, so we can enter into a dialogue with
you.
And, with that, we will start off with you, Ambassador
Beecroft, then Ambassador Jones, and then move to Ms. Smith.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT STEPHEN BEECROFT, OF CALIFORNIA,
NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT
Ambassador Beecroft. Thank you very much, Chairman
Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, other members of the
committee. I am honored to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Arab
Republic of Egypt. I am deeply grateful to President Obama and
Secretary Kerry for their support and confidence, and, if
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you and other
Members of Congress to advance the interests of the United
States.
I am also pleased to share this hearing with my colleagues,
Stu Jones and Dana Smith. I look forward to working closely
with them on the many issues facing the United States in the
Middle East.
Mr. Chairman, I have spent much of my career working in the
Middle East, including assignments in Syria and Saudi Arabia,
and as Ambassador to Jordan and to Iraq. My experience has made
me acutely aware of Egypt's strategic importance inside and
outside the region, and the need for effective U.S. engagement
with Egypt. As the most populous Arab country, Egypt represents
fully a quarter of the Arab world. It also hosts the Arab
League. Its long-standing cultural influence and importance as
an opinion leader and bellwether for trends across the region
is well known. Egypt is the third-largest market for U.S. goods
and services in the Middle East, and the United States is the
second-largest source of foreign direct investment in Egypt.
Approximately 8 percent of global maritime commerce flows
through the Suez Canal every year, and a total of 427 U.S.-
flagged vessels, including over 85 U.S. military vessels, moved
over 1.9 billion tons of cargo through the Suez in 2013.
And I cannot stress enough the importance of Egypt's
upholding of its peace treaty with Israel, which has delivered
over 35 years of stability to the region. After repeated
conflicts, beginning in 1948, the two countries have not seen
war since 1973. Conditions in Egypt, thus, have implications
for the security of Israel and our allies in the Arab world and
beyond. Increased instability in Egypt would not only open
space for violent extremist strongholds, but also encourage
migrant flight. It would threaten global commerce with an
ensuing ripple effect on international economies.
For these reasons and more, we have crucial interests in
Egypt: preserving regional peace and stability with Israel and
all of Egypt's neighbors, countering the transnational threats
of terrorism and weapons trafficking, creating economic
prosperity and increased opportunities for foreign investment,
and building inclusive democratic institutions and civil
societies that undermine the conditions for violent extremism
and form the bedrock of prosperous, equitable economic growth.
As President Obama said in his May 28 address at West Point,
support for human rights and democracy goes beyond idealism. It
is a matter of national security.
While views on how to advance our interests in Egypt may
differ, there is agreement that Egypt's success as a secure,
prosperous, and pluralistic democratic state remains vitally
important to the United States. If confirmed, I commit to work
with Congress to help achieve this goal and promote a
constructive United States/Egypt partnership that furthers our
interests.
I want to commend the American personnel and local staff at
our U.S. mission who have been carrying out courageous and
difficult work during a tumultuous time. The mission has
remained actively engaged with Egyptian Government officials,
political parties, and civil society. Twelve cabinet-level
agencies at the mission are advancing our national security
objectives, protecting the welfare of American citizens and
business, and pursuing our work with the Government and people
of Egypt. If confirmed as Ambassador, I look forward to joining
in their efforts.
It is a distinct honor to have been nominated by President
Obama to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Egypt, and I thank you for
the opportunity to testify before you today.
Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Corker, I look forward
to answering any questions you or members of the committee may
have.
Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Beecroft follows:]
Prepared Statement by Robert Stephen Beecroft
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, and members of the
committee, I am honored to appear before you today as the President's
nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Arab Republic of Egypt.
I am deeply grateful to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for their
support and confidence, and if confirmed, I look forward to working
closely with you and other Members of Congress to advance the interests
of the United States.
I am also pleased to share this hearing with Stuart Jones and Dana
Smith. I look forward to working closely with them on the many issues
facing the region.
Mr. Chairman, I have spent much of my career working in the Middle
East, including assignments in Syria and Saudi Arabia and as Ambassador
to Jordan and to Iraq. My experience has made me acutely aware of
Egypt's strategic importance inside and outside the region and the need
for effective U.S. engagement with Egypt: as the most populous Arab
country, Egypt represents fully a quarter of the Arab world. It also
hosts the Arab League. Its long-standing cultural influence and
importance as an opinion leader and bellwether for trends across the
region is well-known. Egypt is the third-largest market for U.S. goods
and services in the Middle East, and the United States is the second-
largest source of foreign direct investment in Egypt. Approximately 8
percent of global maritime commerce flows through the Suez Canal every
year, and a total of 427 U.S. flagged vessels--including over 85 U.S.
military vessels--moved over 1.9 billion tons of cargo through the Suez
in 2013. And I cannot stress enough the importance of Egypt's upholding
of its Peace Treaty with Israel, which has delivered over 35 years of
stability to the region. After repeated conflicts beginning in 1948,
the two countries have not seen war since 1973. In the ensuing years,
Egypt has even played a constructive role supporting our mediation on
other tracks of the Arab-Israeli Conflict.
Conditions in Egypt thus have implications for the security of
Israel and our allies in the Arab world and beyond. Increased
instability in Egypt would not only open space for violent extremist
strongholds, but also encourage migrant flight that could place added
strain on our Southern European allies. It would threaten global
commerce, with an ensuing ripple effect on international economies.
For these reasons and more, we have crucial interests in Egypt:
preserving regional peace and stability with Israel and all of Egypt's
neighbors; countering the transnational threats of terrorism and
weapons trafficking; creating economic prosperity and increased
opportunities for foreign investment; and building inclusive,
democratic institutions and civil societies that deter the emergence of
violent extremism and form the bedrock of prosperous, equitable
economic growth. As President Obama said in his May 28 address at West
Point, ``. . . support for human rights and democracy goes beyond
idealism--it is a matter of national security.''
While views on how to advance our interests in Egypt may differ,
there is agreement that Egypt's success as a secure, prosperous,
pluralistic, and democratic state remains vitally important to the
United States. If confirmed, I commit to work with Congress to help
achieve this goal and promote a constructive U.S.-Egypt partnership
that furthers our interests.
I want to commend the American personnel and local staff at our
U.S. mission who have been carrying out courageous and difficult work
during a tumultuous time. The mission has remained actively engaged
with Egyptian Government officials, political parties, and civil
society. Twelve Cabinet-level agencies at the mission are advancing our
national security objectives, protecting the welfare of American
citizens and business, and pursuing our work with the Government and
people of Egypt. If confirmed as Ambassador, I look forward to joining
in their efforts.
It is a distinct honor to have been nominated by President Obama to
serve as U.S. Ambassador to Egypt, and I thank you for the opportunity
to testify before you today. Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member
Corker, I look forward to answering any questions you or members of the
committee may have.
The Chairman. Ambassador Jones.
STATEMENT OF HON. STUART E. JONES, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINEE TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF IRAQ
Ambassador Jones. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Corker, members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. I am
deeply honored today to appear as President Obama's nominee to
be the United States Ambassador to the Republic of Iraq. I am
grateful to the President and to the Secretary for their
confidence in me. If confirmed, I will work closely with you to
advance U.S. goals in Iraq.
I look forward to building on the excellent work of my
predecessor and friend, Ambassador Steve Beecroft, who is, of
course, with us today, and I am also delighted to share this
panel with Dana Smith, a valued colleague of many years.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to
introduce my daughter, Dorothy Jones, a rising sophomore at
Duke University. She flew up from Atlanta to be with me here
today. My wife, Barbara, and two sons, Thaddeus and Woody, are
in Amman. I am grateful that my family has been game for every
new posting.
Mr. Chairman, I am both humbled and thrilled to have the
opportunity to serve as Chief of Mission at the American
Embassy in Baghdad, one our largest and most complex diplomatic
missions. I have served in Iraq twice, as you mentioned, and as
Director for Iraq Affairs on the National Security Council.
These jobs have helped me to prepare for the complexity and
challenges of the assignment ahead.
We are all familiar with the history of Iraq's past decade.
It is impossible to serve in Iraq without recalling and
honoring the sacrifice and achievement of our U.S. service men
and women and civilians. More than 4,000 lost their lives
there, but they also put an end to the oppression and regional
threat of the Saddam Hussein regime. Today, we are all
committed to help build a new Iraq, secure in its borders, with
strong democratic institutions, where all can benefit from its
abundant resources.
Iraq has, indeed, made important economic and democratic
progress, but is now engaged in a fierce battle against ISIL,
the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant, one of the most dangerous
terrorist groups in the world. Monday's coordinated attack on
Mosul in which ISIL militants overran parts of the city
highlights just how dangerous this group is. We will continue
to work with our international partners to try to meet the
needs of those who have been displaced, and we will look for
ways to support the government and the security forces in their
conflict with ISIL.
Overall, violence in Iraq has reached levels not seen since
the height of the U.S. surge in 2007. Suicide vests and vehicle
bomb attacks are averaging nearly 70 per month since the
beginning of this year. The United States has taken important
steps to help Iraq combat this shared enemy. We have provided
urgently needed military equipment through the foreign military
sales process, and the Iraqis have told us that our equipment
and advice are making a critical difference. I would like to
thank this panel for making these transfers possible.
In addition to military equipment transfers, we have
strengthened our information-sharing relationships and are
developing programs to improve border security. We have also
initiated a high-level dialogue between our senior military
leadership and key Iraqi military commanders.
Security assistance, however, is only one element of our
assistance, and it is connected to intense political and
economic engagement. The United States has also encouraged Iraq
to adopt a holistic strategy to isolate ISIL from the
population and develop a strategy for sustainable security.
This strategy will require continued engagement between Iraq's
political leaders, Sunni tribal leaders, and others.
From a political standpoint, Iraq's successful national
election on April 30 was a victory for efforts to strengthen
Iraq's democratic institutions. While Prime Minister Maliki's
State of Law Coalition won more seats than any other, it fell
short of the 165 needed to form a majority government.
Government formation is an Iraqi-owned process, and it will be
up to Iraq's political leaders to form a government that
reflects the will have the people, as expressed in the April 30
election.
Despite Iraq's political and security challenges, its
tremendous economic growth over the last decade has been
impressive. Iraq's economy has averaged 6.5-percent growth
since 2005. It is now producing 3.2 million barrels of oil per
day.
The United States and Iraq have partnered to share best
practices on fossil fuel production and exports. We are engaged
with the Government of Iraq on capturing gas for power
generation and on political issues related to hydrocarbon
revenue management. The government also faces a challenge in
its natural resources--in distributing the wealth created by
its natural resources to its population and to use its oil
wealth to promote growth in other sectors.
Iraq's economic growth offers exciting opportunities for
U.S. firms, particularly in key sectors, such as infrastructure
development and construction. If confirmed, I look forward to
promoting Secretary Kerry's Shared Prosperity agenda as
Ambassador to Iraq.
Mr. Chairman, as I have discussed, Iraq poses a challenging
security environment. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will bear
responsibility for the safety of all U.S. personnel in Iraq,
including at Embassy Baghdad and our consulates in Erbil and
Basrah. If confirmed, I will work closely with our security
team on the ground, as well as with our diplomatic security
professionals back here in Washington, to ensure that our
people are well protected. This will be my highest priority, as
well as to protect the safety of American citizens in Iraq.
Since U.S. troops withdrew from Iraq in 2011, the Embassy
and consulates have significantly reduced our staffing. As of
June 2014, we have approximately 5,300 staff, just one-third of
our 2012 footprint. If confirmed, I will continue to examine
staffing levels to ensure that we have the appropriate number
of personnel to carry out our mission.
Our diplomatic efforts are supported by a highly skilled
team of individuals at the Embassy in Iraq, and they represent
a wide range of U.S. departments and agencies. This whole-of-
government approach allows us to bring the very best experts
our government has to offer and address some of the challenges
I have raised with you today. I would like to thank everyone at
the Embassy in Iraq for their service, as well as the
leadership back here in Washington, including this committee,
that makes this level of interagency coordination possible. Our
continued success in Iraq depends on continued collaboration.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you again for
the opportunity to address you today. I appreciate and value
this committee's oversight of our efforts in Iraq. And, if
confirmed, I look forward to welcoming you and your respective
staff members to Baghdad. Your continued engagement on the
policy issues that we face in Iraq are a vital element in
ensuring our success.
I would be pleased to respond to any questions you may
have. Thank you very much for this opportunity.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Jones follows:]
Prepared Statement by Stuart E. Jones
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, members of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you
today, as President Obama's nominee to be the United States Ambassador
to the Republic of Iraq. I am grateful to the President and to
Secretary Kerry for their confidence in me. If confirmed, I will work
closely with you to advance U.S. goals in Iraq. I look forward to
building on the excellent work of my predecessor and friend, Ambassador
Steve Beecroft, who is of course, here today.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce my
daughter, Dorothy Jones, a rising sophomore at Duke University. She
flew up from Atlanta to be with me today. My wife, Barbara, a former
Foreign Service officer and current civil servant, is in Amman with our
sons, Thaddeus and Woody, so they could not join us. I am grateful for
our children's support for this assignment and throughout our Foreign
Service careers.
Mr. Chairman, I am both humbled and thrilled to have the
opportunity to serve as chief of mission at American Embassy Baghdad,
one of our largest and most complex diplomatic missions. I had the
honor of serving as Deputy Chief of Mission in Baghdad. I also served
as the Governorate Coordinator in Ramadi, in Anbar province under the
Coalition Provisional Authority in 2004. Later I was Director for Iraq
Affairs on the National Security Council staff here in Washington.
These jobs have helped me prepare for the complexity and challenges of
the assignment ahead.
We are all familiar with the history of Iraq's past decade. It is
impossible to serve in Iraq without recalling and honoring the
sacrifice and achievement of our U.S. service men and women and
civilians. More than 4,000 Americans lost their lives to give the Iraqi
people a chance at a better future. Today we are committed to helping
build a new Iraq, which has moved beyond the isolation and oppression
of its past, with secure borders, strong democratic institutions, and
where all citizens benefit from its abundant resources.
On April 30, Iraq held its first national elections since the
departure of U.S. forces. As they did in 2005 and 2010, Iraq's citizens
overcame terrorist threats and exercised their franchise.
Today, Iraq is also producing around 3.2 million barrels of oil per
day. It is one of the major contributors to the world oil market and
this oil wealth has placed Iraq on the path to economic self-
sufficiency. Iraqi oil exports have also made it possible to sustain
the international sanctions on Iran without cost to the world economy.
While we are encouraged by these developments, we also recognize
that the Republic of Iraq is now engaged in a fierce fight against the
Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, or ISIL. The complex, coordinated
attack on Mosul on Monday, in which ISIL militants overran parts of the
city, highlights just how dangerous this group is. ISIL now controls
much of Iraq's second-largest city, and thousands of people have been
forced to flee in the last several days, according to the U.N. The
Iraqi security forces are responding together with Kurdish Peshmerga
forces. We will continue to monitor the situation closely, and will
work with our international partners to try to meet the needs of those
who have been displaced.
Overall, violence in Iraq has reached levels not seen since height
of U.S. surge in 2007. Suicide vest and vehicle bomb attacks are
averaging nearly 70 per month since the beginning of this year. Most of
these were carried out by foreign fighters, who use Syria as a safe
haven to conduct attacks in Iraq. The U.N. has reported that in May
2014 alone, 799 Iraqi civilians were killed by acts of terrorism.
ISIL overtook the cities of Fallujah and Ramadi on January 1 of
this year. Iraqi security forces cooperated successfully with Sunni
tribal groups to largely push them out of Ramadi. But ISIL still
occupies Fallujah and poses a threat to the Iraqi state and its
neighbors.
The United States has taken important steps to help Iraq combat
this shared enemy. We have provided urgently needed military equipment
through the Foreign Military Sales process. I would like to thank the
members of this committee for their leadership, and the Congress for
making these transfers possible. In addition to military equipment
transfers, we have strengthened our information-sharing relationships,
and are developing programs to improve border security. We have also
initiated a high-level dialogue between our senior military leadership
and key Iraqi military commanders, coupled with training for Iraqi
security forces.
Security assistance, however, is only one element of our
assistance, and it is connected to intense political and economic
engagement. Accordingly, the U.S. has also encouraged Iraq to adopt a
holistic strategy to isolate ISIL from the population and develop a
strategy for sustainable security. This includes incorporating tribal
fighters from Anbar, Ninewa, and Salah ah Din into their security
framework to protect the populations in their towns and villages. This
strategy, which was employed successfully during the U.S. military
surge in 2007, will also require continued engagement between Iraq's
political leaders and Sunni tribal leaders to effectively defeat ISIL.
We are also encouraging Iraqi political and security leaders to ensure
that their difficult fight against ISIL is conducted in a manner that
protects the civilian population and adheres to the rule of law.
I already mentioned Iraq's successful elections. Turnout nationally
was just over 60 percent. It is notable that turnout in Anbar province,
where ISIL is most active, was 45 percent. Iraq's security forces
protected more than 50,000 polling stations on April 30, and with
support the U.N. Assistance Mission in Iraq, Iraq's Independent High
Election Commission worked to provide Iraq's 21 million eligible voters
the ability to vote. While Prime Minister Maliki's State of Law
coalition won more seats than any other, it fell short of parliamentary
majority that is required under the Iraqi Constitution to form a
government.
We will encourage all sides to work together to swiftly form a new
government that is representative of all Iraqis. This is an Iraqi-owned
process, and it will be up to Iraq's political leaders to form a
government that reflects the will of the people as expressed in the
April 30 election. We hope they will pay special attention to the
rights and interests of the religious and ethnic minority populations,
including the sizeable Christian community. Our mission in Iraq has
worked hard--especially as ISIL attacks have escalated in the last
year--to urge the Government of Iraq to protect these vulnerable
groups. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing our commitment to
ensuring that these communities are afforded the right protection.
Despite Iraq's political and security challenges, its tremendous
economic growth over the last decade has been impressive. Iraq's
economy has averaged around 6.5 percent growth since 2005. This has
been primarily driven by the energy sector. Iraq is now producing
around 3.2 million barrels of oil per day; it is the second-largest
producer within OPEC. The International Energy Agency estimates that
Iraq will provide 45 percent of all new incremental oil supply
worldwide between now and 2035. Iraqi oil will be essential to meet
rising international demand and maintain market stability. While the
United States imports less than 5 percent of its oil from Iraq, global
economic growth will benefit from Iraqi oil reaching the market.
Increasing exports from Iraq is therefore one of our highest bilateral
strategic priorities.
Lack of onshore pumping and storage capacity continues to prevent
Iraqi production and exports from reaching their full potential. There
is also tremendous opportunity to harness Iraq's significant natural
gas resources. If this gas is converted to power, this would provide
much-needed electricity to the Iraqi people, fueling further economic
growth. In addition to partnering to share best practices on fossil
fuel production and exports, we are engaged with the Government of Iraq
on capturing gas for power generation, and on political issues related
to hydrocarbon revenue management. The government also faces a
challenge in equitably distributing the wealth created by its natural
resources to its population and to use its oil wealth to promote growth
in other sectors. These are all areas where the United States would be
willing to help play a positive role and exchange lessons learned.
Iraq's economic growth offers exciting opportunities for U.S firms,
particularly in key sectors such as infrastructure development,
construction, health care, telecom, and agriculture. Iraq imports some
of the best equipment and technology in the world from the United
States, including civilian aircraft and the turbines that generate
much-needed electricity. I have spent much of my career promoting U.S.
economic engagement overseas. If confirmed, I look forward to promoting
Secretary Kerry's Shared Prosperity agenda as Ambassador to Iraq.
Mr. Chairman, as I have discussed, Iraq is a challenging security
environment. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will bear responsibility for
the safety of all U.S. personnel in Iraq, including at Embassy Baghdad
and at our consulates in Erbil and Basrah. If confirmed, I will work
closely with our security team on the ground--as well as with our
Diplomatic Security colleagues back here in Washington--to ensure that
our people are protected. I assure you this will be my highest
priority, as well as to protect the safety of American citizens in
Iraq.
Since U.S. troops withdrew from Iraq in 2011, the Embassy and
consulates have significantly reduced our staffing. As of June 2014, we
have approximately 5,300 staff; just one-third of our 2012 footprint.
If confirmed, I will continue to examine staffing levels to ensure that
we have the appropriate number of personnel to carry out our mission.
Again I wish to commend my colleague Steve Beecroft and his whole-
of-government team for their tremendous achievements and selfless
service; I am proud to be named as Steve's successor.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you again for the
opportunity to address you today. I appreciate and value this
committee's oversight of our efforts in Iraq and, if confirmed, I look
forward to welcoming you and your respective staff members to Baghdad.
Your continued engagement on the policy issues discussed today is a
vital element in ensuring our success in Iraq. I would be pleased to
respond to any questions you may have. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Ms. Smith.
STATEMENT OF DANA SHELL SMITH, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINEE TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE STATE OF QATAR
Ms. Smith. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, and
members of the committee----
The Chairman. Will you put your microphone on, please?
Ms. Smith. This is my first time doing this.
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, and members of
the committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before
you today as the President's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador
to the State of Qatar. I am extremely grateful to President
Obama and to Secretary Kerry for their confidence in me.
If confirmed, I look forward to representing the American
people and to working with this committee and other interested
Members of Congress to advance U.S. interests in Qatar.
And it is a privilege to share this panel with Stu Jones
and Steve Beecroft, two of our finest Ambassadors, whose work I
have long admired.
It has been an honor to serve as a Foreign Service officer
since 1992 and to use my regional experience and the Arabic
language in a variety of assignments. The Foreign Service even
introduced me to my husband, who is here today, and our two
children--well, the Foreign Service did not introduce me to
them--he is here with our two children. And it is exciting to
have them here, able to watch our democracy in action. I am
delighted that my aunt and uncle and so many of my friends
could be here, as well.
Qatar plays a growing role in the international community,
with influence that extends far beyond its 4,400 square miles
and 250,000 citizens. We share a productive relationship on key
regional issues, ranging from Syria to Iran. They have been
extremely supportive of our commitment to find a solution to
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. If confirmed, I will work to
ensure that our policies and diplomatic platform advance U.S.
foreign policy and national security interests in Qatar and the
region more broadly.
Defense cooperation is a central pillar of our partnership,
and it is best reflected in Qatar's hosting of the U.S. CENTCOM
forward headquarters, the Combined Air Operations Center, and
the 379th Air Expeditionary Wing at al-Udeid Airbase.
The renewal, in December 2013, of our Defense Cooperation
Agreement is a further testament to our enduring security
partnership. If confirmed, I will work to deepen our military
ties and expand our regional security cooperation.
We have an active and productive dialogue on both
counterterrorism and proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction. Qatar has endorsed the Proliferation Security
Initiative and is a founding member of the Global
Counterterrorism Forum. These efforts take on increased
importance, of course, as violent extremists expand their
operations in Syria. And we are working together to improve the
capacity of Qatar's counterterrorist financing regime and to
disrupt illicit cash flows.
The United States is also continuing efforts with Qatar and
other regional partners to support the moderate opposition in
Syria. Qatar believes, as we do, that Bashar al-Assad's
murderous oppression of the Syrian people leaves him with no
legitimacy to rule. And we share the view that the crisis in
Syria should be resolved through a negotiated political
solution. We are working closely with regional partners to
maximize the impact of our collective efforts. Qatar has also
publicly welcomed the Joint Plan of Action reached between Iran
and the P5+1 on Iran's nuclear program, and has made clear it
supports United States efforts to negotiate a comprehensive
agreement.
As you know, Qatar played an instrumental role in
recovering Sergeant Bowe Bergdahl. Their efforts are a
testament to our partnership. With regard to the five
individuals transferred from Guantanamo in connection with
Sergeant Bergdahl's release, the United States has and will
continue to coordinate closely with Qatar. We are confident
that the security measures that have been put in place,
including restrictions placed on the activities of the
individuals, will substantially mitigate any threat that the
individuals may pose to our national security. The Amir
personally provided his assurances to the President, and the
administration is confident that the Qataris have the capacity
and will to deliver on the commitments made. But, let me be
clear. If confirmed, I will work each day to ensure that these
commitments are upheld. I will consult regularly with the
members of this committee as we move forward on this issue.
Our thriving commercial relationship with Qatar continues
to grow, presenting tremendous opportunities for American
business. Qatar is one of our most important trading partners
in the region, importing over $5 billion worth in U.S. goods in
2013. If confirmed, I will make it my priority to advocate for
U.S. companies vigorously to ensure that we continue to seize
on the multitude of opportunities offered by the Qatari market.
Qatar also hosts six branches of U.S. universities. If
confirmed, I will work to expand our cultural and educational
partnerships to promote enduring ties between our people for
the next generation.
At a U.S. mission with employees from a variety of U.S.
Government agencies, my first priority, if confirmed, would
remain, at all times, protecting the safety and security of the
dedicated men and women at our mission, as well as of all
Americans living, working, and traveling in Qatar.
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, members of the
committee, it has been my privilege and great honor to spend my
entire adult life in the service of our country, promoting and
defending U.S. interests and values. If confirmed, I welcome
your views and insights on Qatar and the region, and look
forward to your visits to Doha.
I would be pleased to answer any questions you might have
for me today.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Smith follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dana Shell Smith
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Corker, and members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you as the President's
nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to the State of Qatar. I am extremely
grateful to President Obama and to Secretary Kerry for their confidence
in me. If confirmed, I look forward to representing the American
people, and to working with this committee and other interested Members
of Congress to advance U.S. interests in Qatar. It is a privilege to
share this hearing with Stu Jones and Steve Beecroft, two of our finest
Ambassadors whose work I have long admired. I look forward to working
closely with them.
It has been an honor to serve as a Foreign Service officer since
1992, mostly in the Arab World, and to use my regional experience and
the Arabic language in a wide variety of assignments. The Foreign
Service even introduced me to my husband, Ray Smith, who is here today,
an agent with the Diplomatic Security Service. As a tandem couple we
have been fortunate to serve together and to raise a family while
pursuing careers we love. Our two children are also with me here today.
They have learned so much from living overseas, and should I be
confirmed, I know that Qatar will serve as an incredible educational
and cultural experience for them. They have been great sports moving as
often as they have, and I am very proud of them.
Qatar is playing a growing role in the international community with
influence that extends far beyond its 4,400 square miles and 250,000
citizens. As President Obama has said, ``If our two countries are
communicating frankly and constructively, and pursuing common
strategies, we can be a force for good for the entire region and for a
vision of a Middle East that is democratic, that is prosperous, that is
tolerant, that is representative of all peoples, and that is a force
for good around the world.'' We enjoy a productive relationship with
Qatar on key regional issues ranging from Syria to Iran. Qatar has been
extremely supportive of our government's commitment to find a solution
to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; Qatar agrees that peace between
Israelis and Palestinians would advance security, prosperity, and
stability in the Middle East. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that
our policies and diplomatic platform advance U.S. foreign policy and
national security interests in Qatar and the region more broadly.
Defense cooperation is a central pillar of our partnership and is
best reflected in Qatar's hosting of U.S. Central Command Forward
Headquarters, the Combined Air Operations Center, and the 379th Air
Expeditionary Wing at Al Udeid Air Base. Al Udeid plays a critical role
in advancing our regional security as the platform for U.S. air
operations in the CENTCOM Area of Responsibility, including for
Afghanistan. The renewal in December 2013 of our Defense Cooperation
Agreement with Qatar, governing interactions between U.S. and Qatari
forces, is a further testament to the enduring security partnership
enjoyed by our two countries. If confirmed, I will work to deepen our
military ties and expand our regional security cooperation.
We have an active and productive dialogue with Qatar in the areas
of counterterrorism and nonproliferation of weapons of mass
destruction. Qatar has endorsed the Proliferation Security Initiative
and is a founding member of the Global Counterterrorism Forum. In March
2013 Qatar hosted a Forum workshop to develop a plan of action for rule
of law-based, community-oriented policing programs to counter violent
extremism (CVE). Qatar has also pledged $5 million to support the
Global Community Engagement and Resilience Fund, the first public-
private global fund to support local, grassroots CVE efforts. As
violent extremists expand their operations in Syria, these efforts take
on increased importance, and we are working with Qatar to improve the
capacity of its counterterrorist financing regime and disrupt illicit
cash flows, including through the provision of training.
The United States is also continuing efforts, together with Qatar
and other regional partners, to support the moderate opposition in
Syria. Qatar believes that Bashar al-Assad's murderous oppression of
the Syrian people leaves him with no legitimacy to rule and Qatar
shares our view that the crisis in Syria should be resolved through a
negotiated political transition. Qatar is an active member of the
London 11 Core Group on Syria and a strong supporter of the Syrian
opposition. We are working closely with regional partners like Qatar to
maximize the impact of our collective efforts to support the moderate
opposition and address the humanitarian crisis.
Qatar has publicly welcomed the Joint Plan of Action reached
between Iran and the P5+1 on Iran's nuclear program, and has made clear
it supports U.S. efforts to negotiate a comprehensive agreement.
As we saw a few weeks ago, Qatar played an instrumental role in
recovering Sergeant Bowe Bergdahl. Qatar's efforts in this regard are
another testament to our partnership. With regard to the five
individuals transferred to Qatar from Guantanamo in connection with
Sergeant Bergdahl's release, the United States has and will continue to
coordinate closely with Qatar. We are confident that the security
measures that have been put in place, including restrictions placed on
the activities of the individuals, will substantially mitigate any
threat that the individuals may pose to our national security. The Amir
personally provided his assurances to the President, and the
administration is confident that the Qataris have the capacity and will
to deliver on the commitments made. If confirmed, I will ensure that my
Country Team tracks closely and verifies that these commitments are
being upheld. In this regard, I look forward to consulting with the
members of this committee and their staff, if confirmed.
Our thriving commercial relationship with Qatar continues to grow,
presenting tremendous opportunities for American business. Qatar plans
to invest up to $200 billion in preparation for hosting the 2022 FIFA
World Cup, and to date U.S. companies have performed exceptionally well
in securing contracts for mega infrastructure projects, such as the new
airport, port, metro system, roads and bridges. Qatar is one of our
most important trading partners in the region, importing over $5
billion in U.S. goods in 2013, and it is the fifth-largest destination
for U.S. exports in the Middle East. If confirmed, I will make it my
priority to advocate for U.S. companies vigorously to ensure that we
continue to seize the multitude of opportunities offered by the Qatari
market.
Qatar's 2030 National Vision aims to transition to a knowledge-
based economy, and critical to this effort is Qatar's development of a
strong education sector. Qatar has served as a center of innovation in
the region, in part thanks to its warm welcome of diverse academic
institutions and think tanks, particularly U.S. institutions. Qatar's
``Education City'' is home to six U.S. universities, and Qatar has also
welcomed the presence of U.S. institutes Brookings and RAND. Our
partnerships in education have expanded dramatically, with the number
of Qatari students choosing to study in the United States more than
doubling over the past decade. Qatar's contribution of $5 million to
the J. Christopher Stevens Virtual Exchange Initiative will help equip
more than 1 million youth with the skills they need to succeed in the
21st century through online educational exchanges between the U.S., the
Middle East, and North Africa. If confirmed, I will work to expand our
educational and cultural partnerships to promote enduring ties between
our peoples for the next generation.
At a U.S. mission with employees from a variety of U.S. Government
agencies, my first priority, if confirmed, would remain at all times
protecting the safety and security of the dedicated men and women at
our mission as well as of all Americans living and working or traveling
in Qatar.
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, members of the committee,
it has been my privilege and great honor to spend my entire adult life
in the service of our country, promoting and defending U.S. interests
and values. If confirmed, I would welcome your views and insights on
Qatar and the region and look forward to your visits to Doha. I would
be pleased to answer any questions you might have for me today.
The Chairman. Well, thank you all for your testimony, and
again, welcome to your family and friends.
Let me start with you, Ambassador Beecroft. Well, let me
ask you--all three of you--an overarching question. A simple
yes or no will do. If confirmed, will you make yourselves
available to the committee and answer inquiries from the
committee while you are in post?
Ambassador Jones. Yes.
Ambassador Beecroft. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Smith. Absolutely.
The Chairman. OK.
Ambassador Beecroft, you know, you are going from one
difficult assignment to another one. That is why we have some
extraordinary persons like yourself. But, speaking for myself
as the chairman, let me just say, if we are going to continue
to see mass death-penalty sentences, if we are going to
continue seeing massive arrests of the young people who, in
essence, created the situation in Tahrir Square that ultimately
led to President Sisi's election, if President Sisi believes
that only his engagement in the Sinai, which I applaud, is
sufficient for his relationship with the United States, then
there will be a rude awakening. And I hope that, in your role
as our Ambassador, that you will be able to relay to President
Sisi that we need a broader agenda to see progress moving
forward, not just because that is my view, but the FY14
appropriations legislation contains certification requirements
to release the rest of Egypt's FY14 assistance, including that
``A newly elected Government of Egypt is taking steps to govern
democratically.''
So, I would like to hear from you, as you approach this new
assignment, what is it that you will be saying when you go to
Egypt, and how do we make progress to create the political
space for the Egyptian Government to address some of these
concerns that, by law, they must do if we are ultimately going
to continue our assistance?
Ambassador Beecroft. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I
agree with you 100 percent, that we want to have the strongest,
broadest possible partnership and relationship with Egypt, and
we want an Egypt that is stable and secure because it has and
respects fundamental human-rights, democracy, and because it
builds a prosperous economy. If confirmed, I will engage on all
these issues with the Egyptian Government and work with them to
partner and develop the economy, to build human rights, expand
those rights, to stop practices such as the mass trials that
you have referred to, which we have condemned, and to ensure
that justice is individualized, to ensure that there is a
society and a country and a government that the Egyptian people
buy into, that they see that their interests are best
represented inside the democratic process, and not outside it,
and that will lead to fundamental, long-term stability. Egypt
does have promising prospects, including economic prospects,
and it has demonstrated, over the last two decades at times,
that it can function as a emerging economy, that it can have
real GDP growth in excess of 7 percent. And we need to, again,
build on that and do whatever we can to----
The Chairman. Well, I appreciate that.
Ambassador Beecroft [continuing]. Strengthen the
partnership.
The Chairman. Now, in addition to those concerns, you
talked about the economic questions. And I am concerned by what
I read in President Sisi's statements, where it sounds like he
thinks that greater state intervention in the economy is going
to create the opportunities that Egyptians need. And I am not
quite sure, having just returned from the gulf region, that our
gulf partners, who have actually been very helpful to the
Egyptians, will have that view. What messaging will we be
giving as it relates to how this economy can revive itself and
grow?
Ambassador Beecroft. Thank you very much. It is, of course,
very much in our interest to see Egypt build its economy,
strengthen its economy. It is in our interest to work with the
gulf countries you referred to, to target assistance as
effectively as possible, and to encourage the economic reforms
that are necessary for the economy to progress.
I would note that Egypt has a number of economic advantages
we can build on. It has a relatively well-developed
infrastructure; specifically, telecommunications, roads, ports.
It has access to markets in--because of its proximity--in
Europe, in Asia, in Africa. It has labor that should attract
investment, as well. And it has natural resources, particularly
natural gas, that can be developed. So, there is the basis for
a strong economy. We have to encourage the reforms that will
attract investors into the country and to target the assistance
so that it addresses the parts of the economy that need to be
addressed--particularly reforms.
The Chairman. Ambassador Jones, you know, we had Prime
Minister Maliki here last year. It was a difficult meeting. I
do not know whether or not he will actually be the Prime
Minister again. I guess, by many accounts, he may very well
ultimately put together the coalition necessary to do that.
But, as I said to Ambassador Beecroft as it relates to our
relationship with the Egyptian Government, in this case, the
Iraqis must understand that the use of barrel bombs, that the
overflights and transiting of airspace by Iran sending troops
and military equipment into Syria with impunity, and the lives
of the people at Camp Liberty, until they are resettled, is
going to be part of what this committee uses to judge, our
relationship, with regards to future arms sales.
So, I would like to hear from you--we understand the
importance, we honor the lives of those who were lost, in
pursuit of a more democratic Iraq, from the United States, and
an enormous national treasure, but there has to be some change
in the course of events here, including having a government
that is more inclusive, in which every Sunni is not an enemy of
the state. There are many Sunnis who want to be part of Iraq,
as a nation, but they have to be included as well.
Can you tell me about what you will be messaging there as
it relates to these issues?
Ambassador Jones. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me take your last point first, which is, of course we
completely agree that, for Iraq to succeed, the different
political elements, the sectarian groups, need to come together
and create a shared vision. They need to create a shared vision
for their national security. They need to pull together to
address the terrorist threat posed by ISIL. And, although the
news from Mosul is very bad, I think one positive aspect of
this may be that the groups are, indeed, coming together to
address this challenge. At least we are seeing signs of that in
the last 24 hours.
In regards to the barrel bombs, the use of barrel bombs is
completely unacceptable. It is an indiscriminate weapon against
civilians and cannot be tolerated. This is something that my
colleague Steve Beecroft has raised with the senior levels of
the Iraqi government. There has been an instruction handed down
through the military that barrel bombs will not be used. And we
have also heard, from military contacts, that they recognize
that instruction.
In regards to the overflights, this is an issue that
remains a problem. We are concerned that Iran is supplying the
Bashar Assad regime with overflights over Iraq. This is
something that we would like to see the Iraqis stop. And this
is, again, something we have raised at the most senior levels.
And I will continue to do that and look for ways to find a way
to stop this traffic.
On the issue of Camp Liberty, I know this is an issue of
particular concern, and it is a very important issue. When I
was the Deputy Chief of Mission in Iraq in 2010 and 2011, we
witnessed a terrible attack on Camp Ashraf in which many people
were killed and others wounded. I think the steps that we have
taken since then have been quite positive. Moving the residents
of Ashraf to Camp Liberty has improved their security. The
Government of Iraq has also responded to our request, and
others' requests, to improve the security around Camp Liberty,
and that is encouraging. But, the solution, of course, is to
remove the members of the Mujahedin-e Khalq from Iraq and get
them to a safer place. They will not be safe until they are
outside of Iraq. And I am--our government is taking the lead on
this. The Special Envoy to the Secretary, Jonathan Weiner, is
meeting with representatives of countries around the world and
asking them to take members of the Mujahedin-e Khalq. And we
also now have a team in Baghdad to interview members to see--
working toward receiving a group of those here in the United
States. And I think this is the best solution that we can
present.
The Chairman. Well, two final points, so that it is crystal
clear. I do not want to hear Iraq tell us that, ``We need
actionable intelligence.'' When we have it, we will provide it.
But they have a responsibility, in doing random surveillance of
overflights, and that is an excuse that is unacceptable.
Secondly, I agree with you that resettlement of the MEK is
the ultimate solution. I hope--and I have urged the State
Department to consider bringing some of them to the United
States as an example to those in the rest of the world that we
are also asking to consider resettlement. But, in the interim,
I hold the Prime Minister responsible for the lives of those
individuals at the camp.
Ms. Smith, I do not want you to think I do not have
questions for you, but, in fairness to my colleagues, my time
is expired. I will come back to you afterward.
Senator Corker.
Senator Corker. I am sure Ms. Smith was fine with that,
actually, so thank you. [Laughter.]
Ms. Smith. That is correct.
The Chairman. Well, I may not be from the South, but I
would bet you I will be more genteel. [Laughter.]
Senator Corker. So, again, I want to thank all three of
you. And I will start--I will just go in order.
Ambassador Jones, you know, I visited Ambassador Beecroft
and have been to Iraq, like many of us, many times. And today
when you are there, unlike Jordan, where you have just--where
you still are--it feels like a vacant, deserted lot, relative
to our emphasis on it. It feels like we have checked the box
and moved on, and that we really have lost influence. That is,
I think--I think everybody acknowledges that. But, that we just
have not been really robust at all levels, relative to our
efforts there.
We had a great conversation yesterday, and we talked a
little bit about the lack of the SOFA, and the fact that our
troops are gone, and that has contributed to the lack of
influence in a pretty big way. You have had two tours there.
And I mentioned I was going to bring this up just to kind of
set the record straight. Many of us have felt--and maybe even
after you say what you say, may still feel--that one of the
reasons that Iraq is the way that it is, is that we, you know,
did not leave behind some presence and that we actually--this
was actually what the administration wanted to occur.
You have a very different perspective of that, and I
thought that--do not take too long, if you will--but, I think
it would be good for you to share your thoughts, relative to
why we do not have a presence in Iraq today.
Ambassador Jones. Thank you, Senator. As you said, we spoke
about this yesterday. My view on this is that the Iraqi people
really did not come together and ask us to stay in a way that
made it possible for us to stay. And it is as simple as that.
No major Iraqi leaders, with the exception of the Kurds, came
forward and invited us to stay in a public manner, and they did
not go on television. We obviously needed to have a Status of
Forces Agreement for the security of our troops, and the Iraqis
did not meet us halfway on that. So, I think this was the
result of that negotiation, and that is how it ended.
Senator Corker. And so, from your perspective, the fact
that we have no presence there, and, candidly, much lesser
influence, is a result, really, of just the Iraqi people not
wanting it to be that way.
Ambassador Jones. Yes, sir.
Senator Corker. OK. Well, it is interesting and a very
different perspective than, you know, I have heard from most,
but I appreciate you sharing that.
And, you know, I would agree with the chairman, we had a
pretty terse meeting with Maliki here. I had had one on the
ground with him just before that. He has obviously not been a
good Prime Minister. He has not done a good job of reaching out
to the Sunni population, which has caused them to be more
receptive to al-Qaeda efforts. Obviously, the Syrian conflict--
I know there is analysis today saying that that is really not
having an impact on Iraq. I believe it is having a major impact
on Iraq.
But, with our diminished status in Iraq, and the fact that
we used to sort of play shuttle diplomacy, if you will, between
the Sunnis and Shias and causing things to work in a better
way--I think you did that before, in your previous capacity--
how do you view your role there, going there now, under the
circumstances that we have and trying to mitigate some of the
problems that exist between the--especially the Shia and the
Sunni?
Ambassador Jones. Yes. Well, I think I am blessed to be
following in the footsteps of Steve Beecroft. I think Steve has
established very good relations with all of the groups in Iraq,
and I think this is a role that we should continue to play,
brokering--using our good offices to broker solutions to the
myriad problems that face Iraq. I think we have made great
progress, in recent months, in trying to broker an arrangement
by which the hydrocarbon law could be finalized and the
relations between Kurdistan--the Kurdish regional government
and Baghdad could resolve their problems. I think we can also
find ways to support a process of political conciliation
between some Shia--and Sunni groups with the government. This
is the role that the United States has played in Iraq for the
last 10 years, and I would certainly hope to continue to play
that role.
I think we do have significant influence because of our
continuing presence in the commercial and petroleum sector, as
well as a continuing presence in the military sector, though
obviously not with troops on the ground.
Senator Corker. Yes. Thank you.
Ambassador Beecroft, we talked a little bit about another
topic, and a similar topic, but for different reasons: our
influence in Egypt, itself. I think people have had really
strongly held beliefs about what we should and should be doing
relative to Egypt and aid. And I have felt we should continue
the relationship, certainly with some contingencies. But--or
conditions--but, the fact is, we have sort of been on again,
off again. People there have perceived us to be, in some ways,
supporting the Muslim Brotherhood, but not the citizens of
Egypt. You have had the--some of the gulf countries step in and
fill a vacuum when Egypt felt we were stepping away.
What is your sense of how the leadership of Egypt today
views the United States? And again, similar to Ambassador
Jones, how do you expect to be able to step into that situation
and exert appropriate influence and shaping in the country?
Ambassador Beecroft. Thank you very much, Senator.
Let me first say that we do have a partnership with Egypt.
The Egyptians are continuing to engage with us. We need to take
advantage of that to pursue our own interests. Our interests
and Egyptian interests do happen to overlap considerably, I
believe. It is not going to always be--we are not going to
always agree on matters, but, again, engaging with them,
working with them, we can push in the right direction. And what
we want to see in Egypt is, we want to see security and
stability that is built on the fundamentals of a sound society,
such as the economy and such as democracy and human rights, and
be as inclusive as possible.
Our assistance--I see our assistance as pursuing our
interests in Egypt and, again, believe that our interests
overlap considerably. If confirmed, I will engage with the
Egyptians and I will push them in the directions that we want
them to go, encourage them, work with them, and use the
assistance, to the extent it is approved by Congress, to
further our interests in the country.
Senator Corker. Well, thank you.
And I appreciate the relationship and conversations that we
have had in the past with both the Ambassadors. And thank you
for your willingness to serve in this capacity.
Ms. Smith, Qatar has played an interesting role in Syria
because of the lack of policy, from our standpoint. I think
they became exasperated and sort of went out on their own, if
you will. There are reports that that is being sort of--is
moving back into a more coordinated effort with us. Do you have
any sense of their efforts on the ground in Syria relative to
opposition? And are they moving more into the mainstream, if
you will, relative to the type of support they are giving?
Ms. Smith. Thanks very much for that question.
Yes, we do have the sense that we are making progress, in
terms of coordination. It is all of our goal to support the
moderate opposition in Syria and, of course, to address the
humanitarian disaster that is happening there. Qatar has been
incredibly generous. They have given $1.2 billion toward the--
addressing the humanitarian needs in Syria. And so, going
forward, what our engagement consists of with the Qataris is
continuing to find ways to coordinate, to work together in
support of the moderate opposition. Obviously, with the
ultimate goal being Assad not being in charge anymore.
Senator Corker. In order to give you a chance to say
something on the record that I think you are authorized to
respond to, it is my understanding the SAS Committee is
developing language that allows title 10 training of the
opposition on the ground in Syria. Do you know if the
administration supports that, or does not support it?
Ms. Smith. It is my understanding that the administration
does support the Levin language in the NDAA to authorize
training and equipment----
Senator Corker. OK.
Ms. Smith [continuing]. Of the moderate opposition. But,
again, I am not in those policy discussions at the moment.
Senator Corker. I understand. I just understood you were
authorized----
Ms. Smith. Appreciate it.
Senator Corker [continuing]. To say that they support it,
and----
Ms. Smith. I appreciate it.
Senator Corker [continuing]. I wanted that on the record.
So, with that, I will close and thank you.
Ms. Smith. Thank you.
Senator Corker. I do want to say to the other committee
members that our staff has been able to go down and read the
memorandum of understanding that we have between the United
States and Qatar. I wish it was available to all committee
members. For some reason, it is not. It is 3 pages long. My
understanding is, it is very unremarkable. And our staff had no
antennas raised in reading it. But, I just thought I would
share that.
And again, thank you for your service.
And thanks for having this hearing.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Kaine.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thanks, to all of the witnesses, for your service and
willingness to serve.
Ms. Smith, let me just ask you a question I was curious
about. And we had a chance to talk, but I forgot to ask you
this. In Qatar, under the leadership of the new Amir, have
there been any particular changes in direction in the United
States/Qatar partnership or relationship that have seemed
notable during this time of transformation? Is it kind of
steady and we are continuing to kind of do--the relationship is
in the same place it was? Or have we seen some changes in
direction because of that leadership transition?
Ms. Smith. If I am confirmed, I would love to give a more
fulsome response when I am actually there and able to make my
own assessment. But, my understanding is that our relationship
continues to be as close and cooperative as it was before. The
Amir has been in power for just about a year; and, of course,
he is not new to the government. He was working there for over
a decade before, under his father's rule.
So, while I would not say that we are seeing a change, what
we are seeing is continued progress on the areas where we have
good and close coordination. And so, I have every expectation
that, if I am confirmed, we will able to deepen and expand
those positive areas where we are working together.
Senator Kaine. One of the areas where I know there has been
some tension--the chairman has hosted meetings before, where
the Foreign Relations Committee members have had a chance to
dialogue with the Amir--had been in, you know, who the
Qataris--referring to earlier questions--the Qataris have been
supporting in Syria. That created some tensions. Is that
changing? Are we, maybe, more in accord with the Qataris now
and the government about, you know, what is the right way to
have influence to bring this humanitarian issue and,
ultimately, the civil war to an end?
Ms. Smith. Well, this is something we are always watching
very closely. I have not heard from anyone that we are ready to
just declare, you know, everything is wonderful and perfect,
but we do feel that we are making progress in our shared
understanding of which groups are--constitute moderate
opposition and who is worthy of our support.
Senator Kaine. OK. Thank you for that.
Mr. Beecroft, you talked a little bit about the economic
issues in Egypt. You know, it seems like that that would be a
real test for the new President, is how quickly he can try to
demonstrate some economic improvement. You and I had a chance
to talk about this the other day. Could you talk a little bit
about the role that the United States can play in helping Egypt
in economic transformation, and also the role that other
allies--the Gulf State allies should be able to play?
Ambassador Beecroft. Thank you very much, Mr. Senator.
As I mentioned earlier in the hearing, Egypt does have the
fundamentals for a successful economy, and it needs to be
encouraged to take the steps necessary to build that economy.
We have a team that is actively engaged with the Egyptians and
the Gulf States to help, again, target assistance to Egypt and
to encourage the necessary reforms.
One of the things that President Sisi has called for is
investment. And investment is key to developing the economy. In
order to get investment, you have to have certain sound
fundamentals in place, or the investment will not come. And
among those are, of course, a stable society based on an
inclusive democracy that respects and guarantees human rights
for all Egyptians and that provides the security and stability
that encourages people to invest.
And again, as I mentioned earlier, Egypt does benefit from
certain advantages that should help it get through these
crucial times if it chooses to make the right reforms. Among
those are an infrastructure that is relatively well developed--
as I mentioned, telecoms, roads, ports; access proximity to
markets in Europe and Asia, including or allowed by the Suez
Canal, and in Africa; natural resources, particularly natural
gas--my understanding is, Egypt has the third-largest proven
reserves of natural gas in Africa; and a labor market that
should be very, very attractive to investors.
And so, we need to focus Egypt on, again, making the
necessary changes so investors see that it is a safe and secure
environment; again, that the people enjoy their rights; and
that they are making the right economic decisions that attract
that investment. And again, we can do that by working with the
Gulf States that are particularly engaged in Egypt, and staying
engaged with Egyptians, I hope.
Senator Kaine. And, Ambassador Beecroft, one last question
on the human-rights front. And I know there has been a question
before I walked into the room. But, I was most troubled, when I
was there in February, about the situation with journalists,
and probably because the day that I was meeting with Egyptian
leaders, including General al-Sisi, was the day there was a
very prominent set of journalists going on trial. The U.S.
Embassy in Egypt even asked if I would do an--come-one-come-all
press conference, just to show an example of--an elected
official does not have to be afraid to answer tough questions
from an even hostile press. And I got some tough questions from
hostile press there, but I was very used to it, because I have
been in politics in the United States.
But, have you seen any sign, since the Presidential
election--is there any even early evidence about the direction
that this together will take with respect to press freedoms? Or
is it too soon to say?
Ambassador Beecroft. Well, President al-Sisi, in his
inaugural address, did make mention of his desire to be a
president for all Egyptians and to see all Egyptians enjoy
fundamental rights and freedoms. And I think what we want to do
is, to the extent we can, push and take him up on that, and
encourage him to follow through. Obviously, we believe in the
strongest possible freedom of the press--the broadest possible
freedoms for the press. It is very, very disturbing and
unfortunate that journalists have been detained and charged
with crimes in Egypt. A society cannot function effectively
without--a democratic society--without freedom of the press.
And so, we need to engage, we need to encourage it, we need to
try to find ways to show that having a free press is in the
interest of Egypt as a country, in the interest of the
government, and interest of the people.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
Ambassador Jones, thanks for your service. I very much was
impressed with your work leading the mission in Jordan when I
visited last July. And I do not have much time left, so let me
just get right to it.
What do you think about the commitment of the Iraqi
Government to political inclusion of the different factions
within Iraqi civil society? That has been troubling me, and I
would like your, just, current assessment of that.
Ambassador Jones. Thanks. And thanks also, Senator, for
your visit to Jordan. It was a very helpful and positive
experience.
I think that, especially as the government faces this
terrorist challenge with ISIL, there is a strong incentive and
political will to try to unify the groups. Just recently, the
Prime Minister has issued a statement, you know, encouraging
national unity and inviting participation in unifying the
groups against ISIL. So, I think that there is political will.
And, you know, even before the most recent crisis in Mosul, the
Prime Minister has reached out to Sunni groups, he has brought
6,000 tribal members into the Iraqi security forces, he is
aiming for a number of--an even larger number. So, I think that
there is--that there is movement on this. And this is obviously
something where I think the United States can continue to play
a positive role, and we should.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Rubio.
Senator Rubio. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Smith, first of all, congratulates on your appointment.
Interesting time to be going to--my first question, just out of
the box; we have been debating here for a second--what is the
definitive pronunciation? Is it ``Cutter,'' ``Kittare'' or
``Gutter''? We have heard all three over the----
Ms. Smith. In Arabic, actually it is ``QUH-tar.''
Senator Rubio. OK. Well, how would I say it? Help me.
[Laughter.]
Ms. Smith. ``Cutter.''
Senator Rubio. ``Cutter.'' OK.
Ms. Smith. ``Cutter,'' for ease----
Senator Rubio. Got it.
Ms. Smith [continuing]. Is probably the best for an
American.
Senator Rubio. So, ``Cutter,'' all right.
Ms. Smith. Yes.
Senator Rubio. Great.
So, let me ask you about Qatar. Have you been briefed on
the memorandum of understanding?
Ms. Smith. Yes, I have.
Senator Rubio. Well, do you--will that be provided to
Congress?
Ms. Smith. I believe it has been made available to the
chair and the ranking member.
Senator Rubio. Do you know if that will be made available
to other members, as well? I do not know if that has been--you
have been informed on that.
Ms. Smith. I do not. I am sorry, I am not in those
conversations.
Senator Rubio. What can you tell us about how much of the
supervision of these individuals will the United States have
the ability to participate in?
Ms. Smith. Thank you for giving me the opportunity to
address this, because I know this is very much on people's
minds, not only in this room.
If I am confirmed, this goes to the very top of my list of
priorities. We will be working very closely with the Qataris.
We will be engaging them very closely, verifying both their--
what they have been--the restrictions that they have put on
these individuals and the information that they will be
collecting on these individuals, but also verifying, from our
own standpoint. And we will be assessing continuously, every
day--every morning when I wake up, every night when I go to
sleep--to reassess whether these people pose any threat
whatsoever to our national security. And so, I can guarantee
you that I will be leading a country team representative of our
whole government that will be working on this tirelessly, if I
am confirmed.
Senator Rubio. Well, can you share with us, in this
setting, what exactly are the expectations of the U.S.'s
participation in that effort, in terms of providing
capabilities? Is that something you could share with us at all,
in terms of your understanding of----
Ms. Smith. I think what I can share is that we have a very
good and close and productive information-sharing relationship
with Qatar. And obviously, as Secretary Kerry said, Qatar will
not be the only one with eyes on these individuals. And I think
it is probably best to leave it at that.
Senator Rubio. Can you give us your indication or your
feelings about the capabilities of the Qatari Government to
carry out this obligation they have committed to?
Ms. Smith. It is my understanding that they have the
capacity to do this, that we have a high degree of confidence
in their capacity. And we also assess that they have the will
to do this. Their Amir called and gave the President,
personally, his assurances, his personal commitment to
upholding this agreement. So, we are cautiously optimistic that
there is the ability to do this.
Of course, I think it would not be an effective way to
enter into it, just with blind faith, so that is why we will be
working constantly to verify and assess, from our own
standpoint.
Senator Rubio. What are your views, in the aftermath of
this swap, as to the precedent that it sets and, therefore, the
risk that it poses for Americans, both in and out of uniform,
in terms of becoming even more appealing targets for other
groups to try to--to capture Americans for the purposes of
carrying out an exchange similar to this one?
Ms. Smith. Sorry, that is something that I am not,
probably, qualified to address.
Senator Rubio. Well, let me ask you this way, then. Are we
concerned, in the aftermath of this, that Americans serving our
country, whether it is at--in the Embassy or as part of any of
our governmental efforts in Qatar, are now at increased risk,
given the fact--given this--the aftermath of this?
Ms. Smith. We are--as diplomats, we are always concerned
about our national security. It is our top priority, both of
the people working on our teams and also for all American
citizens, whether in the countries where we are representing
America or whether back here at home. So, I--absolutely, safety
and security of Americans is the number one thing that we are
concerned about and care about.
Senator Rubio. Well, in that light, obviously we have all
seen the--all are aware of what happened in Benghazi, and we
understand that, when we send service--when we send men and
women to represent us in the diplomatic corps around the world,
particularly in areas of the world where are more prone to
terrorism, or the presence of terrorist-linked groups, that it
places particular dangers upon those who serve our country in
that realm. What--can you give us an assessment of how you view
our security in the Embassy there? And obviously, you have
talked about what a priority that would be. If you could share
with us just a little bit about the--to extent that you can,
the processes by which that becomes a priority, and how we
ensure the safety of those who will be working underneath you
in that facility.
Ms. Smith. Sure. And this is something that every chief of
mission is concerned about and particularly focused on, in
light of the events in Benghazi. Chris Stevens was a close
friend of mine, so it is something that I am very mindful of.
So, as we have moved through since the events, every
embassy has been looked at, and looked at again. And it is a
primary responsibility of the chief of mission to look at both
the physical security, working with the security team that you
lead, as well as any threats that are posed, day in and day
out, and how that threat level might be changing. And it is a
constant give-and-take, it is a constant conversation. And I
think it is probably best to leave it at that.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
Mr. Beecroft, based--quickly, about Egypt--what would the
administration consider to be sufficient measures by Egypt in
order to meet the conditions for full resumption of U.S.
military aid?
Ambassador Beecroft. I am familiar with the 2014
Appropriations Act, but I am not a party to those discussions
yet. What I look forward to is, if confirmed, going to Egypt,
contributing to those discussions, considerations. Again, I
know this is something the administration is looking at very,
very closely and on a daily basis, but I am not in a position
to answer the question. I apologize.
Senator Rubio. OK. Well, let me ask you briefly, then--
there have been recent reports about sexual assault during
inaugural celebrations this past week that have been very
alarming. In particular, a video showing a mob assault a woman
in Tahrir Square, and a policeman struggled to save her has
been--and a policeman struggled to save her--has been
circulating the Internet. How would you work with the Egyptian
government to ensure the prevention and prosecution of sexual
assault? Is--how would you work with them to ensure that this
is a priority for them in this new government?
Ambassador Beecroft. The act you are referring to, and
others like it which have been reported as well, are extremely
disturbing, and we are extremely concerned about those type of
incidents. Women should have a--the ability to go anywhere they
want in the country, just like a man. And they should be full
participants in Egypt's democratic and social processes.
We need to engage with the Egyptian Government. We need to
make clear that these activities are unacceptable. And I
recognize that Egypt, including President al-Sisi, has made
statements to the effect that these are unacceptable, and he
has called on security forces to do everything they need to do
to enforce the law and make sure that women are safe in the
aftermath of this incident. We have ongoing programs about
sexual and gender violence and women's rights, and we need to
pursue those programs, as well, through our assistance,
consistent with the law.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Let me, for the record--and I am just verifying this right
now, but, my understanding is that the memorandum of
understanding re: Qatar is available to leadership as well as
members and appropriately cleared professional staff members of
several committees, including the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, which would mean that any member, and those
professional staff who have been cleared for intelligence
briefings, will have access to the memo. So, all members would
be able to read it.
With that, Senator Johnson.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Again, I want to thank the witnesses and your willingness
to serve.
Ms. Smith, when did you review the memorandum of
understanding?
Ms. Smith. Earlier this week, Senator.
Senator Johnson. On Monday or----
Ms. Smith. I believe it was Monday.
Senator Johnson. Is your security clearance higher than
that of a United States Senator?
Ms. Smith. I cannot answer that question. I do not know
what your security clearance is.
Senator Johnson. OK.
I appreciate the fact, Mr. Chairman, that now we have the
opportunity to review that memorandum of understanding, but I
think the point of my question is, as a nominee to be
Ambassador, you know, I think you should certainly be able to
review that, but I think we should have been, as well. And we
simply were not until, apparently, late last night.
Ms. Smith. I would like to make this commitment to you, Mr.
Senator. If I am confirmed, I will be delighted to consult with
you and any of the members of the committee, and your staffs,
as closely and regularly as you like.
Senator Johnson. You--in your testimony, you said, ``We are
confident that the security measures that we have been--that
have been put in place, including restrictions placed on the
activities of the individuals, will substantially mitigate any
threat that the individuals may pose to our national
security.'' Did you by any chance see the video of the
celebration as these five detainees were welcomed at Qatar?
Ms. Smith. I did not see the video. I saw reports about it.
Senator Johnson. You should review that. It does not look
like particularly restrictive environment to me.
Ms. Smith. If I am confirmed, we are going to be focused on
our national security, and we will be looking at, not only the
directly threatening types of things they could be doing, but
things that constitute propaganda and that constitute that type
of thing.
Senator Johnson. Because I was not able to take a look at
the memorandum of understanding, I will go down and I will look
at it. Can you tell me, were there restrictions in terms of
public displays for propaganda purposes within that memorandum
of understanding? In other words, has Qatar already violated
that, based on your understanding?
Ms. Smith. I think the best thing that I can say here is
that there will be restrictions on some of the activities of
those individuals. I would be delighted to consult with you,
again, in a different setting.
Senator Johnson. OK.
Ambassador Beecroft, how would you assess--or, how would
you describe the result that is occurring in Iraq now after we
have withdrawn all of our combat forces? How is that going?
Ambassador Beecroft. Well, Iraq is facing a very, very
severe challenge from terrorist groups--particular--terrorist
groups--particularly the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant.
And it has suffered setbacks. If there is a silver lining in
this, it is that we are seeing Iraqis, over the past few days,
start to pull together in ways they have not before, overcome
sectarian divides. We have seen the Kurds and Baghdad start to
talk to each other, start to cooperate on the battlefield. And
we have seen Iraq putting together a conference for Sunnis to
reconcile with as many Sunni groups as possible and engage them
in the fight.
So, it is an uphill battle, it is a struggle. We are doing
what we can to help them in ways of providing assistance for
military equipment, military weapons, ammunition, providing
training, and sharing as much intelligence as we can with them
to fight this battle.
Senator Johnson. But, again, I mean, just kind of a one-
word, couple-word assessment of the result. Success?
Ambassador Beecroft. On the battlefield, it is very, very
difficult. It cannot be considered a success. It is going--it
is a huge challenge.
Senator Johnson. Ambassador Jones, what would you describe
the result after our pullout of all combat troops in Iraq?
Ambassador Jones. Thank you, Senator.
As Ambassador Beecroft just characterized, I think the
Government of Iraq continues to face a severe threat from ISIL,
which has now penetrated Iraq through the influx of foreign
fighters across the Syrian border as a result largely, though
not exclusively, of course, of the Syrian civil war. ISIL poses
a significant threat, not only to Iraq, but to Iraq's
neighbors. And I think the United States has a commitment to
support Iraq and its security, and we will continue to work,
through the measures that Ambassador Beecroft just outlined, to
try to support the Iraqi security forces in this challenge that
they face.
Senator Johnson. Now that we have seen Fallujah, Mosul,
fall to, basically, elements of al-Qaeda, now that we have seen
the Iraqi security forces shed their uniforms, go door to door,
getting civilian clothes so they could meld into the
population, do you see any silver linings?
Ambassador Jones. I think what Ambassador Beecroft said was
that--I think the escalation of the threat posed by ISIL is
having an impact in Baghdad of drawing the political factions
more closely together. And I think, in the last 72 hours, we
have seen a series of meetings, where the various political
elements are coming together and drawing up plans and looking
for ways to cooperate for the national security.
Senator Johnson. So, do you expect the Iraqi security force
now to turn the tide and be able to capture back Fallujah and
Mosul?
Ambassador Jones. We certainly hope for that outcome, and I
think it is incumbent on the United States to support that
outcome.
Senator Johnson. You are obviously going to Iraq, and, you
know, God bless you for being willing to serve. You said there
are 5,300 U.S. personnel in Iraq. Are they going to be safe?
Ambassador Jones. That is a very good question, Senator.
And thank you for your kind words.
The compound in--as mentioned earlier, I was the Deputy
Chief of Mission in Baghdad from 2010 until 2011, and I have
worked in that compound. We have taken extraordinary measures
to ensure the safety and protection of our personnel. We are
going to have to make sure and be vigilant to maintain those.
We cannot stay behind the walls. We have to be out. And I
know that Ambassador Beecroft is out frequently to meet with
Iraqi contacts in Baghdad and other parts of the country. So,
we are going to have to do the best we can to reduce the risks
and ensure that we can do--both do our jobs and stay safe.
Senator Johnson. Can you tell me, of the 5,300 personnel,
how many are really security forces? And is--are those military
personnel? Are those State Department?
Ambassador Jones. Yes, it is a complicated question. I
would love to go into the details with you in another setting,
but----
Senator Johnson. OK.
Ambassador Jones [continuing]. Suffice to say that we have
a significant number of Diplomatic Security officers who are
State Department officers. We also have, of course, the Marine
security guards, and then we also have contract guards who are
assigned to protect the perimeter. So, it is a significant
number, and I will be happy to get back to you with the details
of all those numbers.
Senator Johnson. OK, well, I appreciate that. And I--again,
I wish you, you know, godspeed and safety and best of luck, but
I hope this--the security of yourself and those serving with
you on the ground in Iraq is your top priority.
Ambassador Jones. Thank you very much. I appreciate that.
Senator Johnson. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Ms. Smith, my questions have largely been asked and
answered, so I will not pursue them.
I would just instruct the nominees that the record will be
open for the next 48 hours. To the extent that questions are
submitted to any of you, I would urge you to respond to them
expeditiously so that we can move your nominations through a
business meeting of the Foreign Relations Committee.
And, with our gratitude for your willingness to serve, this
panel is excused.
And I would call upon our second panel today: James Nealon,
nominated to be the Ambassador to Honduras----
[Pause.]
The Chairman. If we could have everyone who is not staying
for the rest of the hearing please leave the room and----
[Pause.]
The Chairman. All right. As we have everybody exit, let me,
for the sake of time and votes that are going to be coming--our
second panel today is James Nealon, nominated to be the
Ambassador to Honduras. Mr. Nealon's nomination comes at a time
when Honduras is facing serious challenges from crime and
violence and a humanitarian crisis of children crossing borders
by themselves, and being apprehended and held. The Government
of Honduras is struggling to guarantee the security and
economic well-being of its people, and, as a result, we are
left to address how we will handle waves of children immigrants
crossing into the United States on their own, and how the
Honduran Government will handle the underlying issues of crime
and violence.
Just last week, President Obama announced the creation of a
new interagency task force to address what he called ``an
urgent humanitarian situation'' stemming from unaccompanied
minors crossing the southern border of the United States, many
of whom are from Honduras. I look forward to hearing Mr.
Nealon's views on the best way forward to address this
humanitarian crisis.
Also on our panel is Gentry Smith, nominated to be the
Director of the Office of Foreign Missions, with the rank of
Ambassador. Mr. Smith is an expert in embassy security issues.
He is a career member of the Foreign Service Class of minister
counselors, serving as Deputy Assistant Secretary and Assistant
Director for Countermeasures at the State Department, a
position he has held since 2009. He has served as the regional
security officer at the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo and the U.S.
Embassy in Rangoon. He has also served as security officer and
deputy regional security officer during two separate tours at
the U.S. Embassy in Cairo.
So, we welcome both of you to the committee. Again, if you
have family members, we urge you to introduce them to the
committee. We appreciate their willingness to join in your
service on behalf of our country.
Your full statements will be included in the record,
without objection, but I ask you to summarize your openings in
about 5 minutes or so, so that we can enter into a dialogue
with each of you.
And, with that, Mr. Nealon, you are recognized first.
STATEMENT OF JAMES D. NEALON, OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, NOMINEE TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS
Mr. Nealon. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Corker, distinguished members
of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, it is an honor to
appear before you as the President's nominee as Ambassador to
Honduras. I am deeply grateful to the President and to the
Secretary of State for their trust and confidence.
After 30 years in the Foreign Service, I appreciate the
privilege and the responsibility that it is to be considered
for confirmation as Ambassador. I deeply respect the role of
the Senate in ensuring that the United States has a foreign
policy that reflects our Nation's values.
I would like to recognize my wife, Kristin, who is here
today, and our four children, Rory, Katie, Maureen, and Liam,
all born while we were living overseas. We are a Foreign
Service family, and we have been in this together from the very
beginning, so this is their day as much as mine. I believe I
also have a sister, a brother, a brother-in-law, and many
friends here, so I thank all of them. And I see my son arrived
from California. I am glad to see him.
Mr. Chairman, the headlines do not often tell a positive
story about Honduras. This is a country that faces tremendous
challenges, many of them associated with the direct and
indirect effects of narcotics trafficking and organized crime.
It is a challenge to establish strong democratic institutions,
establish a rule-of-law culture, attack impunity and
corruption, reduce crime, attract investment, and ensure a
prosperous future for Honduran citizens.
We share, with many Members of Congress, a concern about
the consequences of slow economic growth, impunity, weak
institutions, corruption, and extreme violence in Honduras. We
share the view that everything is related: impunity and lack of
accountability and transparency promote a weak rule-of-law
culture, discourage investment, and encourage illegal migration
to the United States. We are partners with you in seeking to
influence this trajectory in a positive direction.
Mr. Chairman, in such circumstances, some will ask if U.S.
engagement in Honduras makes a difference. I believe that it
does and that it is in our interest to stay engaged. A Honduras
with greater accountability and transparency will establish
stronger rule-of-law institutions and be more likely to protect
human rights. A Honduras with a vibrant middle class means a
larger overseas market for American-made products. A more
secure and prosperous Honduras means fewer migrants trying to
cross our borders. A Honduras with strong interdiction capacity
means fewer drugs arriving in our communities. As President
Obama recently said, respect for human rights is an antidote to
instability--a Honduras with strong human rights protections
means enhanced security in our region.
The United States is committed to partnering with the
Government of Honduras to promote prosperity, governance, and
security. In order to do so, we need willing partners in
Honduras who have the political will to transform their
society, the capacity to seize drugs, and the commitment to
arrest, prosecute, and sentence criminals. They also need to
guarantee the human rights of their own citizens.
Mr. Chairman, Honduras is at a crossroads. We have seen
some early signs that the Government of Honduras is ready to
take important steps to improve the lives of its citizens. In
May, for the first time, they extradited a notorious Honduran
drug trafficker to the United States, an important strike
against impunity. The new government has dedicated scarce
resources to better combat trafficking in persons. They have
fired corrupt police, they have indicted the entire board of
directors of the Social Security Institute for corruption, and
they have invited the United Nations to set up a human rights
office. They have also formed a task force to investigate
unsolved murders in a particularly conflictive area of the
country, the Bajo Aguan. But, there is no doubt, the Government
of Honduras still has a very big job ahead.
I am fully aware of the serious doubts expressed, including
in the U.S. Congress, regarding the willingness and ability of
the Government of Honduras to take needed steps to improve the
human rights situation. If confirmed, I commit to work
tirelessly in this area.
Mr. Chairman, I have been a Deputy Chief of Mission at
three embassies in this hemisphere. I am currently the Deputy
Civilian Commander at U.S. Southern Command. I have spent the
last 30 years in nine foreign postings, working to promote
democracy and human rights, enhance law enforcement and
security partnerships, and promote U.S. exports and investment.
Mr. Chairman, thank you again for the honor of appearing
before this committee today. If confirmed, I pledge to work
with you and your colleagues to advance the vital interests of
the United States in Honduras.
Thank you very much. I look forward to answering your
questions today and at any time in the future.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Nealon follows:]
Prepared Statement of James D. Nealon
Mister Chairman, distinguished members of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee, it is an honor to appear today before you as the
President's nominee as Ambassador to Honduras. I am deeply grateful to
the President and to the Secretary of State for their trust and
confidence.
After 30 years in the Foreign Service, I appreciate the privilege
and the responsibility that it is to be considered for confirmation as
Ambassador. I deeply respect the role of the Senate in the work of
ensuring that the United States has a foreign policy that reflects our
Nation's values.
I would like to recognize my wife, Kristin, who is here today, and
our four children--Rory, Katie, Maureen, and Liam, all born while we
were living overseas. We are a Foreign Service family and we have been
in this together from the very beginning. This is their day as much as
mine.
Mr. Chairman, the headlines do not often tell a positive story
about Honduras. Our vision for Honduras is of a country that is middle
class, democratic, and secure. Still, this is a country that faces
tremendous challenges, many of them associated with the direct and
indirect effects of narcotics trafficking and organized crime
structures operating throughout the country. It is a challenge to
establish strong democratic institutions, establish a rule of law
culture, attack impunity and corruption, reduce crime, attract
investment, and ensure a prosperous future for Honduran citizens.
We share with many Members on the Hill a concern about the
consequences in the United States and in Honduras of slow economic
growth, impunity, weak institutions, corruption, and extreme violence
in Honduras. We share the view that everything is related: impunity and
a lack of accountability and transparency promote a weak rule of law
culture, discourage investment, and encourage illegal migration to the
U.S. We are partners with you in seeking to influence this trajectory
in a positive direction.
In such circumstances, some still ask if U.S. engagement in
Honduras makes a difference. I believe it does and that it is in our
interest to stay engaged. A Honduras with greater accountability and
transparency will establish stronger rule of law institutions and be
more likely to protect human rights. A Honduras with a vibrant middle
class means a larger overseas market for American-made products. A more
secure and prosperous Honduras means fewer migrants trying to cross our
borders. A Honduras with strong interdiction capacity means fewer drugs
arriving in U.S. communities. As President Obama recently said, respect
for human rights is an antidote to instability--a Honduras with strong
human rights protections means enhanced security in our region.
The United States is committed to partnering with the Government of
Honduras to promote prosperity, governance, and security. In order to
do so, we need willing partners in Honduras who have the political will
to transform their society, the capacity to seize drugs, and the
commitment to arrest, prosecute and sentence criminals, and to
guarantee the human rights of their own citizens.
Honduras is at a crossroads. We have seen some early signs that the
Government of Honduras is ready to take important steps to improve the
lives of its citizens. In May, for the first time, Honduras extradited
a notorious Honduran drug trafficker to the United States, an important
strike against impunity. The new government dedicated scarce resources
to combat trafficking in persons and launched a signature program to
bring more people into the formal economy. The government has taken
steps to improve security, enhance the rule of law, and emphasize its
commitment to improving human rights conditions. The President has
fired corrupt police, indicted the entire board of directors of the
social security institute, invited the United Nations to set up a human
rights office, and set up a task force to investigate unsolved murders
in a particularly conflictive area of the country, the Bajo Aguan. But
there is no doubt the Government of Honduras still has a big job ahead.
Honduras's location and role in regional security make its success
vital to our own national security, and it is in our interest to work
with the government and civil society to improve democratic governance,
the rule of law, stability, and protection of human rights. It is also
important that we emphasize the value of building national consensus in
support of the serious challenges the country confronts. I am fully
aware of the serious doubts expressed, including in the U.S. Congress,
regarding the willingness and ability of the Government of Honduras to
take needed steps to improve the human rights situation. If confirmed,
I commit to work tirelessly in this area.
The United States engages in Honduras to support social and
economic development, improve food security, promote civil society, and
give alternatives to joining gangs to at-risk youth. We have a wide
variety of programs focused on increasing law enforcement and rule of
law capacity and strengthening violence prevention efforts to improve
the security environment, and we recognize that these efforts are only
effective and sustainable when human rights are at the center. The
United States should remain Honduras' best partner because it is very
much in our interest that Honduras be stable, well governed, prosperous
and safe.
Mr. Chairman, I have been a deputy chief of mission at three
embassies in this hemisphere. I am currently the civilian deputy to the
Commander at U.S. Southern Command; in that context, my view is that
the most appropriate role for the U.S. military in Honduras is to help
ensure that the Honduran military is professional, under civilian
direction, and can secure its own borders. I have spent most of the
last 30 years working to promote democracy and human rights, enhancing
law enforcement and security partnerships, and promoting U.S. exports
and investment. Above all, I am proud to have spent my career working
in the interests of American citizens to defend our values throughout
the world.
I understand the magnitude of the challenges the United States
faces in Honduras. I delegate authority, not responsibility. I believe
in the power of diplomacy and of using our influence to achieve our
national security goals. Mr. Chairman, thank you again for the honor of
appearing before the committee today. If confirmed, I pledge to work
with you and your colleagues to advance the vital interests of the
United States in Honduras.
Thank you very much, and I look forward to any questions you may
have, now and in the future.
The Chairman. Well, thank you, Mr. Nealon. And, you know,
we did not give you a complete introduction. You have 30 years
of experience, having joined the service in 1984. You have most
recently been the deputy chief of mission in Canada, Peru, and
Uruguay. You have also been located in Spain, Hungary, the
Philippines, and Chile, as well as the current assignment that
you just talked about. So, a tremendous background. We
appreciate your willingness to serve.
Mr. Smith.
STATEMENT OF GENTRY O. SMITH, OF NORTH CAROLINA, NOMINEE TO BE
DIRECTOR OF THE OFFICE OF FOREIGN MISSIONS
Mr. Smith. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, and
distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today as President Obama's nominee to be the next
Director of the Office of Foreign Missions, OFM. I am
profoundly grateful for the confidence the President and
Secretary Kerry have demonstrated in nominating me for this
unique and important position.
My entire professional life has been dedicated to public
service. Beginning with my first career as a police officer in
Raleigh, North Carolina, to my assignments at our Embassies in
Tokyo, Rangoon, and Cairo, and to my current role as the Deputy
Assistant Secretary for Countermeasures with the Bureau of
Diplomatic Security, I have strived to improve the conditions
in which our colleagues live and work. I believe my dedication
and commitment in this regard will serve me well if given the
opportunity to lead the Office of Foreign Missions, an
organization whose primary goals are using reciprocity to
ensure equitable treatment of United States diplomatic and
consular missions abroad, and their personnel; regulating the
activities of foreign missions in the United States to protect
our foreign policy and national security interests; protecting
the U.S. public from abuses of privileges and immunities by the
members of the foreign missions; and the provision of service
and assistance to the foreign mission community in the United
States on a reciprocal basis.
As you are aware, OFM was established in 1982 as a
requirement under the Foreign Missions Act. In passing the act,
Congress made it clear that the operations of foreign missions
in the United States is a proper subject for the exercise of
Federal jurisdiction. For more than 30 years, the act has
guided the Department's management extension to the foreign
missions in the United States of privileges, benefits, and
immunities associated with the acquisition and use of real
property, motor vehicles, driving services, tax exemptions,
custom clearances, and domestic travel courtesies and
restrictions. In my estimation, the Foreign Missions Act is a
landmark piece of legislation which has positively influenced
and conditioned the environment in which U.S. diplomatic and
consular missions operate abroad.
This committee is well aware of the Department's ongoing
efforts to ensure our personnel abroad work in facilities that
are safe, secure, and functional. I can authoritatively attest
that the relocation of an American embassy is a complex,
costly, and difficult task. To accomplish this job, the United
States Government and in many countries--have, in many
countries, the support of that host country. And in countries
where that support is lacking, the Office of Foreign Missions
plays a critical role in assisting in the resolution of these
impasses we sometimes face with these governments during our
attempts to acquire real property and in those countries where
we are relocating our facilities.
When a country has an interest in improving and relocating
its own mission in the United States, the Office of Foreign
Missions uses its ability to regulate the acquisition and the
use of real property of those missions as leverage to achieve
the Department's own property-related needs in that country.
Without OFM and the authorities it has under the Foreign
Missions Act, we may not have been able to build a new embassy
in Beijing, China, or a new annex in that same location. This
and more was achieved as a result of reciprocity and the
Foreign Missions Act.
In closing, Mr. Chairman, I am honored to have the
opportunity to address you and the esteemed members of the
committee. If confirmed, I will do all that I can to further
these important objectives of Congress as set out in the
Foreign Missions Act. I look forward to continuing to work with
you to ensure the proper treatment of our foreign personnel
abroad and that foreign missions here are good neighbors.
Thank you for this opportunity and your consideration for
my nomination. I respectfully request that my entire statement
be entered into the record, and I would be happy to answer any
of your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Smith follows:]
Prepared Statement of Gentry O. Smith
Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, I am
honored to appear before you today as President Obama's nominee to be
the next Director of the Office of Foreign Missions (OFM). I am
profoundly grateful for the confidence the President and Secretary
Kerry have demonstrated in nominating me for this unique and important
position.
My entire professional life has been dedicated to public service.
Beginning with my first career as a police officer in Raleigh, NC, to
my assignments as a Regional Security Officer at our Embassies in
Tokyo, Rangoon, and Cairo, and to my current role as the Deputy
Assistant Secretary and Assistant Director for Countermeasures in the
Bureau of Diplomatic Security, I have strived to improve the overall
conditions in which my colleagues, and those of us with families, live
and work. I believe my dedication and commitment in this regard will
serve me well if given the opportunity to lead the Office of Foreign
Missions, an organization whose primary goals are:
Using reciprocity to ensure equitable treatment for United
States diplomatic and consular missions abroad and their
personnel;
Regulating the activities of foreign missions in the United
States to protect our foreign policy and national security
interests;
Protecting the U.S. public from abuses of privileges and
immunities by members of the foreign missions; and
Providing service and assistance to the foreign mission
community in the United States on a reciprocal basis.
As you are aware, OFM was established in 1982 as a requirement of
the Foreign Missions Act. In passing the act, Congress made it clear
that the operations of foreign missions and international organizations
in the United States, including the permissible scope of their
activities and the location and size of their facilities, is a proper
subject for the exercise of Federal jurisdiction. The act provides the
Department of State with broad authority to determine the treatment to
be accorded to a foreign mission in the United States.
OFM vigorously pursues its mandate under the act that, ``consistent
with our obligations under the Vienna Conventions, the treatment
afforded a foreign mission in the United States shall be determined
after due consideration of the benefits, privileges, and immunities
provided to missions of the United States in the country represented by
that foreign mission.'' With this very mandate, OFM leads the
Department's engagement in a process in which it either develops an
approach or exploits leverage to achieve a specific end. OFM's approach
to issues is a very realistic one. OFM knows that for every action
there is a reaction, and so it works daily with a number of
stakeholders, both within the Department and the broader community of
Federal agencies, to carefully craft and implement responses to a wide
range of actions that impact the proper or efficient operation of our
diplomatic and consular operations abroad.
For more than 30 years, the Act has guided the Department's
management and extension to foreign missions in the United States,
privileges and benefits associated with the acquisition and use of real
property, motor vehicle and driving services, tax exemptions, customs
clearances, and domestic travel courtesies and restrictions. In recent
years, OFM's role and its use of the act's broad authorities has
allowed it to expand into new areas including the provision of
assistance with the establishment and availability of financial
services for foreign missions and to the development of the proposed
Foreign Missions Center at the former Walter Reed Army Medical Center
for the purpose of creating a second dedicated ``embassy neighborhood''
here in our Nation's Capital.
The act is also the reason I am before you today, in that it
requires the Director of OFM to be appointed by the President, with the
advice and consent of the Senate.
In my estimation, the Foreign Missions Act is a landmark piece of
legislation which has positively influenced and conditioned the
environment in which U.S. diplomatic and consular missions abroad
operate. I appreciate the fascinating history associated with the act's
origins, and its role in achieving a number of major, and often unsung,
improvements to the operations of many of our embassies and consulates
abroad. For example, in the past 11 years, OFM's leadership of the
Department's Diplomatic Tax-Relief Initiative has resulted in the
establishment of close to 100 bilateral and reciprocal construction
tax-relief arrangements; this has resulted in an estimated savings to
the Department of nearly $280 million in foreign taxes associated with
our efforts to construct new embassy and consular compounds.
I am eager to lead OFM's efforts in using the tools Congress
provided the Department in realizing improvements to the many
challenges, both new and old, that face so many of our posts abroad and
my colleagues and their families who dutifully execute the diplomatic
and consular relations of the United States.
The prospect of improving the conditions of my colleagues and their
families abroad is of significant personal importance to me. Our
personnel, many with accompanying and unaccompanying family members,
face pressures and challenges each day that did not exist when I first
joined the Department of State. Without question, the life of the
Foreign Service has dramatically changed. The daily pressures on our
personnel are significant, and I will work every day to use the tools
Congress provided OFM to help improve, in both small and big ways, the
daily lives of the brave men and women who are assigned to our
embassies and consulates around the world.
This committee is well aware of the Department's ongoing efforts to
ensure that our personnel abroad work in facilities that are safe,
secure, and functional. I can authoritatively attest that the
relocation of an American Embassy is a complex, costly, and difficult
task. To accomplish this job, the United States must have the interest
and support of the host government. In many countries, such support and
assistance is there for the asking. In countries where support is
lacking, I, as a member of Diplomatic Security, along with colleagues
in Overseas Buildings Operations and other parts of the Department,
have come to realize and respect the critical role that OFM quietly
plays in assisting with the resolution of impasses we sometimes face
with foreign governments during our attempts to acquire real property
in their countries for the relocation and construction of our
facilities.
When a country has an interest in improving or relocating one of
its missions in the United States, OFM uses its ability to regulate the
acquisition and use of real property by foreign missions as leverage to
achieve the Department's own property-related needs in that country.
Without OFM and the authorities it has under the Foreign Missions Act,
the Department might not have been able to speak today of having a new
U.S. Embassy in Beijing, as well as a new annex building under
construction there as well. This and more was achieved as a result of
reciprocity and the Foreign Missions Act.
If I am confirmed and with your support, I will further use OFM's
authorities as a means to support and realize the goal shared by both
Congress and the President of ensuring that our personnel work in safe
and secure facilities abroad.
In closing, Mr. Chairman, I am honored to have the opportunity to
address you and the esteemed members of the committee. If confirmed, I
will do all that I can to further the important objectives Congress set
out in the Foreign Missions Act, and I look forward to continuing to
work with you to ensure proper treatment of our Foreign Service
personnel abroad, and that foreign missions are good neighbors here at
home.
Thank you for this opportunity and your consideration of my
nomination. I respectfully request that my full statement be entered
into the record, and I will be happy to answer your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Both of your statements will be fully entered into the
record.
Mr. Nealon, let me start off with the--for me, the most
pressing issue of the day as it relates to Honduras, which is
in the headlines and minds of all of us who care about the
issues of human rights and human dignity. And it is the
thousands of young people, and increasingly younger people, who
seem forced to leave their families and head for the U.S.
border because of the inability of the Honduran government and
other Central American governments to deal with crime and
violence in a region that is home to the highest murder rate in
the world.
I am personally appalled by the staggering numbers of
minors, sometimes as young as 5 and 6 years old, who are left
by their personal circumstances with no other choice than to
try to cross the desert by themselves. And, as you approach
this post, I would like to get a sense from you as to what
discussions you have had with the administration and with the
State Department. What is our strategy to try to address both
the present challenge, as well as the underlying causes that
has given us this humanitarian tragedy?
Mr. Nealon. Thank you very much, Senator.
I very much share your concerns about these children who
are leaving Central America, including Honduras, and making a
dangerous trip in an attempt to cross our borders. If confirmed
as Ambassador to Honduras, of course, my piece of this would be
an effort in Honduras to try to get Hondurans to see their
future in their own country, and not try to make this dangerous
trip. We all know what the push factors are. The push factors
are the threat of violence and a lack of economic opportunity.
Senator, we currently have programs in Honduras that are
designed to address these issues. Some of them are very good
programs. But, we have to ask ourselves if it is enough. We
have programs such as the GREAT Program, which addresses at-
risk youth and try to wean them away from the threat of joining
gangs. We have programs that offer economic opportunity. We
support outreach centers, which try and create a culture where
kids stay out of gangs, where they try to get job skills so
they can enter the labor force. But, it is extremely difficult.
As you said, Senator, it is one of the poorest countries in the
hemisphere, and it is perhaps the most violent. So, the
challenge is staggering.
The Chairman. Well, let me just say that--here is part of
our challenge. And I hope that, if confirmed, you will make
this case within the administration. Last week, the White House
informed the Congress that it would need $2.28 billion to
address the issue of unaccompanied minors crossing to the
United States. Now, in 2015, the administration's request to
Congress was only $130 million for its five-country Central
American Regional Security Initiative, which is a decrease of
$30 million over 2014. So, given that we need to spend $2.2
billion to address the consequences of the crisis here in the
United States, it would seem that 130 million is absolutely
insufficient to address the root causes of the problems. This
is one of the things that boggles my mind.
So, we are going to spend$ 2.28 billion--almost $2.3
billion, if we honor the President's request, to deal with
young people crossing the border, instead of spending that type
of money to ultimately make sure they stay in their country and
have the aspirations that you so aptly talked about.
So, I know this is above your pay grade. You do not make
this decision. But, since you are going to be going to this
job, upon confirmation, I hope you are going to make the case
that $130 million for five countries, which is less than what
we have done, as compared to $2.2 billion to respond to the
problem--it just does not make any sense.
This is our problem with--as someone who was the Western
Hemisphere chair here before I became the full-committee chair,
getting the focus of the Congress and this administration on
the Western Hemisphere is a challenge. It is our front yard. It
is our own national interest. And we seem to have a problem
understanding that. So, we will spend more on a crisis than we
will on meeting the challenge in the first place.
So, could I get you to be an advocate for this proposition?
Mr. Nealon. Senator, you can absolutely have me as an
advocate for this proposition, if confirmed. I am obviously not
in a position to assess how much money--how much additional
money we might need in Honduras to address this problem, but I
do know that both USAID and the State Department are, right
now, assessing those programs that we do have. So, I will very
much look forward to seeing the results of that assessment to
see if we can get a handle on how much additional money we
might need.
The Chairman. Mr. Smith, let me ask you. What do you
consider to be OFM's highest priorities? And how do you
perceive your role in achieving them? This is a mandate that
has evolved and expanded since the creation of the office in
1982. I want to get, as the nominee here, what your highest
priorities would be, and what your role would be in pursuing
them.
Mr. Smith. Thank you for that question, Senator.
As we know, the Office of Foreign Missions, as it came into
existence from the Foreign Missions Act of 1982, gives the
Secretary broad responsibilities for ensuring that foreign
missions here act in a manner that is appropriate. My highest
priority will be making sure that our citizens who work abroad
are treated fairly in a reciprocal manner, and also ensuring
that the activities of foreign entities here are in support--or
do not conflict with our national interests, and also that
there is no abuse of privileges, immunities by the missions and
the personnel that are here.
The Chairman. Now, I would like to hear from you, what role
does the Director of the Office of Foreign Missions play in
interacting with diplomatic security with respect to security
in our embassies and consulates abroad?
Mr. Smith. The relationship between the Office of Foreign
Missions and the Bureau of Diplomatic Security has existed for
a long time, from the time before the Office of Foreign
Missions was officially a--an office within the Bureau of
Diplomatic Security, until the point where it is now, where it
is a separate entity. Diplomatic Security has always played a
supporting role in helping the Office of Foreign Missions carry
out some of its responsibilities. We help to protect the
diplomats who are here in the United States with--through our
police liaison unit. Diplomatic Security has relationships with
police organizations and local police throughout the country.
And so, we help to protect the diplomats who reside here, and
we also offer protection to visiting diplomats who come here to
visit the country during short periods of time through our
protective details.
In every location where there is an Office of Foreign
Missions, there is also a field office for Diplomatic Security.
The Chairman. One final question. Your--this office is
often referred to as the Office of Tit for Tat, meaning that
for--one of our main goals is to ensure reciprocity of
treatment of our diplomats overseas. Can you talk about that
reciprocity? And here is one example, for example: Argentina. A
February 2013 Department of State Inspector General report
suggested that there was an array of reciprocity inequities
negatively affecting personnel at the U.S. Embassy in Buenos
Aires, Argentina. In particular, the report cites inequities
regarding the importation, exportation, sales, and transfer
procedures relative to private and government-owned vehicles
and household effects. I am under the understanding that the
office sent a diplomatic note to the Argentine Embassy in
Washington drawing attention to the situation, but, at the time
of the Inspector General's report, no response had been
received.
So, that is an example of one of the important roles you
play so that our people can have a decent standard of living as
they are representing our country abroad. Tell me a little bit
about the reciprocity issue, in general. And do you know about
this Argentina issue, in specific?
Mr. Smith. Thank you for that question, Senator.
Yes, reciprocity is one of our major tools that is--that we
can use in ensuring that our diplomats overseas, and that our
missions that operate overseas, are treated fairly. I have
heard, during my briefings for preparations, that there has
been an issue in Argentina. As a matter of fact, I know that,
as you stated, the issue was raised in the February 2013
report.
The reason that the issue is still under discussion is the
fact that there is still information that we have asked for,
that the Office of Foreign Missions has asked for, from our
mission in Buenos Aires. And yes, we have been in contact with
the Argentine mission here, but there are additional details
that are needed from the people that we have out there on the
ground----
The Chairman. Something is wrong when, 16 months later, we
are looking for information versus action. So, if confirmed,
will you commit to me that you will make this one of your
highest priorities?
Mr. Smith. I will, indeed, Senator, if confirmed. We very
much would like that information, because, you are absolutely
right, we are looking and willing to engage on this issue to
ensure that our personnel overseas are treated in the fairest
manner possible.
The Chairman. Senator Corker.
Senator Corker. Mr. Chairman, I know Senator Rubio needs to
be on the floor, so I am going to defer and let him go, and
then I will ask my questions after Senator Kaine.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Senator Rubio.
Senator Rubio. Thank you. I appreciate that.
Thank you both for your service to our country.
Mr. Nealon, I have two quick questions. And I appreciate
the ranking member's indulgence on this. The first has to do
with an issue I am sure you are aware of, and that is a U.S.
crew that was arrested in Honduras during a river job. This is
the salvage company, Aqua Quest International. They had a
contract to dredge the Patuca River and raise valuable mahogany
and cedar logs that were on the bottom of the riverbed. They
have been there for more than a century. It was a very valuable
contract, mutually beneficial to both Honduras but also to this
crew that was involved in this.
It is standard operating procedure for crews in the
Mosquito Coast in this part of the world to have firearms
onboard to defend themselves from both pirates and potentially
from drug traffickers in the region. This group pulled into the
port there, they arrived at the port, they declared their two
pistols, or two shotguns and a semiautomatic sport rifle that
looks like an AK-47. They declared it to the Honduran navy
inspection post. The sailors agreed to let them continue to the
port. But, when they arrived there, they were arrested for
weapons charges, and they remain in the custody of the Honduran
Government.
I just was hoping to get your commitment today that, if
confirmed, one of your--hopefully, by the time you get there,
this will have been cleared up, but, if not, that you will make
it among your highest priorities to address this outrage that
has occurred there. And these men should not be in jail. They
have done nothing wrong. They followed maritime law. And I just
want your commitment publicly that we will address this issue,
if, in fact, this has not been cleared up--and we hope it will
be--by the time you get there.
Mr. Nealon. Thank you very much, Senator. I am very much
aware of the detention of the crew of the Aqua Quest in
Honduras on May 5. You do have my word that, if confirmed as
Ambassador to Honduras, the safety and welfare of American
citizens will be my highest priority. I, too, hope that this
situation will be cleared up by the time I get there, if
confirmed. But, I want you to know that, if I am confirmed, you
will be able to call me personally and hold me personally
accountable for the actions of the Embassy in any case
involving American citizens or constituents.
Senator Rubio. Well, we appreciate that. Thank you very
much.
I want to talk about a broader issue that is emerging in
the press lately, because of the urgency of it. And the
chairman has already alluded to it a moment ago. Just the--the
facts are pretty staggering. About 5 years ago, there were
about 100---968 unaccompanied children that crossed the
southern U.S. border from Honduras. This year alone--we have
not even gone through--halfway through the year--there has been
more than 13,000 unaccompanied minors that have come across the
border from Honduras. This is, like I said, almost twice as
much as last year, the entire year. We understand that violence
and poverty are a driver of this. It is important to understand
the desperation that a parent must have to put their kids on--
in the hands of these groups that are going to move them across
the border. That is how desperate people are to--to turn your
child over. Some of these unaccompanied minors are very young
children--talking very young children--6, 7, 8, 9 years of age.
So, this is a very serious humanitarian crisis that we are all
kind of struggling around here to figure out what to do about
it in the short term, just to deal with the humanitarian
aspects of it.
I do want to ask you, What insight do you have as to--
beyond the motivation for doing it, why is this happening? In
essence--we have heard anecdotal reports--I have, certainly, in
south Florida, among members, some in the Honduran community--
that there are what are, for lack of a better term, rumors that
if, in fact, the children are able to get here, they are going
to get to stay. Is that a--is, in fact, those rumors
circulating? And what--and if, in fact, they are, as--I believe
that there is some element of that; I do not know how much of
it is quantified to that, but whatever percentage of it is--
what can we do, working with the Honduran Government, to make
clear to parents in Honduras that, despite the desperation that
they face and what we need to do to help the Honduran people
overcome that in their own country, this is not something they
should be doing? They should not be--they are putting their
children in grave danger. When they are crossing through Mexico
into the United States, they become prime targets for
traffickers, they become prime targets for all sorts of
transnational criminal organizations. And then, when they get
to the United States, to be abundantly clear, the laws of the
United States do not allow them to stay here. They arrived
illegally. That whatever it is they are hearing, it is not
accurate. What can we do through our Embassy to help make that
clear so that we can prevent this mass migration? I think this
is a question to ask of our posts in El Salvador and Guatemala,
as well, but you are going to Honduras. What can we do to make
it clear that this is not something that they should do? It is
not wise, and it puts their children in grave danger.
Mr. Nealon. Senator, thank you very much. And, as I said to
Chairman Menendez, I share your very deep concern for this
situation.
I am not sure that I have any wisdom to add to what I
already said to the chairman, except that I can say that the
Honduran Government is running public service ads in Honduras
to counter the kind of rumors that you have described.
Obviously----
Senator Rubio. Where do these rumors come from? Why are
they--where did the perception that they can come and stay if
they arrive--where is that coming from?
Mr. Nealon. Senator, unfortunately, I am not in a position
to answer that question for you. I simply do not know. But, I
can tell you that, if confirmed, this issue, which I think has
gotten the attention, rightly, of all of us, would be at the
very top of my list of priorities to try to address. And I
would really look forward to working with you. I know you have
deep roots in the community in Florida. I would really look
forward to working with you to see if we could come up with
some ideas to address the situation.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Kaine.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you to
the witnesses.
And, Mr. Smith, I will apologize to you in advance. I have
a kind of an obsession about Honduras, and so I am not going to
grill you. I hope you do not mind.
And I will start with Mr. Nealon. First, congratulations. I
mean, this is a country of many, many wonderful people, and I
think being Ambassador to Honduras at this time, though a very
challenging one, is going to give you a superb opportunity to
continue what has really been an estimable career in Foreign
Service. And so, I congratulate you there.
I lived in Honduras, in el Progreso, in the Yoro province,
in 1980 and 1981, and I worked with Jesuits there who are
responsible for a lot of good work in that province and around
the country. And I just--I kind of hate to say this, and I--
every time I say it, I kind of feel bad saying it, but, when I
was there, it was a military dictatorship, and it was a very
brutal place, including brutal to the people that I worked
with, many of whom were targeted during that time, and after,
by the government, because of their activity and advocacy on
behalf of the least of these, especially the campesinos and the
banana camps near el Progreso. But, it is worse now than then.
They are less safe now than then. It is not a military
dictatorship anymore. You know, we moved out of the military
dictatorship era into a time of Presidential elections. But, my
friends who are there--it is not that they want to go back, but
they are less safe than they were. And a country that was--that
has been a superb ally to the United States, a country that is
one of the original partners with us on an issue--it is like
the Peace Corps--now is one of the few countries in the world
that cannot even have Peace Corps Volunteers there, because of
the level of violence and danger. And that is just a tragic
thing to think about.
One element of the tragedy, in particular, that I am
concerned about, is--as you might imagine, is the people that I
worked with. There is a radio station in el Progreso, Radio
Progreso, that was run by the Jesuits, bombed and attacked when
I was there. And a very prominent journalist who worked at the
radio station, who also worked for a Jesuit-run think tank, the
Equipo de Reflexiones Investigaciones Cristianos, was just
murdered, on the 11th of April. Carlos Mejia Orellano, murdered
in his home in el Progreso. And the speculation has been that
he was murdered because he was a journalist, because he was
doing what that radio station does, which is call attention to
human rights problems. There has been virtually no progress, or
even interest that I am aware of, in solving that case, and he
is one of 34 media representatives that have been killed in
Honduras since 2010.
The fate of people I know--and maybe it is unfair to focus
on this, just because I know these folks--but, these are people
doing good work, and they are raising questions that have to be
asked, and yet they are being targeted and--as other
journalists are, as well.
Maybe if you could just start off there. What can you do,
in your position as ambassador, to demand accountability for
the deaths of journalists, demand that they take it seriously
and hold up the virtues that we proclaim here about the
importance of a free press and the protections that they are
entitled to?
Mr. Nealon. Thank you very much, Senator.
And, first of all, I am very aware of your obsession with
Honduras and your work as a lay missionary there, back in the
1980s. And, if confirmed, I would be delighted to welcome you
back and have you----
Senator Kaine. I would love to come.
Mr. Nealon [continuing]. Introduce me to your old friends
and your old haunts.
You raise a number of very important issues, but I think
the most important is the issue that goes to impunity. As you
probably know, Senator, impunity is a long-standing human
rights issue in Honduras. By some estimates, as many as 95
percent of crimes in Honduras go unresolved, not just crimes
against journalists or politicians or members of other such
communities, but crimes against the population in general. So,
this is something that we simply have to address.
I will say, Senator--and if you come down, if I am
confirmed and we get a chance to work together on this--I
believe we have seen some early signs of positive steps that
this government is willing to take important steps to begin to
address these issues. And if, with your patience, I will name a
couple of them.
First of all, last month, Honduras extradited----
Senator Kaine. Good news.
Mr. Nealon [continuing]. Carlos Lobo, a notorious
narcotrafficker, the first such extradition in the country's
history. They had to change the constitution in order to do it.
And we understand more extraditions may be coming. I think this
is a very, very positive step.
They have fired scores of corrupt police officers. They
have indicted the entire board of directors of the Social
Security Institute, 16 people, for corruption. And the
President has requested that the United Nations open up an
Office of the U.N. High Commission on Human Rights in Honduras.
And I understand that the Congress, our Congress, has
appropriated a million dollars toward that, which I think is a
fantastic step.
So, Senator, I believe we are seeing early signs of
positive steps, but I completely agree with you that the issue
of impunity is something that we need to get at.
Senator Kaine. I want to associate myself with comments
that the Chairman made about the importance of investments.
Trying to help the Hondurans deal with the violence
challenges in Honduras is not just because we are good people,
and it is not just because, if we do it, it may slow down
unaccompanied minors coming to our borders. I mean, the
violence in Honduras is largely driven by a drug trade that is
fueled by Americans' demand for drugs. Hondurans are not big
drug users. The drugs that are transiting through Honduras are
not transiting through Honduras because of the Honduran mass
appetite for illegal substances. Honduras has become a
convenient staging ground, transit point, and stopover place
for drugs that are coming north into Mexico to the United
States or Canada.
And so, it is, you know, the--it is hard to look yourself
in the mirror and, you know, kind of just point the finger,
what the Hondurans need to do about their--you know, their
justice system, when you know that so much of the violence that
is causing parents to set their kids free, trying to find their
way to the U.S. border, is driven by a drug trade that is
largely fueled by U.S. dollars and the demand for drugs.
So, we have more than just a need to do something, you
know, to help a partner. We have an obligation, here, because
the violence that folks are suffering under in Honduras is
something that is directly connected to domestic activities
here in the United States.
And it is my hope, as well, that we will not just, ``Oh,
gosh, now there are unaccompanied minors. I guess we have to do
something about it, because they are trying to come to our
border.'' If it has--if the country has one of the highest
murder rates in the world because of a drug trade that, at the
end of the day, is ending up in the United States, that ought
to call us to do some things, too. And the chairman said we
ought to be proactive and not wait til the problem just gets to
our door. If it is a problem that we have some responsibility
for, then we ought to be in solving it even before it gets to
our doorstep.
And I associate myself, Mr. Chair, with your comments on
that.
Thank the witnesses and wish you the best. And I will visit
you. I will.
Mr. Nealon. I will look forward to that, Senator. Thank you
very much.
The Chairman. My thanks to Senator Kaine, for his always
erudite insights, and particularly, I know that he has a real,
passionate interest in Honduras. And, as such, throughout the
Central America region, which is a challenge for us.
I have one final question, Mr. Nealon. You know, I was
arguing earlier that we need to invest more so that we do not
spend so much more--multiples more, as it relates to facing the
problem versus meeting the core elements of why we have
situations like young people crossing the border. By the same
token, as I advocate for increased resources for addressing the
citizen security issue throughout Central America, including,
obviously, in Honduras, we need a strong, shared approach with
the governments in the region--in this case, with Honduras.
In that sense, I want to get an understanding of your
evaluation of the Hernandez administration's ability and
willingness--understanding you are not on the ground, but
hopefully the briefings have given you some insight--to address
the challenges at hand. The State Department's 2013 Human
Rights Report on Honduras raised concerns about corruption, the
weakness of the justice system, and unlawful and arbitrary
killings by security forces. President Hernandez has
prioritized the creation of a military police force over what
should be the U.S. priority of strengthening and reforming a
civilian police force. And finally, the U.S. Government has
limited intelligence-sharing and radar information as a result
of recent legislation providing the Honduran governmental
authorities to shoot down civilian planes believed to be
involved in drug trafficking. And, while we certainly can
applaud any efforts to try to interdict drug traffickings, to
go to the extreme point of shooting down planes creates all
types of risks, especially if you have got the information
wrong.
So, what do these developments imply for our relationship
with the Government of Honduras as we try to meet this mutual
challenge?
Mr. Nealon. Thank you very much, Senator.
First of all, you raised the issue of the military police.
These are actually members of the armed forces who have law
enforcement authorities who have been put on the street by the
Honduran government to try to address the highest murder rate
in the world and the other violent crime that is pervasive
there. We do not support putting the military in the streets in
a law enforcement capacity. We believe that that distracts from
the very important work that we do support with our programs,
of working with the civilian police force, because we believe
that military police in the streets simply is not a viable
permanent solution. We have to work with the civilian police.
You also mentioned, Senator, the recent legislation in
Honduras, the air sovereignty law, which some people call a
``shoot-down law.'' That is very problematic for the United
States, and that point has been made very clear to the Honduran
Government. There were some immediate consequences of that law.
For example, Southern Command, General Kelly, had to turn off
air feeds that we provided to the Hondurans because there was
some risk that those air feeds could be used to shoot down
civilian aircraft. And there may be other consequences to that,
as well, moving forward.
The Chairman. Well, I hope this will be part of the work
that you will pursue upon confirmation, in terms of trying to
get us to a point that we can get the Honduran Government to
agree with us on the common methodology, if we are going to
fund it, one that we can be supportive of. Because, if not, it
will be a further challenge to trying to help them with citizen
security.
Senator Corker asked me to say that he will submit his
questions for the record. He has deep respect for both of you,
but he had a conflict in his schedule, so he could not stay any
longer.
The Chairman. And I would urge you, not only to answer his
questions, but any other members' questions that are posed for
the record, as expeditiously as possible so that we can,
therefore, consider your nominations before a business meeting
of the full committee.
And, with the thanks of the committee for your willingness
to serve, this panel is excused and this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:55 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Questions and Answers Submitted for the Record
Responses of Stuart E. Jones to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Assistance to the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).--
As a result of the current crisis related to the advance of the Islamic
State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in Northern Iraq, as many as 500,000
people have fled into KRG-controlled areas, creating an urgent
humanitarian crisis already severe due to the presence of some 250,000
refugees from the Syrian side of the conflict. Current estimates place
the burden to the KRG at roughly $1,000 per person, per year. The KRG
are reliable U.S. partners, and Kurdish Peshmerga fighters are now the
frontline against ISIS.
What support are we currently providing to the KRG to
ensure it can respond to urgent security and humanitarian
pressures?
How will you address urgent KRG needs for food, shelter,
generators, water, irrigation systems, camp infrastructure,
vehicles and more, to help the KRG address these urgent
humanitarian needs?
The KRG has also requested assistance in releasing U.S.
military and security equipment withheld by the Maliki
government in Baghdad. What leverage do we have to facilitate
the immediate release of this equipment to the KRG?
What specific steps can the U.S. take immediately to
strengthen KRG border security efforts, including providing
body armor, communication systems and other nonlethal aid?
Answer. The United States is extremely concerned about the
deteriorating security situation deepening the humanitarian crisis in
Iraq. On June 12, we announced a contribution of an additional $12.8
million to international organization partners like the U.N. High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) that are working to meet the needs of
internally displaced persons (IDPs) and conflict victims in Iraq. Our
total humanitarian assistance to those affected by conflict in Iraq in
fiscal year 2014 is more than $136 million. Since 2010, the United
States has contributed to the United Nations, other international
organizations, and nongovernmental organizations more than $1.1 billion
in humanitarian assistance for Iraqi refugees and internally displaced
people throughout Iraq. Separately, we have provided more than $105
million to support Syrian refugees in Iraq since the start of the Syria
crisis in 2011. This funding goes toward international organizations
and nongovernmental organizations supporting the more than 225,000
refugees from Syria who have fled to Iraq since March 2011.
Our funding for refugees from Syria supports transportation to
refugee camps, refugee camp infrastructure, including providing safe
water and sanitation, as well as support for education, child
protection, and gender-based violence prevention and response. The
recently announced $12.8 million in support for the current
humanitarian crisis in Iraq includes $6.6 million to UNHCR for
essential humanitarian supplies like blankets, tents, and hygiene
items, and $6.2 million to other international organizations for food,
clean water, core relief items, and urgent medical care for the
affected. These organizations are working closely with the KRG and the
Government of Iraq (GOI) to assess needs and support.
The GOI is not withholding any military or security equipment from
the KRG. The GOI was temporarily holding some military logistical
equipment, which was purchased through DOD's Iraqi Security Forces Fund
(ISFF), but transferred all of it to the KRG in 2013.
If requested and approved by the GOI, the U.S. Government could
provide a wide range of assistance to eligible KRG security forces
through traditional security assistance authorities like the Foreign
Military Sales program. The delivery of such assistance would of course
be dependent on host nation funding as well equipment availability and
production timelines. We have not received any such requests from the
GOI for assistance to KRG security forces.
Question. MeK.--I have received assurances from the Iraqi
Government that it will ensure the security of Camp Liberty and its
residents, while we continue to work to resettle members of the MeK
here in the United States and in other countries outside of Iraq.
Is the Iraqi Government committed to the safety and
security of the residents at Camp Liberty while in Iraq?
Answer. The United States continues to work closely with the
Government of Iraq (GOI) and the United Nations (U.N.) to ensure the
protection of those currently residing at Camp Liberty, a.k.a Camp
Hurriya. We interact regularly with senior Iraqi officials about the
safety and security of the Camp Hurriya residents, and they assure us
that they are committed to this issue, despite the current situation in
Iraq. To date, the GOI has moved in 520 bunkers, 700 small T-walls,
90,000 sandbags and 1,488 large T-walls, about 750 of which were
installed by April 23 in accordance with a plan agreed to by the GOI
and the camp residents. They have also granted permissions for
requested security enhancements at the camp as appropriate.
What will your role be regarding Camp Liberty and the
resettlement of MeK residents outside Iraq?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work closely with the
Government of Iraq and the U.N. regarding the safety and security of
the residents. We are fortunate to have a very able senior advisor for
MEK Resettlement, Jonathan Winer, and he and I will coordinate closely
on finding safe, permanent, and secure locations for the Camp Hurriya
residents outside of Iraq.
Please provide an update on the resettlement process, and
the work of the U.S. interagency team currently in Iraq. How
many residents are able and willing to meet U.S. requirements
in order to be settled in the United States?
Answer. Currently, 377 Camp Hurriya residents have been relocated
outside of Iraq in countries like Albania and Germany. An interagency
team was deployed May 18 to evaluate candidates for U.S. resettlement.
Our initial goal is to identify at least 100 qualified individuals,
subject to security conditions, cooperation of the MEK and availability
of interested candidates. At this point, it is too early to say how
many are qualified as the team has not yet finished its work.
Question. I understand that the Government of Iraq has yet to sign
U.S. contracts for Apache attack helicopters that we intend to sell and
lease. We were told repeatedly and in no uncertain terms that these
helicopters were absolutely vital to the Iraqis in order to fight the
insurgency, and that they needed to be sent as soon as possible.
Given this delay, do the Iraqis feel the same way?
Answer. Yes, the Apache remains Iraq's combat helicopter of choice.
Congressional approval for the Apaches was urgently needed in order
to get the case into the Government of Iraq's (GOI) long and complex
bureaucratic process. We are disappointed by the delay on the Iraqi
side and continue to urge the GOI to act quickly to sign and fund the
cases. Unfortunately, several factors including internal budget issues,
recent elections and the ongoing government formation process, and the
current counterterrorism crisis combined to muddle Iraq's already
complicated approval process, delaying Iraq's decision to finalize
large, long, lead-time purchases like the Apache.
The Apache will provide superior precision-targeting and firepower
capability and increased in-air flight time to allow for flexibility
and longer mission endurance at greater distances. The Apaches will
also provide much-needed protection against small arms fire; Islamic
State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) continues to damage and shoot down
Iraq's unarmored helicopters. The Iraqi Security Forces will use the
Apaches to support ground forces, interdict border incursions, conduct
precision strikes against ISIL targets, and to deter terrorist
activities and it will fill a needed capability gap.
Was the administration mistaken in their assertions to us
about the urgency of approving the sale?
Answer. Congressional approval for the Apaches was urgently needed
in order to get the case into the Government of Iraq's (GOI) long and
complex bureaucratic process. We are disappointed by the delay on the
Iraqi side and continue to urge Iraq to act quickly to sign and fund
the cases. Unfortunately, several factors including internal budget
issues, recent elections and the ongoing government formation process,
and the current counterterrorism crisis combined to muddle Iraq's
already complicated approval process, delaying Iraq's decision to
finalize large, long, lead-time purchases like the Apache. Although the
Apaches will not arrive in time to aid in the current crisis, Iraq will
continue to face a critical ISIL threat and have a continuing need for
the Apache well into the future. The Apache will provide the Iraqi
Security Forces an armored, long-range, precision-strike platform
capable of supporting a wide range of counterterrorism operations.
Why did the Iraqi Government miss a payment for the F-16s?
What are the next steps to get this back on track?
Answer. To date, Iraq has paid approximately $5 billion of the
approximately $7.1 billion total for all 36 F-16s. A payment of $1.6
billion was due earlier this spring, but has been delayed due to the
operations in Anbar and Iraq's delay in passing a new budget. GOI
officials have affirmed that the payment will be made. We have informed
the GOI that the delivery of the first two aircraft could be delayed as
a result of the delayed payment and we will continue to urge the GOI to
complete the payment.
______
Responses of Robert Stephen Beecroft to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
counterterrorism law
A new counterterrorism law awaiting ratification by the President
has been criticized as overly broad, allowing for nonviolent protestors
and other critics of the government to be arrested on terrorism-related
charges. The current Egyptian Constitution exempts the Egyptian
military from trial in civilian courts while giving military courts
broad authority to try civilians.
Question. Are you concerned that these laws are essentially making
the Mubarak-era ``emergency laws'' part of Egypt's permanent body of
laws?
Answer. I share the U.S. Government's concerns regarding these
laws. My understanding is that the draft counterterrorism law and the
recently ratified Egyptian Constitution would effectively grant the
government and security forces significant new authorities and that the
draft counterterrorism law would give the Egyptian Government the right
to enforce an undeclared state of emergency. It would also prescribe
tougher punishments for terror-related offenses and increase the number
of crimes punishable by death or life imprisonment. The laws would also
likely further restrict political space and freedoms of expression and
assembly and narrow legal channels for dissent, which could give new
cause for radicalization in Egypt rather than counter or deter
terrorism.
The U.S. Government has expressed its deep concern over such
measures and has made clear its opposition to military trials of
civilians to the highest levels of the Egyptian Government.
Question. How will you engage with the Egyptian Government to
ensure that nonviolent critics of the government can speak freely
without fear of reprisal or arrest?
Answer. If confirmed, I will emphasize to the Egyptian Government
that overly restrictive measures, such as the draft counterterrorism
law, will undermine Egypt's stability, increase radicalism, and make it
harder for the new government to forge the consensus needed to tackle
daunting economic and social challenges. I will press that no matter
how difficult the security environment, Egypt must find a way to
distinguish extremists and terrorists from peaceful demonstrators. At
every opportunity, I will make clear that the U.S. remains deeply
concerned by actions the Egyptian Government takes that limit freedom
of expression, assembly, and association, including the restrictive
demonstrations law decreed in November 2013. I will also encourage the
Egyptian Government to develop legislation in keeping with the spirit
of those parts of the new constitution which guarantee basic rights and
protections and promise to uphold Egypt's commitments and obligations
to international human rights covenants and agreements.
assistance
Earlier this year, this committee's bipartisan Egypt Assistance
Reform Act of 2014 called for a strategic reassessment of security and
economic assistance provided to Egypt in light of new realities on the
ground.
Question. What can you tell us about the administration's review of
U.S. assistance to Egypt? Should we continue to provide $1.3B in
security assistance to Egypt?
Answer. The administration is reviewing how our assistance can best
advance U.S. interests. Our military assistance to Egypt has supported
stability in the Middle East. It has strengthened protections along
Israel's border, enhanced the security of the Suez Canal, and increased
Egypt's capacity to participate in regional operations, including
peacekeeping.
If confirmed, I will work with Congress to ensure that any
assistance through the Egypt Foreign Military Financing (FMF) program
is appropriately structured to counter shared security threats, such as
terrorism and weapons trafficking.
Question. Is the balance between security assistance and economic
assistance still appropriate given the last several years of upheaval
in Egypt?
Answer. U.S. assistance to Egypt, both military and economic
assistance, supports key U.S. interests of stability in Egypt and along
Israel's border; safe Suez transit; countering transnational threats,
such as terrorism and weapons trafficking; promoting inclusive
democratic institutions, human rights, and basic freedoms; and
supporting broad-based economic stability and growth. The
administration considers the FY 2015 request--in conjunction with a
more targeted approach--to be necessary and appropriate to meet our
goals regarding Egypt.
To that end, we are focusing our Economic Support Fund (ESF)
funding on programs that will address Egypt's most critical sources of
instability: its economy, particularly the need for private sector-led
growth and youth employment, and its lack of sustainable democratic
institutions and human rights. Our programs will support basic and
higher education; job creation; private sector development; democracy
and civil society promotion; and improving health outcomes. Our FMF
request will support Egypt in its counterterrorism and border security
efforts, including in the Sinai, adding to our ongoing counterterrorism
and nonproliferation efforts supported through other assistance
accounts.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress on advancing
U.S. interests in Egypt, including through our assistance programs.
military sales
The administration has also placed policy holds on a number of
weapons systems scheduled for delivery to the Egyptian Armed Forces.
Egyptian military leaders believe the delivery of Apache helicopters is
particularly urgent for continuing Egypt's counterterrorism campaign in
the Sinai.
Question. Do you agree with the assessment that the Apache
helicopters will help fight terrorism in the Sinai?
Answer. Egyptian efforts to combat violent extremism in the Sinai
are ongoing, and Apache helicopters have been a key part of those
efforts, which is why President Obama directed the delivery of the
pending additional Apaches. If confirmed as Ambassador, I look forward
to discussing with Congress the conditions in Sinai and the use of
U.S.-funded defense items in Egypt.
Question. What is the way ahead on determining when the
administration will release the F-16s and other military equipment
still under a policy hold?
Answer. President Obama made clear that credible progress toward an
inclusive, democratically elected, civilian government is important to
the administration's review of assistance to Egypt and release of held
defense items. We are continuing to urge the Egyptian Government to
make progress along those lines, including by urging President el-Sisi
to establish transparent, accountable, and responsive democratic
institutions, based on rule of law and respect for the rights of all
Egyptians. If confirmed, I look forward to providing updates on the
situation in Egypt and will consult with Congress closely as part of
the ongoing assistance review.
syrian refugees
Egypt is now host to hundreds of thousands of Syrians who have fled
there over the past 2 years. Initially welcoming to them, the Egyptian
Government has in the past year made a concerted effort to restrict the
entry of Syrian refugees through visa restrictions and security
clearance requirements.
Question. In your view, what steps should the U.S. take through its
engagement with the Egyptian Government to ensure that Egypt can be a
place of refuge for Syrians?
Answer. We recognize and appreciate the tremendous challenges faced
by countries in the region as individuals continue to flee Syria and
seek asylum in neighboring countries. If confirmed, I will continue
U.S. efforts to encourage Egyptian authorities to continue extending
support and hospitality toward refugees from Syria and all who are
fleeing conflict. UNHCR has registered almost 138,000 refugees in
Egypt, but according to the Egyptian Government, there may be as many
as 300,000 Syrian refugees in Egypt. Separately, there may be as many
as 6,000 Palestinian refugees from Syria currently in Egypt. If
confirmed, I will continue expressing our concerns about the climate of
anti-Syrian and anti-Palestinian public sentiment in Egypt and urge the
Egyptian Government to communicate to the Egyptian people the
importance of protecting all vulnerable refugees.
______
Responses of Dana Shell Smith to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Terror Financing.--A large degree of funding for
terrorist groups in the region, from Hamas to the Salafist and al-Qaeda
inspired groups in Syria, comes from wealthy gulf benefactors.
How big a problem is this in Qatar?
What has the Qatari Government done to crack down on this,
and is the Qatari Government committed to controlling private
and charity funding streams?
What will you do to expand our terrorist finance and money
laundering cooperation with Qatar?
Answer. We engage regularly with Qatar and our other gulf partners
on the issue of terror financing, but there is no doubt that more needs
to be done. Syria is attracting more violent extremists the longer the
conflict goes on. Qatar and other regional partners are working with us
to support the moderate Syrian opposition and to work toward a
political solution to ensure that Syria no longer serves as a magnet
for violent extremists.
In recent years, we have seen some improvements in Qatar's
counterterrorist financing efforts, including steps to improve its
anti-money-laundering/counterterrorist financing legal framework. In
2012, the Middle East and North Africa Financial Action Task Force
determined that Qatar had improved its anti-money-laundering/
counterterrorist financing (AML/CTF) regime and was either ``Compliant
or Largely Compliant'' with all of the Task Force's recommendations.
However, Qatar's monitoring of terrorist financing by Qatari
individuals and charitable associations remains inconsistent, and we
will not hesitate to act to disrupt terrorist financing networks. For
example, in December 2013, the Treasury Department announced the
designation of a Qatar-based financier who secured funds and provided
material support for al-Qaeda and its affiliates in Syria, Iraq,
Somalia, and Yemen.
We remain committed to working with Qatar to confront ongoing
terrorist financing and on strengthening its AML/CTF regimes. For
example, we conducted an interagency training in early June for Qatari
officials involved in the design and implementation of Qatar's CTF
regime to improve capacity and coordination on counterterrorism
financing. In the coming weeks, we will send an interagency delegation
to a number of Gulf States, including Qatar, to improve our
coordination on stemming the flow of foreign fighters to Syria. If
confirmed, I will ensure that counterterrorism finance issues remain a
priority of our bilateral engagement with the Government of Qatar.
Question. Labor Rights.--The system of kafala, or employer
sponsorship, is prevalent in many GCC countries. Foreign workers under
the kafala system are often subject to abuses such as wage theft,
substandard housing, and dangerous working conditions. I have written
letters to Secretary Kerry and International Federation of Association
Football (FIFA) President Sepp Blatter highlighting my concerns. I was
particularly alarmed by the deaths of 44 Nepalese workers in Qatar last
year. The Qatari Government recently announced labor reforms that it
says will ``abolish'' the kafala system but did not give any timeline
for implementation.
How will you engage the Qatari Government to ensure that
these reforms are implemented, that protections for workers
under Qatari law are enforced and that workers building
infrastructure for the 2022 World Cup are not subjected to the
same conditions that led to the deaths of those 44 Nepalese?
Answer. We have consistently raised concerns about the restrictive
nature of Qatar's sponsorship system and encouraged more robust
enforcement of labor and antitrafficking laws with senior Qatari
officials. Advancing the protection of labor rights, particularly for
migrant workers, is a priority of our diplomatic engagement.
In the past year, Qatar has taken some positive steps to address
these issues, including cracking down on visa selling, doubling the
number of labor inspectors, and blacklisting 2,000 companies for
violations of the labor law. On May 14, the Government of Qatar (GoQ)
announced that the ministerial cabinet had endorsed reform of the
sponsorship system. The proposed reforms would eliminate no objection
certificates, which prevent employees from switching jobs without
approval, and amend the exit permit system such that the GoQ--rather
than employers--would have the authority to prevent workers from
departing the country. The reforms would also increase fivefold the
fines for passport withholding.
The announcement did not provide a timeframe for implementation of
the proposed changes, which must still undergo passage by the Shura
Council. If confirmed, I will urge the implementation of these reforms
and continue to encourage Qatari efforts to ensure the thorough
protection of workers' fundamental labor rights in Qatar.
______
Responses of Stuart E. Jones to Questions
Submitted by Senator Barbara Boxer
Question. Women's Rights in Iraq.--The Iraqi Cabinet has passed a
personal status law that would effectively legalize child marriage and
severely set back women's rights to divorce, inheritance, and child
custody if passed by Parliament.
If confirmed, how would you use your leverage as Ambassador
to discourage Iraq from passing such a harmful law?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to raise--with the Government
of Iraq and its Members of Parliament--our strong objections to this
draft law. The Embassy will also continue to support civil society
efforts to advocate for respect for the fundamental rights of all
people including women, children, minorities, and individuals of all
faiths.
We have previously expressed our concern regarding the draft law,
which has not been enacted, as has the United Nations Mission in Iraq,
and a wide range of Iraqi political, religious, and civil society
leaders. It threatens to undermine constitutionally protected rights
for women in Iraq and jeopardizes the rights and protection of
children, especially girls.
Women's rights activists and nongovernmental organizations have
also condemned the draft law as a significant step backward for women's
and girls' rights in Iraq.
Question. Women in the Iraqi Justice System.--Women in Iraq face
significant abuses throughout all stages of the criminal justice
process--including during arrest, interrogation, trial, and
imprisonment. These abuses have included illegal arrests, lack of
protection for female prisoners, and sexual assault. It is clear that
more must be done to protect Iraqi women from such abuses--particularly
as these violations undermine the rule of law in Iraq.
How do you plan to work with the Government of Iraq to
build support for rule of law and ensure that women are
afforded all the same protections as men?
Answer. I am aware of the reports of abuse of women in the criminal
justice process and in prisons. If confirmed I will continue to raise
our concerns about these problems with appropriate Iraqi Government
officials at all levels. I will also consult with civil society and
international organizations on these issues to ensure that we are kept
informed.
Despite serious obstacles for women and girls' political
participation in Iraq, we were heartened that Iraq's Independent High
Electoral Commission reported that 22 women were directly elected to
the new Parliament, a significant increase from the 2010 election when
only 5 women won seats by popular vote. We hope that this is a trend
that will continue. In total, 82 of Iraq's 328 members of Parliament
will be women based on a requirement that 25 percent of
parliamentarians are women.
The State Department has historically provided $10 million per year
to support efforts to eliminate gender-based violence, protect women's
rights, and empower women politically and economically in Iraq. To
address reported abuses by security forces, a number of past and
current programs focus on human rights training in prisons throughout
southern Iraq, implementing the U.N. Convention against Torture and
demanding accountability for human rights abuses throughout the
country. If confirmed, I will work in partnership with Congress to
ensure that this important level of support continues. I will also work
with the Government of Iraq to ensure that it understands the U.S.
commitment to the rule of law and the equal rights for all persons,
regardless of gender.
______
Responses of Robert Stephen Beecroft to Questions
Submitted by Senator Barbara Boxer
Question. U.S. Strategy to Respond to Gender-Based Violence.--The
United States has made gender equality and efforts to combat gender-
based violence a priority within its foreign policy.
In light of the ongoing issues in Egypt, how can the United
States work to utilize the tools and actions laid out in the
U.S. Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender-Based Violence
Globally to better respond to the situation in Egypt?
Answer. The United States, through our Embassy in Cairo, is working
to utilize the tools and implement the actions outlined by the U.S.
Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence Globally. This
includes supporting the Egyptian Government's legislative responses to
gender-based violence (GBV), training for special law enforcement units
to respond to sexual assault cases, and supporting capacity-building
programs for government and nongovernment stakeholders to prevent and
respond to gender-based violence.
For example, USAID in Egypt supports a U.N. Women-led program
working to expand legal services for survivors of gender-based
violence, launch a youth-led public awareness media campaign, and
improve small-scale infrastructure in pilot communities, such as
improved lighting in high-risk areas. Our USAID mission also plans to
increase engagement with local Egyptian organizations working on
matters related to gender-based violence to improve their
sustainability and effectiveness. The Embassy plans to continue
supporting programs aimed at deterring gender-based violence, including
those that strengthen law enforcement capacity to more effectively
prosecute GBV-related crimes. Through public awareness programs and
professional exchanges, the Embassy is continuing to increase community
participation in addressing the root causes of GBV. Continued close
coordination with partners, such as U.N. Women and the U.N. Office of
Drugs and Crime, will allow the U.S. Government to continue supporting
improved intergovernmental strategic planning, prevention, and training
to prevent and respond to GBV.
If confirmed, I will strongly support this work and encourage the
use of all possible tools and actions recommended by the Strategy to
Prevent and Respond to GBV. I will continue to raise issues of gender-
based violence in my engagement with the Egyptian Government,
encouraging it to undertake serious efforts to end all forms of
violence in Egypt--including intimate partner violence, sexual
violence, and harmful traditional practices such as female genital
mutilation--and work to end impunity for violence perpetrated against
women and girls.
______
Responses of Stuart E. Jones to Questions
Submitted by Senator Tom Udall
Question. ISIL's rapid expansion across Iraq is deeply troubling
both for regional stability and the security of thousands of Americans
working there. Maliki needs to reach out to marginalized groups in Iraq
if a unified defense of Iraq's territory is going to be successful.
How will you work with these different groups to ensure
unified efforts are made within Iraq against ISIL?
Answer. We are deeply engaged in direct dialogue and active
diplomatic strategy with the Prime Minister and all of Iraq's leaders
on taking a holistic approach to fighting ISIL by working together to
address social, political, and economic issues in addition to security
cooperation to drive ISIL out from Mosul and surrounding areas. Our
engagement includes working with all sides to urge that they take
critical next steps so that a timely, inclusive government formation
process in line with the Iraqi Constitution can continue. Without
significant, demonstrated efforts by the government on these issues,
ISIL will continue to exploit fissures within Iraqi society and leaders
for its own gain. We are also working with Iraq's neighbors to
encourage unified support for the government's counterterrorism
efforts. Iraq held national elections on time April 30; the U.N.
praised the elections as free and fair.
How will you engage the international community in this
aspect?
Answer. We are also working closely with the P3, Iraq's neighbors
including Turkey, and other key players at the highest levels to
support the Government of Iraq (GOI) as they fight ISIL. The U.N.
Security Council issued a statement today strongly condemning ISIL's
incursion into Iraq and threw its support behind the GOI to combat
terrorism. We are urging donors to support the U.N.'s humanitarian
efforts in response to the estimated 500,000 individuals who have fled
ISIL's recent advances in Ninewa and Salah ad-Din governorates, in
addition to the nearly 480,000 who have fled violence in Anbar
governorate since January.
How will you work to ensure that the U.S. Embassy and our
consulates are protected against the threat of ISIL's advance?
Answer. For a number of years, Mission Iraq has maintained a
heightened security posture comprised of extensive physical security
features, robust and well-armed Diplomatic Security officers, and the
ability to be self-responding in the event of an emergency such as an
attack. Our Embassy and consulates in Iraq, as with all U.S. Diplomatic
Missions, have a highly trained and well-equipped contingent of DS
agents under the Regional Security Officer (RSO). The Regional Security
Offices also include personnel working under the World Wide Protective
Services contract who staff protective security details and static
guard positions.
Embassy Baghdad has a Marine Security Guard Detachment that is
larger than that of most detachments assigned to U.S. missions. In
addition to this robust security platform some additional U.S.
Government security personnel were recently added to the staff in
Baghdad. I am happy to discuss exact numbers of security personnel with
you in a more appropriate setting. Like all other U.S. Diplomatic
Missions, the Embassy and our consulates also conduct regular planning
exercises for response to possible emergency situations, including
evacuation.
In addition to having plans in place, Mission Iraq is well postured
with its own assets to support evacuations or long-term sheltering in
both permissive and nonpermissive environments. We continue to monitor
the situation closely and are in continuous communication with our
personnel on the ground. We are corresponding regularly with the
Government of Iraq to ensure that our sites remain safe for our staff.
Question. Water issues remain a major issue inside Iraq. The Tigris
and Euphrates is drier than normal as a result of both drought and new
dams upriver.
How can the U.S. work to promote water conservation and
improved management of resources and will you work with other
U.S. agencies, as well as the national labs to help Iraq devise
strategies to improve the management of water resources?
Answer. Partnering with the GOI on water resource management is a
U.S. Government priority and there are a number of USG programs focused
on this issue. For example, Iraq's Ministry of Environment and the
Ministry of Science & Technology (MOST) has asked for NASA assistance
to study dust storms from space. MOST currently is developing a
Memorandum of Understanding with NASA on this issue and is working on
another with the U.S. Geological Survey to train Iraqi professionals on
flood inundation, desertification, and sandstorm analysis. In the past,
the State Department has provided $1.5 million to the U.N. Development
Programme for the establishment of a National Water Council and to
support capacity-building on transboundary water cooperation. The
intent of this project is to give the Iraqi Government the needed
diplomatic and technical tools to effectively negotiate international
transboundary water issues with neighboring countries. The State
Department's Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific
Affairs Bureau is currently exploring engagement with Iraq on
transboundary water issues through the U.N. Shared Waters and U.S.
Water Partnership programs for FY 2014. Additionally, USAID provided
$10 million between 2012 and 2014 for a harvest program that included
improving water usage for efficient irrigation.
We are open to leveraging the expertise of any U.S. department or
agency--including the national labs--that can assist Iraq in better
managing its water resources. As U.S. development and economic
assistance to Iraq decreases, we are exploring options in which the GOI
directly funds such programs in the future.
______
Responses of James D. Nealon to Questions
Submitted by Senator Tom Udall
Question. As Ambassador, how will you address the root causes
leading to the recent surge in minors migrating from Honduras to the
U.S.? While putting pressure on our system to house and address each
minor's individual case, the insecure conditions these children are
fleeing are only getting worse. As chief of mission how will you
prioritize and leverage each agency's involvement in Honduras as well
direct the resources of State and USAID to address these root causes
including fear of gang violence, and inability to access education and
livelihood opportunities. How will you engage the new Honduran
Government more deeply into your efforts?
Answer. I am committed to supporting the U.S. response to the
influx of unaccompanied children arriving at the Southwest border.
Violence, gang recruitment, and lack of economic opportunity are among
the root causes that drive people--adults and children--to emigrate
from Honduras, along with the perceived economic opportunities in the
United States. I share your concerns about the conditions in Honduras.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the Government of Honduras
to raise public awareness about the potential for child migrants to be
exploited and to support messaging that makes clear the dangers of the
journey. I will also encourage the Honduran Government to invest in
providing sufficient and capable consular representation along the U.S.
border and in Mexico to help respond to this humanitarian situation.
For the long-term, a sustainable solution requires a comprehensive
approach to address issues of security, economic opportunity, and
governance, all of which play a role in the migration of children and
their parents. The Department of State and USAID have a broad range of
programs intended to support host government efforts in these areas. If
confirmed, I will work with the Honduran Government to continue
addressing the complex root causes of migration and will work closely
with the U.S. Congress to ensure our requests for future assistance are
sufficient and targeted appropriately.
Question. I have long advocated for increased resources for the
Western Hemisphere region, however the administration has again de-
prioritized this region in relation to others in the President's
budget. As Chairman Menendez illustrated during the hearing, we are
seeing the repercussions of this through the thousands of migrants
arriving in the U.S. from Central America, escaping one of the most
violent countries in the world.
How will programs in Honduras be impacted by the decreased
request for the CARSI program in FY 2015? What changes will you
advocate for in the FY 2016 request?
Answer. I am firmly committed to advancing U.S. engagement with the
Western Hemisphere, including, if confirmed, as U.S. Ambassador to
Honduras. I understand the administration's FY 2015 request for the
region places a strong emphasis on citizen security, the rule of law,
and crime and violence prevention, which account for just under half of
the total request.
The FY 2015 request for the Central America Regional Security
Initiative (CARSI) reflects an assessment of existing resources and
current rates of expenditure in some areas, but the CARSI request level
reflects no decrease in priority. In addition to CARSI, the
administration's request includes $44.3 million for Development
Assistance for USAID programming in Honduras. This assistance
prioritizes addressing root causes of crime and insecurity, which lead
to migration, complementing CARSI assistance.
If confirmed, I would assess U.S. assistance to Honduras and
advocate for resources to advance U.S. objectives.
Question. What is the impact of human rights violations on the
public by local security force units, and does impunity and failure to
prosecute human rights violators increase the ability for local gangs
or organized crime in Honduras to recruit and operate because of a lack
of trust in law enforcement? How will you use the Leahy Law as a tool
to address the well-documented human rights abuses in the country
including against human rights defenders and public officials as noted
by the State Department's Human Rights Report?
Answer. The high level of impunity for crimes against all Hondurans
means there is little or no disincentive to committing a crime. When
human rights abuses are committed by government authorities, this
impunity can leave a perception in the public mind of institutional
weakness or government tolerance of illegal activities. Either way, the
result is greater difficulty deterring narcotrafficking, organized
crime, and gangs.
Honduras continues to face significant challenges establishing
strong democratic institutions, establishing a rule of law culture,
attacking impunity and corruption, and ensuring a safe and prosperous
future for Honduran citizens. The Honduran Government has made some
efforts to change its trajectory, but more needs to be done. If
confirmed, I commit to partnering with the U.S. Congress to assist
Honduras to address these challenges. I will support efforts to
increase accountability, promote the rule of law, and improve the
capability of the Honduran Government to protect the rights of its
people. I will be an advocate for U.S. programs to train Honduran
officials to protect against and effectively prosecute crime--exactly
the skills they need to address the impunity that exists, stop the high
levels of crime in their country, and build trust between law
enforcement officials and the communities they serve.
In accordance with U.S. law and policy, including the Leahy law,
the Department of State vets units and officers in Honduras who may
receive assistance. We do not provide assistance to security force
units when we have credible information that they have committed gross
violations of human rights.
______
Responses of James D. Nealon to Questions
Submitted by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. I am concerned about the rule of law in Honduras,
particularly corruption within the legal system. Pan-American Life
Insurance Company (Pan-American), an American company with offices in
Louisiana, Florida, Texas, Massachusetts, Kansas, and Minnesota, has
experienced significant injustices at the hands of the Honduran
Judiciary. Pan-American has attempted to resolve this matter through
various diplomatic channels, but the courts of Honduras continue to
enter judgments against Pan-American that are contrary to Honduran law,
basic insurance tenants and governing policy provisions.
1. Have you been briefed on Pan-American's situation in
Honduras?
2. I understand that at least two other U.S. Senators have
written to the Honduran authorities on the harassment of Pan-
American, but have yet to receive a response to their concerns.
What concerns does this raise about Honduran authorities?
3. What are your thoughts on using visa revocation as a
tool to curb corruption in Honduras?
4. What is your position on providing U.S. foreign
assistance to countries in which the judiciary's integrity may
be compromised at the highest levels?
5. If confirmed, would you agree to meet with Pan-American
representatives to discuss this matter in detail?
Answer. I am aware that the Department of State and Embassy
Tegucigalpa have been in touch with the offices of Senator Vitter and
Senator Landrieu regarding the Pan-American case and that Ambassador
Kubiske has spoken personally about the case to both members.
Ambassador Kubiske has also raised the case on several occasions with
the Honduran Government and judiciary to note our government's
interests in U.S. companies receiving fair treatment in Honduran
courts. If confirmed, I will meet with the Pan-American representatives
and press the Honduran Government to answer the Senator's letters. I
will also promote U.S. business interests in Honduras, including
advocating for fair treatment of U.S. businesses and citizens in
Honduras through promoting the use of applicable dispute settlement
provisions of our Bilateral Investment Treaty and the Dominican
Republic-Central America-United States Free Trade Agreement.
The United States recognizes institutional weaknesses in Honduras'
judicial system and supports efforts to increase accountability and
promote the rule of law. U.S. assistance provides training, mentoring,
and professionalization to Honduran officials and supports reforms to
strengthen police, judicial, and rule of law institutions. If
confirmed, I will continue to work in these areas and be an advocate
for judicial independence in Honduras.
Concerning visas restrictions, the Department faithfully enforces
the provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) by which
aliens are ineligible for visas based on criminal activity. Moreover,
we have ample additional authority under Presidential Proclamation 7750
(2004) and section 7031(c) of the FY 2014 State Appropriations Act to
impose restrictions based on significant corruption. The Department
takes seriously allegations of corruption and reviews such allegations
in order to determine whether credible evidence exists to justify
revoking a visa or imposing visa restrictions under U.S. law.
______
Response of Robert Stephen Beecroft to Question
Submitted by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. I want to raise with you an issue that I believe is
incredibly important: ensuring that the Egyptian Government respects
the rule of law regarding the abduction of American children. Having a
child abducted by a current or former spouse to a foreign country is
one of the most heartrending events a parent can face. Not only does it
deprive a child of the opportunity to have frequent contact with both
of their parents, it does violence to our entire system of justice.
People need to play by the rules--they can't be allowed to steal a
child just because they don't like the decision a court makes regarding
custody. And other countries need to respect the decisions of our
courts.
Now, this is a global problem, and I look forward to the Foreign
Relations Committee considering a bill this Congress to address
international child abduction. But this problem appears to be
especially acute in Egypt. Because Egypt is not a partner to the Hague
Abduction Convention, it's more difficult for the State Department to
reunite kids, many of whom are United States citizens, with their
American parents. In fact, last year, there were 22 active custody
disputes involving an American child in Egypt, and apparently half of
the cases have been pending for at least 12 years. That is appalling.
One of those 22 cases involves one of my constituents, Colin Bower.
Mr. Bower was married to an Egyptian citizen and had two wonderful
little boys with her, Ramsay and Noor, both of whom are American
citizens. In 2008, the marriage ended in divorce and an American court
granted sole custody to Mr. Bower. A little under a year later, Mr.
Bower's ex-wife unlawfully absconded to Egypt with the boys by making
use of illegal passports and then got an Egyptian court to grant her
custody.
Mr. Bower did everything he could to get his kids back. He got
state and federal warrants issued for her arrest. He got Interpol to
issue a red notice for her arrest. He even got an Egyptian court to
grant him visitation rights every 2 weeks. Yet, every effort he's made
to enforce even the Egyptian court order has been thwarted. He's
traveled to Egypt 12 times to see his kids. Eight times he went to the
appointed meeting place and waited for his boys. And 8 times they never
arrived. It's been 5 years since Mr. Bower's boys were kidnapped and
over two and a half since he has even seen them.
If confirmed, will you commit to making the international
parental child abduction case of Noor and Ramsay Bower a
priority? Also, what concrete steps can you take as Ambassador
to ensure that Egypt respects decisions of U.S. courts
regarding child abduction cases?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make the abduction case of Noor and
Ramsey Bower a priority. I will press members of the Egyptian
Government at all levels to gain their cooperation in resolving the
Bower case and all other child abduction cases involving Egypt , while
also encouraging Egypt to accede to the 1980 Hague Convention on the
Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction (Convention). The State
Department and I share your concern regarding international parental
child abduction (IPCA) and we share Congress' goals of preventing IPCA,
returning children expeditiously to their countries of habitual
residence, and strengthening and expanding membership in the Convention
worldwide.
My understanding is that the State Department is currently aware of
19 IPCA cases in Egypt, including the case of Noor and Ramsay Bower,
and senior State Department leaders have raised these cases with
Egyptian Government officials at every opportunity to ensure the
Egyptian Government understands the U.S. Government's concern for the
welfare of U.S. citizens overseas, especially children, who are some of
our most vulnerable citizens.
I also understand that the U.S. Embassy in Cairo has ongoing
engagement with relevant offices in the Egyptian Government, such as
the Good Intentions Subcommittee, to request their action on these
cases and have discussed the case of Noor and Ramsay Bower
specifically. The Office of Children's Issues in the Department of
State is also in frequent contact with, and always available to, the
left-behind parents and their representatives to discuss the status of
their case and options for continuing action.
______
Responses of Stuart E. Jones to Questions
Submitted by Senator John Barrasso
iranian overflights
Question. Please describe the actions the Government of Iraq is
taking to stop the flow of Iranian arms from going to the Syrian
regime.
Answer. We know that Iran is supplying arms to the Syrian regime
and violating the U.N. Security Council prohibition against selling or
transferring arms and related materials, including through flights over
Iraqi territory. Iraqi leaders have issued statements condemning the
flow of foreign fighters and weapons through, and from, Iraqi
territory. However, the Government of Iraq is not doing enough to
prevent Iran from using its territory to supply the Assad regime, and
we continue to urge all senior Iraqi officials to either deny
overflight requests or require flights to land in Iraq for credible
inspections consistent with Iraq's international obligations.
Question. How is the U.S. continuing to apply pressure on Iraq to
stop these overflights that are building and arming Iranian militias in
Syria?
Answer. The Government of Iraq is not doing enough to prevent Iran
from using its territory to supply the Assad regime and Iraqi Shia
militants, and we are urging all senior Iraqi officials to either deny
overflight requests or require flights to land in Iraq for credible
inspections consistent with Iraq's international obligations. Secretary
Kerry, and other senior U.S. officials, have consistently raised this
issue with Iraqi officials, emphasizing the connection between the flow
of weapons and the escalation of extremist violence in the region,
particularly in Syria. If confirmed, I will continue to make it an
issue of urgent concern and regular diplomatic engagement.
Question. How is the United States engaging with our gulf partners
to stop these over flights?
Answer. In our senior-level engagements with our gulf partners, we
are stressing that we are not satisfied with the Government of Iraq's
inaction to prevent the use by Iran of Iraq's airspace to resupply the
Assad regime, and that senior officials, including the Secretary,
continue to raise this with Iraqi officials, emphasizing the connection
between the flow of weapons and the escalation of extremist violence in
the region, particularly in Syria. We have urged that Iraq either deny
overflight requests for Iranian aircraft going to Syria, or require
such flights to land in Iraq for credible inspections, consistent with
its international legal obligations.
Question. What is the relationship between Iraq and Iran?
Answer. Despite decades of mutual mistrust stemming from the Iran-
Iraq war, Iran continues to try and forge closer ties with Iraq--in the
interests of neighborliness but mostly to expand and deepen its sphere
of influence. There have been high-level exchanges of visits between
the Government of Iraq, including the Kurdistan Regional Government,
and Iranian leaders. Iraq is one of Iran's top-five trading partners,
with bilateral trade between $6-$12 billion in 2013. Iran supplies
about 11 percent of Iraq's electricity. The two countries have also
signed an extradition treaty (this does not include the status of the
Mujahedin-e Khalq members still in Iraq), but are still negotiating
border issues going back to the 1975 Algiers Accord.
Question. What kind of influence does Iran have either politically
or economically in Iraq?
Answer. While Iran continues to be an influential neighbor, Iraq
does take actions that run counter to Iranian interests, such as
increasing oil production just as Iranian exports were being taken off
the market due to U.S. and EU sanctions. Had Iraq not done so,
worldwide oil prices would have spiked, ultimately reducing the impact
of sanctions on Iran and hurting U.S. consumers. On issues like Syria
and nuclear proliferation, Iraq has demonstrated that it acts in its
own interest. For example, Iraq has fully supported a negotiated
political solution to the crisis in Syria, and the U.S. position on
converting Syrian chemical weapons production facilities in Syria
(Iraq, in fact, has an expert on the Organization for the Prohibition
of Chemical Weapons staff). Iraq has ratified the Comprehensive Nuclear
Test Ban Treaty and the Additional Protocol, which requires inspections
of nuclear facilities, and hosted the P5+1 talks in May 2012. Iraq has
also publicly called to prevent flows of foreign fighters and weapons
through Iraq.
Question. If the U.S. cannot stop these flights diplomatically,
does Congress need to withhold foreign military sales to Iraq if these
flights continue?
Answer. No; withholding foreign military sales risks reducing U.S.
influence as Iraq engages in an important fight against ISIL. We are
seeking to increase our influence with Iraq's leaders and this is a
critical component. U.S. security assistance enables Iraq to better
combat ISIL, which is an increasingly direct threat to the United
States and our allies; U.S. assistance serves broader U.S. goals, too;
limiting or conditioning it would limit our progress toward those
goals. Even without the growing terrorism threat, U.S. security
assistance provides an important vehicle for cementing the United
States enduring partnership with Iraq. Security cooperation on critical
systems, such as air defense, will provide a basis for a long-term
relationship.
security situation
Question. When did the United States, either through intelligence,
diplomatic channels, or military analysis, become aware of the
deteriorating security issue in Iraq?
Answer. We have maintained a close watch on Iraq's security
situation since the standup of the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad in 2004. The
threat of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and its
effect on Iraq's overall security situation was neither a surprise nor
a sudden event. We have watched and warned of ISIL's growing strength
and its threat to Iraq and U.S. interests in the region--and now to
Europe and the U.S. homeland--since the group's resurgence in 2012 as a
result of the escalating conflict in Syria.
Since the start of the Syrian conflict, we watched with growing
concern as ISIL--formerly Al Qaeda in Iraq (AQI)--took advantage of the
escalating conflict to establish a safe-haven in Syria's eastern
deserts. With ample resources, recruits, weapons, and training, ISIL
slowly began to execute its strategy across the Syrian border into
Iraq. Violence in Iraq began to increase toward the end of 2012, but
did not accelerate until early 2013, including a marked rise in ISIL
suicide bombings. These attacks increased throughout 2013, jeopardizing
the political discourse in the country, further fueling mistrust from
political leaders to ordinary citizens, and making the tangible reforms
that Iraq needs to reconcile its society even harder to reach. Taking
advantage of the instability it was causing, ISIL then seized parts of
Anbar province including the cities of Ramadi and Fallujah in early
January 2014, initiating what has been a constant counterterrorism
counteroffensive by the Government of Iraq. Although ISIL has long
operated in Mosul and northern Iraq, its recent, sudden, large-scale
offensive there further escalated the fight, dramatically demonstrating
the existential threat that we have been assisting the Government of
Iraq to combat.
Question. What action, if any, did the administration take when it
first learned of the deteriorating security situation?
Answer. As the ISIL threat increased, we took several steps over
the last year to increase counterterrorism assistance to Iraq and to
build a foundation for future, expanded cooperation. Military efforts
alone will not defeat ISIL. We have encouraged a holistic
counterterrorism approach with the Government of Iraq, fusing political
and security efforts. We have urged the recruiting of tribal leaders
and greater Sunni incorporation into the military ranks to reduce
sectarian tensions.
To increase Iraq's military capabilities, we expanded training in
Iraq and Jordan, provided military advice, enhanced information-sharing
relationships, and sought opportunities to increase border security.
Additionally, we have expedited shipments of weapons, equipment,
and ammunition to Iraq's military. Thanks to congressional support,
recent shipments included the delivery of 300 Hellfire missiles,
thousands of helicopter-fired rockets, thousands of rounds of tank
ammunition, thousands of machine guns, grenades, flares, sniper rifles,
M16 and M4 rifles to the Iraqi Security Forces. We also delivered
additional Bell IA-407 helicopters late last year and 10 Scan Eagle
surveillance platforms are on schedule for delivery this summer. The
Iraqis have told us that our equipment and advice is making a critical
difference. In particular, the Hellfire missiles are the most effective
airborne weapon the Iraqis have, and they have been using them to great
effect.
Question. When the President ordered the last withdrawal of troops
from Iraq, did that improve or diminish our ability to predict changes
in the security situation in Iraq?
Answer. The withdrawal of U.S. forces was consistent with the 2008
U.S.-Iraq Security Agreement. It honored our commitment to Iraqi
sovereignty and began a new chapter in our partnership. The follow-on
U.S military forces discussed in 2011 was primarily a small training
contingent that would not have had a significant impact on our ability
to predict changes in Iraq's security situation.
Question. Do you anticipate that a similar deterioration of
security will occur in Afghanistan once the United States withdrawals
from Afghanistan in 2016?
Answer. We believe that at the end of 2016, the Afghan National
Security Forces (ANSF) will be capable of maintaining security in
Afghanistan with the continued international financial assistance
pledged at the NATO summit in Chicago. The ANSF took the lead for
security around the country in June 2013, have lost no significant
ground to the insurgents since that time, and have won the trust of
Afghan citizens in their ability to protect them, which was manifest in
the high turnouts for both rounds of the elections despite determined
Taliban efforts to disrupt the electoral process and intimidate voters.
While the situation in Iraq is cautionary, it differs from that in
Afghanistan in some important ways. In Afghanistan, the people
overwhelmingly want us to stay, to the extent that every single
contender in the Presidential election said he would sign the Bilateral
Security Agreement (BSA).
In addition, the international community has made a range of
significant commitments to Afghanistan that extend well into the future
that will continue to shore up the military and civilian sides of the
Afghan Government as well as support Afghan civil society.
countering isil
Question. Since the United States withdrew our troops in 2011, a
security vacuum has emerged in Iraq. From the al-Qaeda fighters seizing
Fallujah and Ramadi in January to the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria's
(ISIS) gain of the second-largest city of Mosul to the declaration of a
state of national emergency, Iraq is facing significant security
challenges.
How committed is Prime Minister Maliki to ending the strong
al-Qaeda and ISIS backed insurgency that is taken place in the
western part of Iraq?
Answer. Prime Minister Maliki has stated that he is dedicated to
combating and driving back the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant
(ISIL). However, it has long been the case that all Iraqi leaders,
including Prime Minister Maliki, need to do more to address unresolved
issues to better meet the needs of the Iraqi people. Unfortunately,
Iraq's leaders have too often been unable to overcome the mistrust and
sectarian differences that have long been simmering, creating
vulnerabilities within the Iraqi Government as well as its security
forces.
ISIL, the primary threat to Iraq's stability, has an ideology that
has little to do with Iraqi domestic politics and no appeal to the
overwhelming majority of the Iraqi people. ISIL's aim is to take
territory and terrorize the Iraqi people, regardless of sect, as it
seeks to establish an Islamic caliphate from Lebanon to Baghdad.
We support Iraqi efforts to implement a coordinated approach to
effectively address the security and political situations. Nobody has
an interest in seeing terrorists gain a foothold inside of Iraq, and
nobody is going to benefit from seeing Iraq descend into chaos. Our
focus is on the Iraqi people, and we urge all Iraqi leaders across the
political spectrum to unite, put differences aside, and stand together
against the threats they face.
Question. What steps is the administration willing to take to
address the reemergence of al-Qaeda and ISIS in Iraq?
Answer. The United States has been engaging in intensive and active
diplomacy inside Iraq, across the region, and with the international
community since this crisis erupted. We are coordinating with our
international partners and countries in the region on next steps and
how we can effectively help Iraq push back against ISIL's aggression.
While it is evident that Iraq needs assistance to break ISIL's
momentum, there is no military solution that will solve Iraq's
problems. Any action we take would have to be done in conjunction with
a serious and sincere effort by Iraqi leaders to govern in a
nonsectarian manner; promote stability and unity among Iraq's diverse
population; build and invest in the capacity of Iraq's Security Forces;
and address the legitimate grievances of Iraq's Sunni, Kurd, and Shia
communities. No short-term assistance we might provide--to include
military action--will succeed absent a serious Iraqi political effort.
captured weapons
Question. Media reports indicate that terrorist fighters were able
to gain arms supplied by the United States during the capture of Iraq's
second-largest city yesterday.
Who has these weapons?
Answer. We are concerned by the reports of captured U.S. military
equipment captured from the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF). We are working
to confirm what material may have fallen into the Islamic State of Iraq
and the Levant's (ISIL) hands. We are also following up on reports that
Kurdish Peshmerga forces may have secured some of the equipment left
behind by the Iraqi Army.
At this time, we do not have information indicating that the loss
of any equipment would constitute a violation of our agreements with
Iraq regarding security and end-use of U.S.-provided equipment.
However, we are aggressively following up on the issue. Halting the
transfer of defense articles to the ISF because of these setbacks,
though, would only decrease ISF capability and willingness to fight an
enemy that endangers the stability of the region as well as our own
national security.
We take end-use monitoring of all U.S.-provided equipment very
seriously. Our Office of Security Cooperation (OSC) works closely with
senior Iraqi Ministry of Defense leadership to stress the importance of
responsible use and stringent management of all weapons systems.
Question. What weapons have the terrorist fighters obtained?
Answer. The situation on the ground in Iraq is fluid, and we do not
have confirmation of what may have fallen into ISIL's hands. Initial
reports indicate that ISIL captured U.S. manufactured small arms,
associated ammunition, and HMMWVs. We have not seen credible reports
that ISIL captured any U.S. manufactured heavy combat equipment like
M1A1 tanks or helicopters, although there are reports that ISIL
captured some of Iraq's older, Russian-made tanks.
Question. How capable are the terrorist fighters and the ISIS of
effectively using those weapons and equipment?
Answer. We assess that ISIL fighters are highly effective at
employing small arms, crew-served weapons, and light tactical vehicles.
They are likely less effective at using more complex weapons systems
that require advanced operator and crew training as well as significant
maintenance. ISIL would likely not be able to effectively employ
advanced U.S. weapons systems like M1A1 tanks or helicopters. U.S.
equipment, although the best in the world, requires advanced training,
frequent maintenance, and a steady supply of spare parts--none of which
ISIL possesses.
Question. Do you believe that these weapons will make their way to
Syria and support the Assad regime?
Answer. Although ISIL may take some of the reportedly captured
weapons to Syria, it is highly unlikely that any of the captured
equipment will be used to support the Assad regime. ISIL is a violent
Sunni extremist terrorist group with the stated goal of overthrowing
the Assad regime and installing an Islamic caliphate from Lebanon to
Baghdad. ISIL would employ any captured weapons against the Assad
regime in Syria and against the Iraqi Security Forces and the Iraqi
people in Iraq.
gtmo detainees
Question. As you know, Jordanian officials recently rearrested a
former Guantanamo detainee named Osama Abu Kabir for conducting
terrorist activity. Kabir was initially picked up in Afghanistan in
November 2001 and subsequently transferred to Guantanamo Bay. The
United States at the recommendation of the Joint Task Force-GTMO
released Kabir to Jordan in 2007 even though he was considered a ``high
risk.''
Given your firsthand experience as an ambassador to a
country that has accepted high-risk Guantanamo Bay detainees,
what are some of the lessons learned that should be applied to
any future transfers?
Answer. The USG has implemented a series of ``lessons learned''
from the early transfers from Guantanamo. All detainees currently
designated for transfer have been extensively reviewed through an
interagency process--comprised of military, national security,
intelligence, law enforcement, counterterrorism, and foreign policy
experts--and have been unanimously approved for transfer by the six
agencies responsible for that review. This rigorous, updated review
given to each detainee has resulted in a significantly lower recidivism
rate than that prior to the 2009-10 interagency review process. We also
obtain appropriate security assurances from the receiving nations.
______
Responses of Robert Stephen Beecroft to Questions
Submitted by Senator John Barrasso
egyptian-russian relations
Question. How would you characterize the bilateral relationship
between Egypt and Russia?
Answer. The two countries maintain decades-old economic and
military ties, with Russia a major source of tourists for Egypt and
also a supplier of military equipment, primarily for air defense.
Question. What is the reason for the recently increasing
cooperation on energy, trade, and arms sales between Egypt and Russia?
Answer. While there has been press speculation on increased
activity between Egypt and Russia in areas such as arms sales, we have
seen no confirmation of these claims. Even if the speculation is
accurate, Egypt already has a long-standing relationship with Russia,
and such cooperation would not represent a substantial change in that
relationship.
If confirmed, I will continue to emphasize to Egyptian officials
the benefits of the U.S.-Egypt relationship to advancing our shared
interests.
Question. Do Egypt's expanding military and economic ties with
Russia signal a larger shift in Egyptian foreign policy?
Answer. While there has been press speculation on increased
activity between Egypt and Russia, we have seen no confirmation of
these claims. Egypt has a long-standing relationship with Russia on a
variety of mutual interests, including economic and military ones, and
such cooperation would not represent a substantial change in that
relationship, nor would it be an area of concern for us. Egyptian
officials have repeatedly told us that they value the U.S.-Egypt
relationship, and a relationship with the United States provides unique
benefits and capabilities not available through other partners.
If confirmed, I will continue to press Egyptian officials on the
benefits of the U.S.-Egypt relationship to advancing our shared
interests, and I will make myself available to Congress to provide
updates on the state of our relations with Egypt.
assistance
Question. Is U.S. foreign assistance to Egypt still in the U.S.
national interest? Why or why not?
Answer. All U.S. assistance to Egypt, both military and economic
assistance, supports the key U.S. interests of stability in Egypt and
along the Egyptian-Israeli border; countering transnational threats,
such as terrorism and weapons trafficking; ensuring safe Suez transit;
promoting inclusive democratic institutions and protection of universal
human rights; and supporting broad-based economic stability and growth.
Continuing assistance to support these objectives--while also regularly
reviewing how our assistance can better support our goals--remains in
the U.S. interest.
If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with Congress on ways
our assistance can best be used to promote U.S. interests in Egypt.
Question. Do you support reinstating all of the U.S. foreign
assistance to Egypt? Which U.S. financial assistance is the most
critical to the Government of Egypt?
Answer. I support assistance to Egypt which is determined to best
serve U.S. interests. As part of those interests, the United States has
a pressing need to address Egypt's most critical sources of
instability: its economy, particularly the need for private sector-led
growth and youth employment, and its lack of sustainable democratic
institutions. Our programs support basic and higher education; job
creation; private sector development; democracy and civil society
promotion; and improving health outcomes. Our FMF supports Egypt in its
counterterrorism and border security efforts, including in the Sinai,
adding to our ongoing counterterrorism and nonproliferation efforts
supported through other assistance accounts. Our ongoing assistance
review will also inform future assistance plans.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress on advancing
U.S. interests in Egypt, including through our assistance programs.
Question. What conditions need to be attached to U.S. foreign
assistance to the Government of Egypt?
Answer. While the Department of State does not support conditioning
U.S. foreign assistance, the administration made clear the importance
of credible progress toward an inclusive, democratically elected,
civilian government to reviews of assistance to Egypt and release of
held defense items. We are continuing to urge the Egyptian Government
to make progress along those lines, including by urging President el-
Sisi to establish transparent, accountable, and responsive democratic
institutions, based on rule of law and respect for the universal rights
of all Egyptians, which will allow the participation of all voices and
overcome the current political and social polarization in Egypt.
If confirmed, I look forward to providing updates on the situation
in Egypt and will consult with Congress closely as part of the ongoing
assistance review.
egyptian economy
Question. Is the Government of Egypt at risk of default?
Answer. The Government of Egypt has not provided indications that
it is considering default, and they have not defaulted in recent years
when faced with similar fiscal pressures. It is true that Egypt
continues to face economic challenges, including high expenditures,
particularly subsidy costs, which are causing fiscal deficits to rise.
External imbalances are also putting pressure on foreign currency
reserves, and low economic growth has been exacerbated by disruptions
in manufacturing and tourism. Egypt also continues to finance the
deficit with domestic T-bills and Central Bank financing, which creates
higher interest obligations for the government and poses an increased
risk of inflation. Recent disbursements from the gulf have helped to
temporarily relieve fiscal and exchange rate pressures.
If confirmed, I will continue the State Department's work of
emphasizing to the Government of Egypt that sustainable and credible
reforms will set the stage for long-term stability and growth. I will
work with our gulf partners and international financial institutions to
emphasize a common call for reforms so that Egypt can move quickly to
reduce its fiscal deficit and address external imbalances.
Question. What issues must be addressed by the Government of Egypt
in order to stabilize their internal security and improve their
economic growth?
Answer. The U.S. Government is urging Egypt to undertake credible
and sustainable economic reforms to spur private sector-led growth,
attract investment, and create jobs, especially for Egypt's youth. We
are also urging the Egyptian Government to address its lack of
inclusive and sustainable democratic institutions and to guarantee
fundamental human rights as a means of combating radicalization and
improving internal security.
If confirmed, I will emphasize to Egyptian officials that issues of
democracy, human rights, economic growth and development, security, and
stability are all inextricably linked.
reforms and vision
Question. What is President Sisi's vision for the future and top
priorities?
Answer. In his inauguration speech and initial statements,
President el-Sisi made clear that his top priorities are strengthening
the state, restoring security, combating corruption, promoting economic
growth, and respecting human rights. He also noted that he planned to
protect the rights of, and govern for, all Egyptians. As President el-
Sisi will surely be presented with multiple competing interests, he
must seek to build institutions that will ensure all Egyptians can
participate in the political process and provide clarity on Egypt's
national priorities.
If confirmed, I will work with President el-Sisi and his government
to identify and refine our shared interests, and I will seek practical
and effective ways that we can work together to achieve our common
objectives. This includes working with the Egyptian Government to help
demonstrate the benefits of pursuing political and economic reform.
Question. How would you characterize the current state of religious
freedom, freedom of speech, right to assembly, and the rule of law in
Egypt?
Answer. The Department of State and broader administration have
repeatedly noted concerns about the current restrictive environment in
Egypt, including on freedoms of expression, assembly, and religion and
on issues of due process. Egypt's new constitution, passed in January
2014, does guarantee basic freedoms, such as freedom of religion and
the rights of women, but leaves much room for legislative and judicial
interpretation that could curtail those freedoms. Both the State
Department and the White House have consistently expressed concerns
about the restrictive political environment in Egypt, including on
limits to freedoms of peaceful assembly, association, and expression.
In addition, the United States has made clear that it is the Egyptian
Government's responsibility to ensure every citizen is afforded due
process.
I believe ensuring these rights is an essential element of any
successful democracy and necessary for Egypt's stability and
prosperity. Should I be confirmed as Ambassador, I will urge Egypt's
leaders to ensure these freedoms for all Egyptians and press for the
government to make good on its promise to govern inclusively, protect
freedoms of the press, and allow open debate and free flow of
information.
Question. What is your assessment of the current Egyptian judicial
system?
Answer. The State Department has noted that Egypt's judicial system
functions extremely slowly and is subject, in some cases, to political
influence. Additionally, Egypt's new constitution permits military
trials for civilians, which the United States has consistently opposed.
We are also deeply concerned by the use of mass trials that deny
individualized justice and due process and the preliminary death
sentences against hundreds of people without due process. An
independent and impartial judiciary is essential to any democracy and
to the protection of individuals' rights and freedoms. It assures
decisions based on law, rather than politics, and on democratic
principles rather than current events.
If confirmed, I would continue U.S. engagement with the Egyptian
Government and society on the crucial role that judicial systems play
in a democracy and on the government's responsibility to afford every
citizen due process.
Question. What actions would you take to address the continued use
of mass trials and sentencing in Egypt?
Answer. The White House and Secretary have both made clear that the
denial of individualized justice and due process through mass trials
and sentencing in Egypt is unconscionable, defying even the most basic
standards of international justice. Mass trials and sentencing,
including decisions by an Egyptian court to issue preliminary death
sentences to hundreds of people, cannot be reconciled with Egypt's
obligations under international human rights law.
If confirmed, I will make clear our position to the Egyptian
Government that they have the responsibility to ensure every citizen is
afforded due process. While we respect that the Egyptian judiciary is a
separate institution from the executive branch, I will urge Egypt's
leaders to take a stand against proceedings that deny defendants
individualized justice or violate due process and basic standards of
international justice.
iranian overflights
Question. As Ambassador to Iraq, what specific actions did you take
to apply pressure on Iraq to stop Iranian overflights that are building
and arming Iranian militias in Syria? What actions were the most
effective? What actions were the least effective?
Answer. Despite repeatedly declaring that it will not allow any
party to transport arms and related materials through its airspace to
Syria, the Government of Iraq has failed to take adequate steps to
prevent Iran from overflying its territory to supply the Assad regime.
Along with Secretary Kerry and other U.S. Government officials, I
consistently urged the Prime Minister and senior Iraqi officials to
either deny overflight requests or require flights to land in Iraq for
credible inspections consistent with Iraq's international obligations.
Secretary's Kerry's visit to Iraq in March 2013 as well as Prime
Minster Maliki's meeting with the President in Washington, DC, later
that year resulted in a temporary increase in Iraq's inspections of
flights bound for Syria.
In a few specific cases, we were able to provide detailed
information in advance regarding flights carrying objectionable
cargoes, and the Iraqi Government was generally more cooperative in
denying overflight. We continue to engage every level of the Iraqi
Government on this very important issue and to press them to fulfill
their international obligations to deny overflight clearance or require
aircraft to land for inspections.
Question. Why has the Government of Iraq failed to stop the flow of
Iranian arms from going to the Syrian regime?
Answer. Despite statements from Iraqi leaders condemning the flow
of foreign fighters and weapons through and from Iraqi territory, we
know that Iran continues to supply arms to the Syrian regime in
violation of the U.N. Security Council prohibition against selling or
transferring arms and related materials through flights over Iraqi
territory.
Iraqi leaders have cited Iraq's lack of an air interdiction
capability, stating they have neither fighter aircraft nor ground-based
interceptors that could defend Iraq's airspace and force any transiting
aircraft to land for inspections. Additionally, senior Iraqi officials
have argued that the collapse of the Assad regime would create an even
greater security vacuum and strengthen ISIL, which would further
increase the ongoing terrorist threat to Iraq.
Question. As Ambassador to Iraq, how did you engage with our gulf
partners to stop these overflights?
Answer. I frequently met with foreign ambassadors resident in
Baghdad, including those ambassadors resident from Gulf States, and
urged them to engage the Iraqi Government and press it to prevent the
use of Iraq's airspace to resupply the Assad regime.
Question. What is the relationship between Iraq and Iran?
Answer. Despite decades of mutual mistrust stemming from the Iran-
Iraq war, Iran continues to try and forge closer political and economic
ties with Iraq in part to expand and deepen its sphere of influence.
There have been high-level visits between Iranian leaders and the
Government of Iraq, including the Kurdistan Regional Government. Iraq
is one of Iran's top-five trading partners, with bilateral trade of
approximately $6 billion in 2013. Iran also supplies about 11 percent
of Iraq's electricity. The two countries have also signed an
extradition treaty (this does not include the Mujahedin-e Khalq members
still in Iraq), and recently resumed negotiating border issues going
back to the 1975 Algiers Accord.
Question. What kind of influence does Iran have either politically
or economically in Iraq?
Answer. As noted in the answer to the previous question, Iran and
Iraq have economic and political relations. They also have significant
disagreements over border, water, investment, visa, and other issues.
For example, while Iran is an influential neighbor, Iraq does take
actions that run counter to Iranian interests, such as increasing oil
production just as Iranian exports were being taken off the market due
to U.S. and EU sanctions. Had Iraq not done so, worldwide oil prices
would have spiked, hurting U.S. consumers and likely leading to a
reduction in the impact of sanctions on Iran. In another example, Iraq
has fully supported the U.S. position on converting Syrian chemical
weapons production facilities in Syria. (Iraq, in fact, has an expert
on the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons staff.)
Iraq has also ratified the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty and
the Additional Protocol, which requires inspections of nuclear
facilities.
security situation
Question. What was the security situation on the ground in Iraq
when President Obama withdrew the last American troops from Iraq?
Answer. Although dramatically improved since the 2007 troop surge,
Iraq remained a violent country when U.S. military forces departed in
December 2011. Approximately 4,400 Iraqis were killed each year in 2011
and 2012, most in attacks by violent extremist groups led by the
Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant's (ISIL) predecessor, Al Qaeda in
Iraq (AQI). While this violence was persistent and targeted, it did not
threaten the stability of the state or threaten to rekindle civil war.
However, 2011 and 2012 also witnessed the escalating civil conflict
in Syria, inflamed by regional rivalry and opportunism by terrorist
groups. AQI--rebranding to call itself ISIL--reemerged in Syria as one
of the most organized and lethal terrorist groups exploiting the
conflict and loss of state authority there. Primarily focused in Syria
in 2012, ISIL was able to reconstitute itself from the losses it had
suffered against U.S. military and Iraqi Security Forces, setting the
stage for the group to shift its resources and focus back to Iraq in
2013. Flush with resources, recruits, weapons, and training, ISIL
slowly began to execute increasingly sophisticated and frequent attacks
inside Iraq from its safe-havens in Syria. Violence in Iraq ticked up
toward the end of 2012, but did not accelerate until early 2013,
including a marked rise in suicide bombings.
Question. At what point did you first determine that there was a
significant problem of security deterioration in Iraq?
Answer. Although the U.S. interagency had been watching ISIL with
growing concern since the start of the civil war in Syria, in early
2013 we began to see ISIL shift more of its resources and focus from
Syria to Iraq. In 2012, Iraq witnessed an average of 5-10 ISIL suicide
attacks per month. By the summer of 2013, Iraq was averaging 30-40
suicide attacks per month, which were increasingly coordinated and
effective attacks. On March 14, 2013, for example, five ISIL suicide
bombers attacked and took hostages in the Ministry of Justice in
Baghdad, controlling the building for several hours before detonating
themselves. This was the first in a series of sophisticated military-
style operations throughout 2013, with suicide bombers used to clear a
path, followed by well-trained fighters to take and hold an objective.
These attacks increased throughout 2013, devastating the political
discourse in the country, further fueling mistrust from political
leaders to ordinary citizens, and making the tangible reforms that Iraq
needed to reconcile its society even harder to reach. Taking advantage
of the instability it was causing, ISIL then seized parts of Anbar
province including the cities of Ramadi and Fallujah in early January
2014, intensifying what has been a constant counterterrorism offensive
by the Government of Iraq. Although ISIL has long operated in Mosul and
northern Iraq, its recent, sudden, large-scale offensive there further
escalated the fight, dramatically demonstrating the existential threat
that we have been assisting the Government of Iraq to combat.
Question. What action, if any, did you take when you determined
that the security situation in Iraq had deteriorated?
Answer. As the ISIL threat increased, we took several steps to
increase counterterrorism assistance with Iraq and to build a
foundation for future, expanded security cooperation. Military efforts
alone cannot defeat ISIL. We have encouraged a holistic
counterterrorism approach with the Government of Iraq, fusing political
and security efforts. We have urged the recruitment of tribal leaders
and greater Sunni incorporation into the military ranks to reduce
sectarian tensions. In early 2014, Prime Minister Maliki pledged that
Sunni tribal fighters injured or killed in the conflict with ISIL would
receive the same benefits as members of the Iraqi Security Forces.
To increase Iraq's military capabilities, we expanded training in
Iraq and Jordan, provided military advice, enhanced information-sharing
relationships, and sought opportunities to increase border security.
Additionally, with the support of Congress, we have expedited
shipments of weapons, equipment, and ammunition to Iraq's military.
Recent shipments included the delivery of 300 Hellfire missiles,
thousands of helicopter-fired rockets, thousands of rounds of tank
ammunition, thousands of machine guns, grenades, flares, sniper rifles,
and M16 and M4 rifles to the Iraqi Security Forces. We also delivered
additional Bell IA-407 helicopters late last year and 10 Scan Eagle
surveillance platforms are on schedule for delivery this summer. The
Iraqis have told us that our equipment and advice is making a critical
difference. In particular, the Hellfire missiles are the most effective
airborne weapon the Iraqis have, and they have been using them to great
effect.
Question. When the President ordered the last withdrawal of troops
from Iraq, did that improve or diminish our ability to predict changes
in the security situation in Iraq?
Answer. The withdrawal of U.S. forces was consistent with the 2008
U.S.-Iraq Security Agreement. It honored our commitment to Iraqi
sovereignty and began a new chapter in our partnership. The follow-on
U.S military force discussed in 2011 was a primarily a small training
contingent that would not have had a significant impact on our ability
to predict changes in Iraq's security situation.
Question. Based on your previous experience as Ambassador to Iraq,
what are your recommendations to prevent a similar deterioration of
security in Afghanistan once the United States withdraws its troops
from Afghanistan in 2016?
Answer. We believe that at the end of 2016, the Afghan National
Security Forces (ANSF) will be capable of maintaining security in
Afghanistan with the continued international financial assistance
pledged at the NATO summit in Chicago. The ANSF took the lead for
security around the country in June 2013, have lost no significant
ground to the insurgents since that time, and have won the trust of
Afghan citizens in their ability to protect them, which was manifest in
the high turnouts for both rounds of the elections despite determined
Taliban efforts to disrupt the electoral process and intimidate voters.
While the situation in Iraq is cautionary, it differs from that in
Afghanistan in some important ways. The withdrawal of our forces from
Iraq in 2011 was consistent with the U.S.-Iraq Security Agreement
signed in late 2008, honoring our commitment to Iraqi sovereignty. We
could not reach agreement on key issues that would allow our troops to
stay in Iraq, the people did not want U.S. forces to remain, and it was
the mutual decision of both countries to start a new chapter in our
partnership under the Strategic Framework Agreement. By contrast, in
Afghanistan, the people overwhelmingly want us to stay, to the extent
that every single contender in the Presidential election said he would
sign the Bilateral Security Agreement (BSA).
In addition, the international community has made a range of
significant commitments to Afghanistan that extend well into the future
that will continue to shore up the military and civilian sides of the
Afghan Government as well as support Afghan civil society.
______
Responses of Dana Shell Smith to Questions
Submitted by Senator John Barrasso
Question. GTMO Recidivism.--In March 2014, the Director of National
Intelligence released the most recent recidivism rate on Guantanamo
detainees who have been released. Out of the total of 614 transferred
detainees, 104 are confirmed to have reengaged in hostilities and 74
are strongly suspected of returning to the fight. We are now at a 29-
percent recidivism rate for released GTMO detainees.
With a 29-percent recidivism rate, do you believe releasing
five high-level Taliban operational commanders is in the
interest of U.S. national security and the security of our
allies?
Answer. The administration's policy is clear: we will not transfer
any detainee from Guantanamo unless the threat the detainee may pose to
the United States or U.S. persons or interests will be sufficiently
mitigated. The Secretary of Defense, in coordination with the
President's national security team, determined that the transfer was in
the national security interest of the United States and that the threat
posed by the detainees to the United States or U.S. persons or
interests would be substantially mitigated. Although we cannot publicly
detail all of the assurances we received from the Government of Qatar,
they were sufficient to meet these requirements. The national security
team was unanimous in endorsing this transfer.
The previous administration transferred over 500 detainees from
Guantanamo. This administration has now transferred 89 detainees. There
are 149 detainees remaining at Guantanamo, including 78 eligible for
transfer. The DNI has concluded that 18.6 percent of detainees
transferred by the prior administration have been confirmed, under the
IC's definition, to have engaged in terrorist or insurgent activities
and an additional 13.5 percent are suspected of having done so. The DNI
has found that only 6.1 percent of detainees transferred under this
administration have been confirmed to have engaged in terrorist or
insurgent activities, with another 2.4 percent suspected of having done
so. The dramatic reduction in reengagement rate--over 90 percent of
detainees transferred in this administration are not confirmed or even
suspected of having reengaged--is a reflection of the President's
strong and continuing commitment to transferring detainees from
Guantanamo Bay responsibly and consistent with our national security
interests.
The President's position is clear: The Guantanamo facility weakens
our national security by wasting our resources, damaging our
relationships with key allies and partners, and emboldening violent
extremists--and that this administration will continue to pursue
appropriate dispositions for the detainees remaining, based on the
facts and circumstances of each case and consistent with our national
security interests. This includes transferring detainees abroad when
the threat the detainee may pose can be sufficiently mitigated and when
consistent with our humane treatment policy.
Question. In your preparation for the position of U.S. Ambassador
to Qatar, have you been briefed on any of the security measures that
will be put in place by the Qatari Government to prevent the five
recently released Taliban detainees from returning to the battlefield?
Answer. Following completion of the transfers and prior to my
confirmation hearing, I was able to view the classified U.S.-Qatar
Memorandum of Understanding governing the transfers. This MOU has also
been made available to Members.
Question. United Nations War Crimes.--Two of the five Taliban
detainees are wanted by the United Nations in connection with possible
war crimes that include the murder of thousands of Shiite Muslims in
Afghanistan under the rule of the Taliban.
Has the United States ever knowingly released a detainee
that is wanted by the United Nations for possible war crimes?
Do you believe it is appropriate for the United States to
release individuals that are wanted by the United Nations for
committing war crimes?
Answer. As I have been briefed, the United Nations has neither
established, nor authorized, any tribunal that would have jurisdiction
over war crimes committed in Afghanistan. Accordingly, the United
Nations has not undertaken criminal investigations, nor has it sought
or obtained arrest warrants for individuals accused of war crimes in
Afghanistan and thus we know of no individuals who are wanted by the
United Nations for war crimes committed in Afghanistan.
Question. Qatar Terrorism Financing.--According to the State
Department 2013 Country Reports on Terrorism, ``Qatar's monitoring of
private individuals' and charitable associations' contributions to
foreign entities remained inconsistent. Qatari-based terrorist
fundraisers, whether acting as individuals or as representatives of
other groups, were a significant terrorist financing risk and may have
supported terrorist groups in countries such as Syria.''
While Qatar has taken steps to improve its terrorism
financing laws and enforcement, do you believe there are
security measures in place to prevent the Taliban Five from
using Qatar as a fundraising safe haven?
Answer. The administration's policy is clear: we will not transfer
any detainee from Guantanamo unless the threat the detainee may pose to
the United States or U.S. persons or interests will be sufficiently
mitigated. The Secretary of Defense, in coordination with the
President's national security team, determined that these transfers
were in the national security interest of the United States and that
the threat posed by the detainees to the United States or U.S. persons
or interests would be substantially mitigated. Although we cannot
publicly detail all of the assurances we received from the Government
of Qatar, they were sufficient to meet these requirements. In addition
to the travel ban, the transferred individuals will be subject to
security measures in Qatar that will substantially mitigate the risk
they might pose to U.S. interests. We are confident that the Qataris
will enforce the restrictions agreed upon and these individuals will be
restricted from activities that could pose a threat to our national
security.
Question. Qatar Capabilities to Mitigate the Risk.--In 2005, a
Guantanamo detainee was transferred to Kuwait with the promise that the
country would mitigate the risk of him returning to terrorist activity.
In 2008, he exploded a truck bomb near an Iraqi army base, killing 13
Iraqi soldiers and himself.
In what ways is Qatar more capable than Kuwait of
mitigating the risk that a transferred Guantanamo detainee may
reengage in terrorist activity?
Answer. Although we cannot publicly detail all of the assurances we
received from the Government of Qatar, in addition to a travel ban, the
transferred individuals will be subject to security measures in Qatar
that will substantially mitigate the risk they might pose to the United
States or U.S. persons or interests. We are confident that the Qataris
will enforce the restrictions agreed upon and these individuals will be
restricted from activities that could pose a threat to our national
security.
Question. In your written testimony, you stated: ``We are confident
that the security measures that have been put in place, including
restrictions placed on the activities of the individuals, will
substantially mitigate any threat that the individuals may pose to our
national security.''
Please describe the specific security measures that have
been put in place.
What restrictions are placed on the activities of the
individuals?
What specific requirements did the United States request
from the Government of Qatar?
Were all of the security measures requested by the United
States agreed to and implemented prior to the release of the
detainees?
Answer. While we cannot publicly detail all of the assurances we
received from the Government of Qatar, we required that certain
security measures be put in place to substantially mitigate the threat
that these individuals may pose to the United States and our interests.
Those demands were met, and we are confident that the Qataris will
enforce the restrictions agreed upon and these individuals will be
restricted from activities that pose a threat to our national security.
The classified U.S.-Qatar Memorandum of Understanding governing the
transfers has been made available to Members.
Question. Are you confident that these five Taliban detainees will
not pose any threat to our national security after 1 year when they are
fully free to travel and return to the fight?
Answer. The President and his national security team, including the
Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of State, and the Director of
National Intelligence, all concurred that the assurances we received
from the Qataris were sufficient to substantially mitigate the threat
these individuals may pose to the United States or U.S. persons or
interests. That is not to say they may never rejoin the Taliban
movement. But the threat they may pose to the National Security of the
United States has been mitigated to the satisfaction of our top
military commanders and national security advisors.
This is not a decision the President made lightly; many actions
were taken to restrict the activities of these individuals. As the
President said, we have confidence that we will be in a position to use
appropriate tools to pursue these individuals if, in fact, they are
engaging in activities that threaten our national security. The
President would not have determined that the transfer should go forward
if he thought it was contrary to U.S. national security interests.
NOMINATIONS OF MARK LIPPERT, JONATHAN STIVERS, THEODORE OSIUS, AND JOAN
POLASCHIK
----------
TUESDAY, JUNE 17, 2014
U.S. Senate ,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Mark William Lippert, of Ohio, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Korea
Jonathan Nicholas Stivers, of the District of Columbia, to be
an Assistant Administrator of the Bureau for Asia,
United States Agency for International Development
Theodore G. Osius III, of Maryland, to be Ambassador to the
Socialist Republic of Vietnam
Joan A. Polaschik, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the
People's Democratic Republic of Algeria
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3 p.m., in room
SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Benjamin L. Cardin
presiding.
Present: Senators Cardin, Murphy, Kaine, Rubio, and McCain.
Also present: Senator Patrick J. Leahy.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Cardin. First, let me welcome you all to the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee hearing on four very important
nominees to represent the United States in diplomacy and in our
foreign assistance.
We thank each one of our nominees for their willingness to
serve our country, and I particularly want to thank their
families. We will ask that you introduce the members of your
family before you start your formal presentations, but we
recognize that this is a family commitment and we thank you
very much for your willingness to serve our country.
So today we will hear from the President's nominees: Mark
Lippert to the Republic of Korea to be Ambassador; Theodore
Osius to be Ambassador in Vietnam; Jonathan Stivers, Assistant
Administrator of the Bureau for Asia at USAID; and Joan
Polaschik, Ambassador to Algeria. We welcome all of you to our
committee.
I have the honor of chairing the Subcommittee on East Asian
and Pacific Affairs. In three of the cases here, your direct
responsibility will be in that region. So it is a particular
pleasure that Senator Menendez has allowed me to chair this
hearing.
I notice that we do have the distinguished President Pro
Tem of the United States Senate, the chairman of the Judiciary
Committee, Senator Leahy, with us. It is always a pleasure to
have Senator Leahy in our midst. He is one of the great Members
of the U.S. Senate. And I am going to allow him to introduce
Mr. Lippert.
STATEMENT OF HON. PATRICK J. LEAHY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VERMONT
Senator Leahy. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Of
course, you and I have been friends for so many years both in
your previous service and as a Senator. And I appreciate you
doing this. I also appreciate the work of Chairman Menendez and
Ranking Member Corker.
I do not do this very often, but today I really wanted to
be here to introduce Mark Lippert, President Obama's nominee to
be U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Korea. I have talked to
an awful lot of Senators over the years about Mark's character
and intellect, but I also just want to say on the record my
admiration for his dedication as a public servant, not only as
a former member of my staff, but as a naval officer, as a
senior staff member of the National Security Council and
Department of Defense, but also because he and his wife, Robyn,
are dear friends.
His qualification to serve as Ambassador to South Korea is
extensive. He worked on foreign policy on the Appropriations
Committee. He worked for me and advised me and helped our
committee. And he has military service. He worked at the
Pentagon, the White House. His breadth of knowledge and
perspective on security, economic, humanitarian challenges we
face in East Asia and the Pacific are significant.
He is a graduate of Stanford University. He earned a
masters degree in international relations.
While I will put my whole statement in the record, I
remember when he was here in the Appropriations Committee
focusing on U.S. policy in East Asia where he has traveled many
times.
While he was serving in my office, he decided to join the
Navy, which was a lifetime goal of his. Now, it was not
required. We do not have a draft. He just wanted to do that and
did and did it very, very well. And I just want to dwell on
this just for a moment because I advocate for members of the
National Guard and Reserves with Senator Lindsey Graham. Mark
is an example of a true citizen soldier. He deployed twice,
once to Iraq, once to Afghanistan. This is not somebody who
just reads about it. He does it.
When he left my office, he was working for a former
colleague of ours, a first-term Senator from Illinois, who was
racking up some frequent flyer miles to Iowa. But he helped
that former Senator, but then that Senator left us and went on
to an executive position, some would say the executive
position. But I have heard then-Senator, now President Obama,
speak so highly of Mark Lippert.
Now, Mark, like I, married above himself, married a
Vermonter, his wife, Robyn. And both of them have achieved so
much in their life.
So I just think at a time--I just came back from a trip not
in Korea but in China and in Vietnam, and I know how important
that area is. I will now add South Korea to my agenda once we
have the new Ambassador there.
Mr. Chairman, I am just going to be so pleased when I can
cast my vote for him on the floor.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much, Senator Leahy. I just
really want to join you in thanking Mr. Lippert for his
willingness to come forward.
You have a very impressive resume of public service,
including in our military. We had a chance to talk and I am
very impressed with your command of the subject and your
knowledge of the complexities of our relationship with the
Republic of Korea and how important that bilateral relationship
is for our interests in the region and globally.
Senator Leahy, thank you very much for joining us. I
appreciate it.
Let me introduce the other three of our nominees.
I know that Senator Rubio will be joining us shortly as the
ranking member of this hearing, and I will yield to him when he
is here.
Jonathan Stivers, I have known you since your days with
David Bonior when I was in the House of Representatives, and I
have always been impressed by your commitment to public service
and your competency. I am very proud of what you have been able
to accomplish and your being prepared for this important
nomination as an Assistant Administrator of the Bureau for Asia
at USAID.
Jonathan is currently a senior advisor to the House
Democratic Leader, Nancy Pelosi, a position he has held since
2011. Mr. Stivers has also served as senior advisor to Leader
Pelosi in the Office of the Speaker of the House of
Representatives, the Office of the House Democratic Leader, and
the Office of the House Democratic Whip. Previously, he served
as Leader Pelosi's senior legislative assistant and press
secretary. Prior to this, he was a staff assistant in the
Office of the Democratic Whip David Bonior and a campaign
assistant for David Bonior for the U.S. Congress.
He received his bachelor's degree from Michigan State
University and a Masters in international policy and practice
from the George Washington University, Elliott School of
International Affairs.
Welcome, and we appreciate your coming forward.
The next person is Mr. Theodore Osius from my home State of
Maryland. I should have read that first because I would have
introduced you first, if I realized you were the only
Marylander on the panel. [Laughter.]
But you certainly have priority as the President's nominee
to represent us in Vietnam. I was just recently in Vietnam and
I had a chance to meet with our Embassy personnel, and it is a
critically important partnership for the United States, both in
Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City where we have a consulate office.
The United States is very much valued by Vietnam and the
opportunities there are incredible.
Mr. Osius is a career member of the Foreign Service, class
of minister and counselor, and is an Assistant Professor at the
National War College, a position he has held since 2013. He was
a senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International
Studies from 2012 to 2013. Prior to that, Mr. Osius served as
the deputy chief of mission at the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta,
Indonesia; Political Minister, Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in
New Delhi, India; Deputy Director of the Office of Korean
Affairs in the Bureau of East Asia and Pacific Affairs; and
Regional Environmental Officer at the U.S. Embassy in Bangkok.
He has also served as a senior advisor in International Affairs
in the Office of the Vice President at the White House.
Mr. Osius received his degrees from Harvard University and
the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins
University. He knows Vietnam well. He speaks the language and
has served in Vietnam in both our consulate in Ho Chi Minh City
and our Embassy in Hanoi. Perhaps most importantly, he is a
Marylander well prepared for this position, and we thank you
for your long, distinguished service to our country.
We are also pleased to be joined by Ms. Joan Polaschik, the
nominee for Ambassador to the People's Democratic Republic of
Algeria. Ms. Polaschik is a career member of the Foreign
Service, class of counselor, and currently serves as the
Director of the Office of Egypt and Levant Affairs at the U.S.
Department of State, a position she has held since 2013. She
has also served as Acting Director in the Office of Israel and
Palestinian Affairs in the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs;
deputy chief of mission at the U.S. Embassy in Tripoli, Libya;
counselor for the political and economic affairs at the U.S.
Embassy in Baku, Azerbaijan; and Regional Refugee Coordinator
based at the U.S. Embassy in Amman, Jordan. You have a long and
distinguished career serving our country.
You also served as the Iran Desk Officer and Staff
Assistant in the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs. Your other
assignments have included political officer in the U.S. Embassy
in Tunis, Tunisia; and counselor and general service officer at
the United States Embassy in Tashkent, Azerbaijan. So you have
really gotten around the entire region.
You received your B.A. from the University of Virginia and
M.S. from Georgetown University.
It is a pleasure to have all four of you here.
We will start with Mr. Lippert. If you have members of your
family that are with you today, we would welcome your
introductions, and then you may proceed as you wish. As is the
tradition of this committee, your formal written statements
will be made part of our record. You may proceed as you so
desire.
STATEMENT OF HON. MARK WILLIAM LIPPERT, OF OHIO, TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA
Mr. Lippert. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
My wife, Robyn, is right there, if she can stand up. She is
a former Hill staffer herself, worked for Senator Leahy on the
Judiciary Committee, and we actually met up here on the Hill.
Mr. Chairman, I will be very brief here and will ask
consent to put my full statement in the record.
I will just simply say I am deeply honored to appear before
you as the President's nominee to serve as U.S. Ambassador to
the Republic of Korea. I am humbled by the confidence the
President and the Secretary of State have shown in putting me
forward for this nomination.
Having proudly served as a personal representative of the
member to this committee, it is very meaningful to be back in
this committee room today. In large part through my service on
Capitol Hill, which spanned nearly a decade, I am keenly aware
that the close partnership with Congress is critically
important to success in diplomacy, and if confirmed, I pledge
always to be a strong partner and friend of this committee.
I would also like to thank my former boss, Senator Leahy,
for his gracious introduction. I know how busy he is juggling
his many important responsibilities.
Please also let me say a few words about my lovely wife.
She has been the best partner that anyone could ask for and has
patiently put up with years of military deployments to Iraq,
Afghanistan, and elsewhere, long hours at the Pentagon and the
National Security Council, and the intensity of work at the
Senate Foreign Relations and Appropriations Committees.
Mr. Chairman, simply put, the alliance between the United
States and the Republic of Korea is one of the most important
relationships that we have in the world. Through my many visits
to the Republic of Korea, I have come to greatly respect the
people and culture of South Korea. Our two countries share
deeply held values of free markets, democracy, and respect for
human rights and the rule of law. And we share a common history
of fighting together to uphold these values and to defend our
security.
I am proud to say that our ties between the two countries
have never been stronger. If confirmed, I pledge to work
tirelessly in close partnership with this committee to make our
alliance even stronger.
As the former Assistant Secretary of Defense in the Asia-
Pacific, I have had the opportunity to work closely with our
South Korean allies, commanding generals of the United States
Forces Korea, and senior members of our diplomatic team. I have
seen the enduring strength of this relationship firsthand.
Mr. Chairman, my statement goes on to talk about the shared
threats of North Korea, the economic challenges, and the great
men and women who work at the U.S. Embassy. And with consent, I
would ask to put my full statement in the record.
Senator Cardin. Without objection, your entire statement
will be made part of the record, as will, as I indicated a
little bit earlier, the statements of the other three nominees.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Lippert follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mark William Lippert
Chairman Cardin, Senator Rubio, distinguished members of the
committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you as the President's
nominee to serve as U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Korea. I am
humbled by the confidence the President and the Secretary of State have
shown in putting me forward for this nomination.
Having proudly served as a personal representative of the member to
this committee, it is very meaningful to be back in this committee room
today. In large part through my service on Capitol Hill, which spanned
nearly a decade, I am keenly aware that close partnership with Congress
is critically important to success in diplomacy. And if confirmed, I
pledge to always be a strong partner and friend to this committee.
I would also like to thank my former boss, Senator Leahy, for his
gracious introduction. I know just how busy he is juggling his many
important responsibilities.
Please let me also say a few words about my wife. As Senator Leahy
mentioned, I met Robyn when we worked together on Capitol Hill. She has
been the best partner that anyone could ask for and has patiently put
up with years of military deployments to Iraq, Afghanistan, and
elsewhere, long hours at the Pentagon and the National Security
Council, and the intensity of work for the Senate Foreign Relations and
Appropriations Committees.
Members of the committee, simply put: the alliance between the
United States and the Republic of Korea is one of the most important
relationships that we have in the world. Through my many visits to the
Republic of Korea, I have come to greatly respect the people and
culture of the Republic of Korea. Our two countries share deeply held
values of free markets, democracy, and respect for human rights and the
rule of law. And we share a common history of fighting together to
uphold these values and to defend our security.
I am proud to say that the ties between our two countries have
never been stronger. If confirmed, I pledge to work tirelessly, in
close partnership with this committee, to make our alliance even
stronger.
As the former Assistant Secretary of Defense for the Asia-Pacific,
I have had the opportunity to work closely with our South Korean
allies, Commanding Generals of United States Forces Korea, and senior
members of our diplomatic team. I have seen the enduring strength of
this alliance firsthand.
I continue to be vigilant about the stark threat that North Korea
poses the U.S. homeland, to security on the peninsula, in the region,
and around the world--including through its continued pursuit of
nuclear weapons and ballistic missile technology, its worldwide
proliferation activities, and egregious human rights violations against
its own citizens.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the leadership of the
Republic of Korea to ensure we are fully aligned in our efforts to
achieve the complete and verifiable denuclearization of North Korea and
prevent proliferation of key technologies. I have built a good working
relationship with General Scaparrotti, the Commander of U.S. Forces
Korea, and if confirmed, look forward to partnering closely with him
and the Department of Defense as they work to strengthen our deterrence
on the peninsula and ensure that the 28,500 U.S. troops stationed there
are ready to ``fight tonight,'' if necessary.
Although our alliance was established with a mutual commitment to
security, our nations have built deep and growing economic ties. The
U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement, or KORUS FTA, is now in its 3rd year,
and American and Korean consumers, businesses, and workers have
benefited from it. Last year, the United States achieved a large
investment surplus with the Republic of Korea, and U.S. goods exports
are up 11.7 percent this year so far. That said, the full potential of
the FTA has yet to be fully realized; more tariff cuts and additional
provisions will come into force in the years to come. If confirmed, I
will work to ensure the KORUS FTA is fully implemented so that American
exporters, entrepreneurs, and workers can receive the benefits for
which this administration negotiated so hard.
This alliance is also increasingly tackling global challenges as
well. Our global partnership includes cooperation on everything from
counterterrorism and counterpiracy to climate change and development.
The United States is also negotiating a successor 123 civil nuclear
cooperation agreement with South Korea that will allow us to continue
our cooperation in this field, while maintaining our strong
nonproliferation standards.
Finally, our strong people-to-people ties reinforce our shared
values and interests. Each year, the Republic of Korea sends more
university students to the United States per capita than any other
major country. We have innovative exchange programs between our
students and our science experts. If confirmed, I will make public
diplomacy a top priority and work to foster these exchanges and bring
more Korean education and tourism dollars to the United States. And if
confirmed, I will be proud to also represent the over 1.7 million U.S.
citizens that are of Korean descent and who contribute vitally to the
deepening ties between our peoples.
Our Embassy in Seoul has a talented team comprised of career
diplomats, civil servants from a range of U.S. agencies, and local
Korean staff who are dedicated to advancing U.S. interests every day.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure my team has the resources,
training, and guidance to strengthen and broaden our alliance with the
Republic of Korea.
Mr. Chairman, the U.S.-ROK alliance is the linchpin of security and
prosperity on the Korean Peninsula, in the Asia-Pacific, and around the
world. Being nominated to represent the United States in Seoul is the
honor of my lifetime, and if confirmed I will work night and day to
advance this critical relationship.
Thank you very much for your consideration of my nomination, and I
look forward to taking your questions.
Senator Cardin. Mr. Stivers.
STATEMENT OF JONATHAN NICHOLAS STIVERS, OF THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA, TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE BUREAU FOR
ASIA, UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Mr. Stivers. Chairman Cardin, it is an honor to appear
before you today as President Obama's nominee for the Assistant
Administrator for Asia at USAID. I am grateful for the trust
placed in me by President Obama and Administrator Shah.
I am joined today by my wife, Ramsey Alwin, and my
daughters, Josephine and Parker, who were making a little bit
of noise back there.
Senator Cardin. I did not know who it was, but it is
perfectly OK. She is adorable.
Mr. Stivers. The best decision I made in my life was
convincing Ramsey to marry me. Her support is my bedrock, and
everything I do professionally is in the hope that someday my
daughters will be proud of their father.
I would also like to thank my family who could not be here
today: my father, Richard Stivers; my mother, Sharon Stivers;
and my siblings, Adam and Emily Stivers.
I would also like to recognize Denise Rollins, the Acting
Assistant Administrator of the Asia Bureau, who has served our
country for 25 years with great distinction, and Nisha Biswal,
who previously served as the Assistant Administrator for Asia.
I am particularly honored to be appearing before you,
Chairman Cardin. I had the opportunity to see your work behind
the scenes and up close in the House of Representatives,
promoting human rights on the Helsinki Commission and promoting
free and fair trade on the Ways and Means Committee.
For the last 15 years, it has been a privilege to work on
Asia policy and our foreign assistance initiatives. I believe
that this experience in the legislative branch and my
background in Asia have prepared me well for the
responsibilities of USAID's Asia Bureau. I will always be
grateful that Leader Nancy Pelosi placed her faith and trust in
me to lead on foreign policy priorities in her office.
USAID's Asia Bureau works in 32 countries--excluding
Afghanistan and Pakistan--with a program budget of
approximately $1.1 billion.
In a time of budget constraint, USAID is effectively
leveraging funding by building public-private partnerships and
taking advantage of science and innovation. If confirmed, I
pledge to work tirelessly to ensure that U.S. taxpayer money is
spent effectively and wisely in the pursuit of our national
interests.
The President's Asia Rebalance recognizes that our future
prosperity and security are inextricably tied to this region.
It is a pivotal time for U.S. policy in Asia. It is a vibrant,
diverse region with some of the strongest and fastest growing
economies in the world. The region has enormous development
challenges with over a majority of the world's poor and hungry,
susceptibility to natural disasters, and democracy and human
rights concerns.
If confirmed, I will place a premium on four key
priorities: promoting resilient democratic societies;
institutionalizing the Presidential Initiatives, Feed the
Future, Global Health, and Global Climate Change; supporting
basic education and empowerment for women and girls; and
fostering greater regional economic connectivity.
First, we know that government by the people offers the
best chance for freedom and prosperity. I believe that the
solutions to the challenges facing Asia will ultimately come
from the people of Asia themselves, and our best chance in
promoting democratic change is to empower the reformers by
helping them build institutions that can withstand
nondemocratic events.
Second, Administrator Shah has provided exemplary
leadership in promoting President Obama's three initiatives. We
have seen tremendous development gains in the Asia region, and
if confirmed, I will make it a priority to build upon these
gains in food security, health, and the environment.
Third, the empowerment of women and girls through education
is one of the most effective development tools to boost
economic growth and to provide for a fair society. I have
promoted basic education in my current position, and if
confirmed, this will continue to be a key priority.
And finally, we must continue to promote an effective
regional architecture that strengthens regional stability,
connectivity, and economic growth through regional initiatives
such as USAID's Almaty Consensus and the Lower Mekong
Initiative.
Four years ago, President Obama set forth a new vision of
results-driven development, and USAID has risen to this
challenge. If I am fortunate enough to be confirmed, I will
tirelessly pursue policy solutions that make our foreign
assistance more effective in line with this new model.
During my almost two decades of working in the legislative
branch, I have learned the importance of engagement with
Congress, and if confirmed, I can assure you that I will seek
out, early and often, advice and guidance from you and your
staff.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you
today, and I welcome any and all questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Stivers follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jonathan Nicholas Stivers
Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Rubio, distinguished members of the
committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President
Obama's nominee for Assistant Administrator for Asia at the United
States Agency for International Development (USAID). I am grateful for
the trust placed in me by President Obama and Administrator Shah.
I am joined today by my wife, Ramsey Alwin, and my daughters,
Josephine and Parker. The best decision I made in life was convincing
Ramsey to marry me. Her encouragement and support is my bedrock.
Everything I do in my professional life is in the hope that someday my
daughters will look back and be proud of their father. I also would
like to thank my family who could not be here today, my father, Richard
Stivers, my mother, Sharon Stivers, and my siblings, Adam and Emily
Stivers.
I would like to also recognize Denise Rollins, the Acting Assistant
Administrator of the Asia Bureau who has served our country with great
distinction for over 25 years, and Nisha Biswal, the current Assistant
Secretary of State for South and Central Asia, who previously served as
USAID's Assistant Administrator for Asia, for her advice and guidance
throughout the process.
For the last 15 years, it has been a privilege to work on Asia
policy and our foreign assistance initiatives at the highest levels of
the U.S. Congress. I believe that my experience in the legislative
branch and my background in Asia have prepared me well for the
responsibilities of leading USAID's Asia Bureau. I will always be
grateful that Leader Nancy Pelosi placed her faith and trust in me to
lead on foreign policy priorities in her office. I am proud to have
played a leadership role on numerous legislative initiatives including
the landmark reauthorization of PEPFAR that tripled funding levels to
fight global AIDS, the JADE Act that tightened sanctions on the Burmese
Government after the Saffron Revolution, and the initial development
assistance inside Tibet and to the then newly created country of East
Timor.
For almost two decades, my second home has been in Congress. Over
the years I have learned that initiatives are strongest when they are
bipartisan, that open communication, transparency, and trust are
crucial between the administration and Congress, and that making the
case for foreign assistance in a manner that relates to the everyday
lives of the American people is essential. I can assure you that, if
confirmed, I will proactively reach out to Congress to ensure that we
are working together to promote our national interests and our values.
I believe deeply in USAID's mission of partnering to end extreme
poverty and promote resilient democratic societies while advancing our
security and prosperity. The moral case alone is reason to address
these global challenges, but in a more interdependent world, we are
preventing instability, fighting extremism, stopping the spread of
infectious diseases while promoting economic and job growth at home.
Administrator Shah's strong leadership is rebuilding USAID as the
world's premier development agency. In a time of budget constraint,
USAID is effectively leveraging funding by building public-private
partnerships, utilizing multilateral and regional approaches, and
taking advantage of science and innovation. If confirmed, I pledge to
work tirelessly with the dedicated men and women of USAID to ensure
that U.S. taxpayer money is spent effectively and wisely.
USAID's Asia Bureau works in 32 countries--excluding Afghanistan
and Pakistan--with a program budget of approximately $1.1 billion. It
is an exciting and pivotal time for U.S. policy in Asia. Asia is a
vibrant, diverse region with some of the strongest and fastest growing
economies in the world. The region includes mature, consolidating,
budding, and troubled democracies, along with authoritarian
governments, struggling post-conflict nations, and emerging regional
powers--all in the shadow of the rise of a great power.
The development challenges in Asia are enormous. Home to half of
the world's population, the Asia region also struggles with 60 percent
of the world's hungry and 70 percent of the world's malnourished
children. The region is susceptible to natural disasters and the
effects of climate change, pollution, and pandemics. It has a vast
array of governance difficulties including fragile institutions, human
rights concerns, gender inequality, and human trafficking challenges
that hold back the region from achieving its full potential. At the
same time, trade volume in Asia is expected to double in the next
decade, and by 2050, the region's share of global GDP is predicted to
almost double.
The President's Asia Rebalance recognizes that our future
prosperity and security are inextricably tied to this region. At its
core, the rebalance policy is about strengthening our relationships
with countries, and more specifically the people of the region. If
confirmed, I will place a premium on four key priorities: promoting
resilient, democratic societies; institutionalizing the Presidential
Initiatives--Feed the Future, the Global Health Initiative, and the
Global Climate Change Initiative; supporting basic education and
empowerment for women and girls; and fostering greater regional
economic connectivity.
First, we know that government by the people offers the best chance
for freedom and prosperity. The United States also has stronger
partnerships with stable, democratic countries that respect human
rights. Fighting extreme poverty is often less a question of funding
but in effectively addressing the underlying structural problems of
governance that hold back many developing countries from becoming
resilient, democratic societies.
I believe that the solutions to the challenges facing Asia will
ultimately come from the people of Asia themselves and that our best
chance in promoting democratic change is to empower the reformers by
helping them build institutions that can withstand nondemocratic
events.
Over the next 3 years we will learn a lot about democracy in Asia
as many countries will hold national elections. Already this year,
India has experienced the largest democratic exercise in human history,
and next month, Indonesia, the most populous Muslim-majority country,
will mark another significant democratic milestone with the expected
transfer of political power. While the recent elections in Bangladesh,
unrest in Thailand, and unrealized democratic hopes in Cambodia
represent challenges for democracy, the expected national elections in
Burma, Nepal, the Kyrgyz Republic and the Philippines will further
determine the future of democracy in Asia.
But democracy promotion is more than elections. USAID has been
active in the region doing the difficult work strengthening civil
society, providing technical support for good governance, combating
corruption and promoting human rights.
Second, Administrator Shah has provided exemplary leadership in
promoting President Obama's three initiatives--Feed the Future, the
Global Health Initiative, and the Global Climate Change Initiative.
Through Feed the Future, USAID is supporting country driven
approaches that address the root causes of poverty and hunger by
focusing on agricultural productivity. We know that growth in
agriculture is at least twice as effective at reducing poverty as other
sectors. For example, in Bangladesh, a country with one of the highest
malnutrition rates in the region, USAID has trained hundreds of
thousands of small farmers on improved technologies and increased crop
yields by 20 percent through a fertilizer deep placement project. In
Cambodia, new horticulture techniques have raised household incomes of
over 7,000 farmers by an average of 250 percent. This type of
assistance is particularly valuable because it promotes economic growth
while at the same time feeding hungry and malnourished men, women, and
children.
The Global Health Initiative is aimed at addressing regional health
priorities, including ending preventable child and maternal deaths,
preventing the spread of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria, as well as
improving surveillance and response capacity for pandemic influenza and
other emerging threats.
In February 2014, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry highlighted
the urgency of addressing climate change. In a region of the world that
experiences over 60 percent of the world's natural disasters, and with
more than 10 billion pounds of airborne pollutants from Asia reaching
the United States annually, it is imperative that we continue to reduce
emissions from deforestation, promote sustainable and resilient
societies, and foster clean energy in the Asia through the Global
Climate Change Initiative.
If confirmed, I will make it a priority to build upon these gains
in food security, health, and environmental well-being for both the
people of Asia and the United States.
Third, the empowerment of women and girls through education is one
of the most effective development tools and one of the best strategies
to boost economic growth. While many Asian countries have recently made
progress, nearly 20 million children in Asia--a third of the world's
children--do not have access to primary school. Millions of children in
Asia lack basic reading and writing skills thereby holding back the
region for reaching its full potential. I am proud to have promoted
basic education while in Congress and, if confirmed, this will continue
to be a key priority. As Administrator Shah noted on International
Women's Day, ``If we are going to truly achieve the goal of ending
extreme poverty by 2030, we cannot leave behind half of the global
population. We have to invest in women and girls as champions of
development who can lift their families out of extreme poverty.''
And finally, we must continue to promote an effective regional
architecture that strengthens regional stability, connectivity and
economic growth through regional initiatives such as USAID's Almaty
Consensus which supports the New Silk Road Initiative by increasing
regional economic connectivity between South and Central Asia to
bolster Afghanistan's stability; the Lower Mekong Initiative that
provides a regional forum the development challenges that cross
national boundaries; and by working with regional institutions such as
ASEAN and APEC.
I would like to highlight a few priority countries where USAID
operates.
In Bangladesh, the 2013 Rana Plaza collapse sparked outrage all
over the world. Members of Congress led the way in calling for action
to address labor and building safety conditions in the country. I
played a role in this effort on a staff level working to call on
corporations to improve building safety standards in Bangladesh and
asking the administration to suspend the Generalized System of
Preferences program until reforms are made. Please be assured that, if
confirmed, workers' rights and safety will be a high priority for me
throughout the region.
In Burma, we have seen historic political and economic reforms
during this critical period of transition. The country faces a long and
difficult road ahead, as transitions are never smooth nor are they ever
easy. The next 2 years will be challenging in regards to national
reconciliation and the national election in 2015. The USAID mission in
Burma--which was reopened in 2012--is committed to supporting reform
that will bring lasting peace, stability, justice and improve the
welfare of the people of Burma. If confirmed, my priorities in Burma
will be to deepen USAID's engagement with civil society, expand
economic opportunity, support reconciliation efforts, help the country
prepare for the 2015 national elections, and continue providing
humanitarian assistance to the most vulnerable in the country.
In India, USAID helped secure a major success in the battle against
polio when the World Health Organization officially removed India from
the list of countries where the disease was active. In the coming
years, USAID hopes to move more toward a 21st century partnership where
USAID and India join together in tackling development challenges both
in India and in the region.
When Typhoon Haiyan hit the Philippines, USAID had already been
working for decades to strengthen disaster management and response
capabilities. A USAID team was prepositioned, enabling an immediate
response and ensuring a coordinated relationship between USAID, the
Department of Defense, and other USG actors. Through relief efforts,
USAID provided food assistance to more than 3 million people and helped
save countless lives. If confirmed, I will continue to make both short-
and long-term assistance to the Philippines a top priority.
While Vietnam is an emerging power with a high economic growth rate
and a strategic position in the region, it is also a country with
serious human rights concerns. USAID is continuing to focus its
assistance to support the Vietnamese people as they confront the
significant challenges they face related to health, susceptibility to
climate change, and natural disasters. USAID also supports programs
focused on economic governance and trade, and addressing legacies of
the war between our two countries through the remediation of dioxin
contamination.
Four years ago, President Obama set forth a new vision of results-
driven development focused on achieving measureable results. Under the
visionary leadership of Administrator Shah, USAID has risen to this
challenge, pioneering a new model of development that brings a greater
emphasis on partnerships, innovation, and results. In conclusion, if I
am fortunate enough to be confirmed to this position, I will tirelessly
pursue policy solutions that make our foreign assistance more effective
in line with this new model.
During my almost two decades working in the legislative branch, I
have learned the importance of engagement with Congress and, if
confirmed, I can assure you that I will seek out, early and often,
advice and guidance from you and your staff.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today, and
I welcome any and all questions you might have.
Senator Cardin. Thank you for your testimony.
Mr. Osius.
STATEMENT OF THEODORE G. OSIUS III, OF MARYLAND, TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM
Mr. Osius. Mr. Chairman, it is an honor to appear before
you today as the President's nominee to be the next Ambassador
to Vietnam.
I am very pleased that members of my family, including my
mother, Nancy Zimmerman; my spouse, Clayton Bond; our 6-month-
old son, Taybo; my sister Meg; cousin Deborah; cousins, Dick
and Kate; and dear friends, Louise, David and Sam and Amy have
all been able to join us here today.
I am very grateful to you, the Senator from Maryland, for
chairing this hearing.
This, sir, is a dream come true for me. Early in my career,
I had the privilege of supporting Pete Peterson, the first U.S.
Ambassador to Vietnam following normalization, as he laid the
foundation for a new relationship between our two nations. I
represented Al Gore on the team that prepared a bilateral trade
agreement with Vietnam. And I accompanied President Bill
Clinton on his historic visit there.
I have served in Asia for most of my 25 years in the
Foreign Service. A highlight was helping lead the small team
that opened our post in Ho Chi Minh City, formerly Saigon. I
relished the chance to make friends for America in a land that
once reminded Americans only of conflict.
I traveled all over Vietnam, once riding a bicycle 1,200
miles from Hanoi to Saigon. In the former demilitarized zone, I
stood on a bridge gazing at what appeared to be ponds dotting
the landscape. An older woman said in Vietnamese that those
were not ponds, but places where bombs had been dropped,
including on her village. When I told her that I represented
the Government and people of the United States, she replied
using the familial terms that make Vietnamese such an intimate
language: ``Hom nay, chung ta la anh chi em.'' Today you and I
are brother and sister.
From those beginnings, I witnessed our relationship with
Vietnam grow into an important partnership, founded on mutual
respect and shared strategic interests.
As Secretary Kerry said, ``A strong, prosperous, and
independent Vietnam that respects the rule of law and human
rights will be a critical partner for the United States.''
While in the Senate, John Kerry joined with Senator John McCain
to ensure that Americans could see Vietnam not just as a war,
but as a nation and a people the United States could work with
peacefully. They looked beyond the bomb craters and they saw
hope for the future.
Their work included ensuring the fullest possible
accounting of servicemen we lost in Vietnam, and we must
complete that process honorably. Our history with Vietnam is a
tough one, and even today we face real differences. If
confirmed, I will face those differences squarely and directly
with the leaders in Hanoi. I will say that when Vietnam's
Government respects human rights, it will grow stronger, not
weaker, and our partnership's potential will grow as well. I
will press the government to protect universal human rights,
including by releasing prisoners of conscience and by making
systemic changes so that Vietnam can fully integrate within the
world community because even as in families, differences can be
worked out and history can be overcome.
If confirmed, I will strive to strengthen the ties that
bind our peoples. Those linkages between people are central to
the comprehensive partnership launched by President Obama and
President Sang last year. Educational exchange is a good
example. Already 16,000 Vietnamese study in the United States.
Trade is another key element of the relationship. Two-way
trade continues to grow from $451 million in 1995 to nearly $30
billion last year. The successful conclusion of the high-
standard Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement will further
deepen this trade and strategic relationship, bringing Vietnam
into a community of nations that comprises 40 percent of world
GDP.
If confirmed, I will also maintain a firm commitment to the
safety and security of all staff working for our mission.
Half of the world's ship-based cargo passes through the
South China Sea. The United States has a national interest in
the unfettered flow of commerce and in freedom of navigation
and overflight in these waters. We have a deep stake in
ensuring that the territorial and maritime disputes in the
South China Sea are solved without coercion, force, or
intimidation, and in accordance with international law.
Unfortunately, we have seen lately a pattern of unilateral
steps by China to advance its territorial and maritime claims.
The U.S. Congress plays a vital role in turning our
difficult past with Vietnam into a promising future. If
confirmed, I look forward to hosting many of you, I hope, in
Hanoi.
Thank you once again for considering my nomination for this
challenging and rewarding opportunity to continue to serve the
United States of America.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Osius follows:]
Prepared Statement of Theodore G. Osius III
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is an honor to appear
before you today as the President's nominee to be the next Ambassador
to Vietnam.
I am very pleased that members of my family and dear friends are
able to join us today. I am grateful to the Senator from Maryland for
chairing this hearing, and grateful to all of you for considering my
nomination.
This is a dream come true for me. Early in my career I had the
privilege of supporting Pete Peterson, the first U.S. Ambassador to
Vietnam following normalization, as he laid the foundation for a new
relationship between our two nations. I represented Vice President Al
Gore on the team that prepared a bilateral trade agreement with
Vietnam, and I accompanied President Bill Clinton on his historic visit
there.
I have served in Asia for most of my 25 years in the Foreign
Service. A highlight was helping lead the small team that opened our
post in Ho Chi Minh City, formerly Saigon. I relished the chance to
make friends for America in a land that once only reminded Americans of
conflict.
I traveled all over Vietnam, once riding a bicycle 1,200 miles from
Hanoi to Saigon. In the former demilitarized zone, I stood on a bridge,
gazing at what appeared to be ponds dotting the landscape. An older
woman said in Vietnamese that those were not ponds, but places where
bombs had been dropped, including on her village. When I told her that
I represented the government and people of the United States, she
replied using the familial terms that make Vietnamese such an intimate
language: ``Hom nay, chung ta la anh chi em.'' You and I are now
brother and sister.
From those beginnings, I witnessed our relationship with Vietnam
grow into an important partnership, founded on mutual respect and
shared strategic interests.
As Secretary Kerry said last year in Hanoi, ``a strong, prosperous,
and independent Vietnam that respects the rule of law and human rights
will be a critical partner for the United States on many regional and
global challenges.'' While in the Senate, John Kerry joined with
Senator John McCain to ensure that Americans could see Vietnam not just
as a war, but as a nation and a people the United States could work
with peacefully. They looked beyond the bomb craters and saw hope for
the future.
Their work included ensuring the fullest possible accounting of
servicemen we lost in Vietnam, and we must complete that process
honorably. Our history with Vietnam is a tough one, and even today we
face real differences. If confirmed, I will face those differences
squarely and directly with the leaders in Hanoi. I will say that when
Vietnam's Government respects human rights it will grow stronger, not
weaker, and our partnership's potential will grow as well. I will press
the government to protect universal human rights, including by
releasing prisoners of conscience and by making systemic changes, so
that Vietnam can fully integrate with the world community. Because even
as in families, among brothers and sisters, differences can be worked
out, and history can be overcome.
If confirmed, I will strive to strengthen the ties that bind our
peoples. Those linkages between people are central to the Comprehensive
Partnership launched by President Obama and President Sang last year.
Educational exchange is a good example; already 16,000 Vietnamese study
in the United States, and others attend the Fulbright Economics
Training Program in Ho Chi Minh City.
Trade is another key element of the relationship. Two-way trade
continues to grow--from $451 million in 1995 to nearly $30 billion last
year. The successful conclusion of the high-standard Trans-Pacific
Partnership agreement will further deepen this trade and strategic
relationship, bringing Vietnam into a community of nations that
contributes 40 percent of world GDP.
Under the Comprehensive Partnership, our two nations are working to
support peace, stability, cooperation, and prosperity in the Asia-
Pacific. We have expanded our work with Vietnam in areas such as
security, nonproliferation, and law enforcement. If confirmed, I intend
to continue the efforts of my predecessors to broaden and deepen our
engagement. I will also maintain a firm commitment to the safety and
security of all staff working for our mission.
Half of the world's ship-based cargo passes through the South China
Sea. The United States has a national interest in the unfettered flow
of commerce and in freedom of navigation and overflight in these
waters.
We have a deep stake in ensuring that the territorial and maritime
disputes in the South China Sea are solved without coercion, force, or
intimidation and in accordance with international law. Unfortunately,
we have seen lately a pattern of unilateral steps by China to advance
its territorial and maritime claims, the latest of which is China's
introduction of an oil rig into disputed waters near Vietnam.
The U.S. Congress plays a vital role in turning our difficult past
with Vietnam into a promising future. If confirmed, I look forward to
hosting many of you in Hanoi. Thank you, once again, for considering my
nomination for this challenging and rewarding opportunity to continue
to serve the United States of America.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your testimony.
Ms. Polaschik.
STATEMENT OF JOAN A. POLASCHIK, OF VIRGINIA, TO BE AMBASSADOR
TO THE PEOPLE'S DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF ALGERIA
Ms. Polaschik. Mr. Chairman, members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity appear before you today. I am
honored that President Obama has nominated me to be the U.S.
Ambassador to Algeria, and I deeply appreciate the confidence
that he and Secretary Kerry have shown by making this
nomination.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to take a
moment to thank my family: my mom, Marion Polaschik; my sister,
Anne; her husband and son, Keith and Grant, are here today.
They have been a tremendous support throughout my career, and I
am very grateful to them.
Mr. Chairman, the United States has a robust partnership
with Algeria. If confirmed by the Senate, I will advance the
following policy priorities: working with the Government of
Algeria to counter the threat of terrorism and strengthen
regional stability; increasing commercial ties; boosting civil
society and democratic institutions; and working with the
Algerian Government to support the reforms necessary to
Algeria's long-term stability.
As Ambassador, I will make my top priority the protection
of the people who serve in U.S. Embassy Algiers and all
Americans who live and work in Algeria.
The Government of Algeria is a steadfast partner in our
counterterrorism efforts. It is a member of the Global Counter-
terrorism Forum and the Trans-Sahel Counter-terrorism
Partnership and is working with its neighbors to stabilize the
broader Maghreb and Sahel region, including through training
programs in Mali and Niger and close cooperation with Tunisia.
If confirmed, I will work to support and expand these efforts.
Algeria is a critical supplier of energy to global markets.
It has potentially vast untapped shale gas reserves, and its
government is eager to partner with U.S. firms to develop them.
Beyond oil and gas, Algeria is working to diversify its
economy, and there is significant potential for U.S. companies,
particularly in the energy generation, pharmaceuticals,
manufacturing, and machinery sectors. If confirmed, I will
advocate for American companies in all of these areas.
Algeria has an important role to play in strengthening
relations between North and sub-Saharan Africa and its
mediating role in conflicts around the continent remains vital.
Algeria would gain from increasing trade within the region, and
its willingness to lead in this area will be critical to
realizing regional integration, including with Morocco. To that
end, we appreciate Algeria's support for the U.N.-led
negotiations over the disputed territory of the Western Sahara.
Unlike other countries in the region, Algeria did not
experience the upheaval of the Arab Spring. President
Bouteflika introduced political reforms in 2011 and recently
announced a series of constitutional amendments to further
develop Algeria's political system. If confirmed, I will make
it a priority to work with the Algerian Government and people
as they take the next steps in negotiating, adopting, and
implementing reforms that will strengthen Algeria's long-term
stability.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, for
this opportunity to address you. I am deeply honored to have
been selected to lead the team at U.S. Embassy Algiers, a
dynamic, hardworking, and dedicated group working on the front
lines of U.S. policy. If confirmed, I hope I will have many
opportunities to host you and your colleagues in Congress in
Algiers. I would be pleased to address any questions you may
have. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Polaschik follows:]
Prepared Statement of Joan A. Polaschik
Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Rubio, members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored
that President Obama has nominated me to be the U.S. Ambassador to
Algeria, and I deeply appreciate the confidence he and Secretary Kerry
have shown by making this nomination.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I'd like to take a moment to
thank my family, which has been a tremendous support throughout my
career. My mother, Marion Polaschik, and my sister, Anne, and her
husband and son, Keith and Grant Barcal, have provided love, support,
and a place to stay no matter where I was in the world and no matter
how much worry I caused them by pursuing challenging assignments. I'm
very grateful to them.
Mr. Chairman, the United States has a robust and multifaceted
partnership
with the people and Government of Algeria. I am fortunate to be
nominated at a
time when the potential for expanding that bilateral relationship has
never been stronger. In April 2014 we completed the latest round of our
Strategic Dialogue, and just 2 weeks ago the Secretary of Energy
visited Algeria to lead the U.S. delegation to the Algeria
International Trade Fair--where the United States was the guest of
honor for the first time. If confirmed by the Senate, I will continue
to advance our key U.S. foreign policy interests in Algeria. They are:
(1) working with the Government of Algeria to counter the threat of
terrorism and strengthen the stability of the Maghreb and Sahel
regions; (2) increasing commercial ties between the United States and
Algeria; (3) boosting civil society and democratic institutions; and
(4) working with the Algerian Government to support the political and
economic reforms necessary to ensure Algeria's long-term stability. And
as Ambassador, I will make my priority the protection of the people who
serve in U.S. Embassy Algiers, and all Americans who live and work in
Algeria.
We know that we work in a dangerous part of the world, and I am
pleased to report that the Algerian Government is deeply committed to
the safety and security of our personnel and facilities, and has been
extremely responsive to our requests for security support.
Mr. Chairman, the relationship between the United States and
Algeria continues to grow stronger. Since 9/11, our nations have joined
together in the struggle against violent extremism. Algeria is on the
front lines of the battle against violent extremism, having suffered
the scourge of terrorism since the 1990s, and most recently in the
attack on the gas-production facility near In Amenas in January 2013.
The Government of Algeria understands the need to remain vigilant
against those who wish to do us harm and is a steadfast partner in our
counterterrorism efforts including as an active participant in the
Global Counter-terrorism Forum and the Trans-Sahel Counter-terrorism
Partnership. While terrorist activity in Algeria has decreased since
the dark decade of the 1990s, the Algerian Government knows as well as
the United States that violent extremism remains a threat. President
Bouteflika was the first Arab leader to call President Bush following
the terrorist attacks on 9/11, reflecting our shared view of the
dangers posed by terrorism. This call was an expression of support that
led to even greater cooperation.
Today, Algeria is working with its neighbors to stabilize the
broader Maghreb and Sahel region. Algeria has taken positive steps to
help train security forces in countries like Mali and Niger in the
Sahel. Algeria has also provided airlift support to African
peacekeeping troops. The Algerian military has taken action to secure
its eastern border to combat smuggling and weapons proliferation.
Tunisia and Algeria have formed a close security relationship to
aggressively confront violent extremists. We continue to engage with
Algeria about the security situation in Libya and the challenge of
foreign fighters in Syria as well. If confirmed, I will work to support
these efforts.
While counterterrorism and security remain the cornerstone of our
relationship, in recent years we have expanded beyond CT to form a
robust diplomatic, political, and economic partnership as well. In
recent years, we have held two bilateral Strategic Dialogues, former
Secretary Clinton visited Algeria twice, Secretary Kerry just visited
in April 2014, and Energy Secretary Moniz opened the U.S. pavilion of
the Algerian International Trade Fair--where 80 companies and
organizations represented our commercial and economic interests in
Algeria. These visits and dialogues are indicative of our rapidly
expanding commercial and social ties.
As one of the largest oil and gas producers in the Middle East and
Africa, Algeria is a critical supplier of energy to Europe and global
markets. Algeria has significant remaining energy resources and
potentially vast untapped unconventional hydrocarbon resources, and its
government is eager to partner with U.S. firms, whose expertise in this
sector is unparalleled in the world. If confirmed, I will advocate for
U.S. companies who can partner with Algeria to safely develop shale gas
and other resources to ensure stability in global energy markets and
bring further development and prosperity to the people of Algeria.
Beyond oil and gas, Algeria is interested in diversifying its
economy, and there is significant potential in the Algerian market for
U.S. companies. Last year General Electric won a contract worth several
billion dollars to develop Algeria's electricity sector. U.S. companies
in the fields of pharmaceuticals, manufacturing, and machinery are
investing in Algeria and have won multimillion dollar deals in recent
years.
Algeria has long had a significant political and diplomatic role in
Middle Eastern and African affairs--it is literally at the confluence
of Africa, the Mediterranean, and the Arab world. Algeria is a key
player in the Arab League, the African Union, and the Organization of
the Islamic Conference. It is a long-standing member of the
Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries and a founding member of
the New Economic Partnership for African Development. Algeria is also
active in the Arab Maghreb Union, which has the potential to bring the
Maghreb states closer together.
Algeria has an important role to play in strengthening relations
between North and sub-Saharan Africa, and its mediating role in
conflicts around the continent will remain vital to finding peaceful
solutions there. Algeria has forgiven the debt of multiple African
countries, and is looking for ways to boost economic development of its
neighbors to the south. Algeria would gain from increasing trade within
the region, and its willingness to lead in this area will be critical
to realizing long-held dreams of regional integration, including with
Morocco. To that end, we appreciate Algeria's support for the U.N.-led
negotiations over the disputed territory of the Western Sahara. We also
welcome Algeria's participation in the U.S.-Africa Leaders summit later
this summer. I know the President looks forward to genuine dialogue
with leaders of African nations, and we look forward to hearing from
Prime Minister Abdelmalek Sellal--who will represent Algeria--about the
many ways that Algeria stands ready to partner with and support its
neighbors on the continent.
Unlike other countries in the region, Algeria did not experience
the upheaval of the Arab Spring. President Bouteflika introduced
political reforms in 2011, and recently announced a series of
constitutional amendments to further develop Algeria's political
system. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to work with the
Algerian Government and people as they take the next steps in
negotiating, adopting, and implementing reforms that will strengthen
Algeria's long-term stability.
The potential of the Algerian people is limitless. As Secretary
Kerry saw firsthand during his recent trip, the people of Algeria are
eager to partner with the United States to develop people-to-people
ties. We have expanded our cultural connections with Algeria, including
boosting English Language Education, increasing opportunities for
Algerians to study in the United States, and develop other educational
exchange opportunities. Additionally, programs like those promoted by
the Middle East Partnership Initiative help build civil society and
will help bring our countries even closer together. If confirmed, I
will work with the Algerian Government and people to continue and
expand these programs.
Mr. Chairman, I have had the great honor of serving as a Foreign
Service officer for the last 20 years. I have worked in and on the
Middle East, North Africa, and Central Asia, focusing on countries that
present some of the same challenges and rich opportunities that exist
in Algeria. My previous assignments in Azerbaijan and Libya provided an
extensive background in the counterterrorism and energy issues that are
critical to our partnership with Algeria, while multiple tours in
transitional and post-conflict countries have instilled a profound
appreciation for the importance of political and economic reform to
long-term stability, and for the power of people-to-people diplomacy to
build lasting partnerships.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman, ranking member Rubio, and members of the
committee, for this opportunity to address you. I'm deeply honored to
have been selected to lead the team in U.S. Embassy Algiers, a dynamic,
hard-working, and dedicated group working on the front lines of U.S.
policy. If confirmed, I hope I will have many occasions to host you and
your colleagues in Congress in Algiers. I would be pleased to address
any questions that you may have.
Senator Cardin. I thank you and I thank again all four of
you for your testimony and your appearance here.
As I said at the beginning of the hearing, this panel
represents two of our three pillars of national defense, that
is, diplomacy and development assistance. And that is by far
the best return we get from the point of view of the dollars
that are invested in our national security. So we look at each
of you as critically important players in advancing the
national security of the United States.
Mr. Osius, let me start with you. You and I have had a
chance to chat, and I very much appreciate your career
commitment to the Foreign Service and what you have been able
to do to advance U.S. interests.
Vietnam is a very interesting country. They truly want to
develop a much closer tie to the United States for many
reasons. The security issue in the China Sea is one reason and
their relationship with China, which is problematic right now
because of the incident concerning the oil rig, is another
reason. And they look at the United States as a reliable
partner. So they were anxious to get into the TPP, which would
be really revolutionary in the sense that we have a
multilateral agreement that involves countries at different
levels of development. And that issue was brought home to me in
my conversations with the leaders of Vietnam.
I made it clear that there needs to be advancements in good
governance and human rights in order to see the type of
strategic partnerships between the United States and Vietnam
that both countries would like to see.
Ambassador Shear has been very direct with the Vietnamese
about this issue. As you and I have commented, he has that
little card he points out with his checklist. I just would like
to get your observations as to how you see your role, if
confirmed, in advancing the U.S. objectives of improving the
strategic ties between our two countries but doing it mindful
that good governance and human rights must be improved.
Mr. Osius. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And may I
thank you very much for the time that you invested in traveling
to Vietnam. It was very clear from the reception that you
received that they knew they were welcoming a heavyweight. They
wanted very much to have constructive conversations with you,
and by all reports, it was a terrific trip. So thank you so
much for taking the time to travel there.
On TPP, as you mentioned, Vietnam is the least developed of
the 12 countries that are negotiating. Along with Malaysia, it
stands to benefit most should TPP succeed, should we conclude a
TPP agreement. So I think that, as well as the strategic
situation that the Vietnamese are facing in the South China
Sea, means if we want to help advance good governance, respect
for rule of law and for human rights, now is the time. There is
really no better time than this year, given the Vietnamese
interest in a deepening partnership with us.
Since the time that our two Presidents agreed on a
comprehensive partnership, there have been some modest advances
in human rights. You mentioned Ambassador Shear's little card.
I have been carrying it around ever since my nomination. And by
my calculation, one-third of the items that Ambassador Shear
had listed on that card the Vietnamese have already dealt with.
We would all like to see all of these issues dealt with, but I
think we are making some progress.
I think some of that progress may be as a result of direct
American engagement and the fact that the Congress is so much
interested in this issue is a fact that is not at all lost upon
Vietnamese leaders. Since the time the partnership was
announced, the Vietnamese have signed the Convention Against
Torture. They have published an ILO report on forced labor and
child labor. They have released a small number of prisoners.
The trick going forward will be to ensure that those prisons
are not refilled but that the changes that are made are
systemic. And I do believe we have a real opportunity to make
those changes in the time ahead.
Senator Cardin. Well, as you point out, they released a few
of the prisoners of conscience, but there are still many more
that are imprisoned. They will have on their law books crimes
that under international standards should not be crimes, but
people just expressing their peaceful disagreements with
government and they should be able to do that. They still have
a problem on the registration of religious organizations.
And what I think is the most challenging part is how they
deal with corruption. As I pointed out, this is not a unique
issue in Vietnam. Many countries have extreme challenges here.
But Vietnam must be on a path to rid itself of the amount of
corruption it has. We saw in Ukraine that the motivating force
behind the populist uprising was a corrupt government more so
than the philosophy of that government. And I think it is clear
that that issue has to be high on our list for good governance
reforms within Vietnam.
Mr. Osius. Yes, sir. Transparency International lists
Vietnam as 116 out of 177 on its corruption index. I think the
people of Vietnam would like to see that situation improve as
well. And as you mentioned, there have been bloggers who have
been imprisoned. Internet freedom is one of the issues that we
have tried hard to advance and that, if confirmed, I would
continue to work to advance.
Senator Cardin. Do you have any recommendations in regards
to the maritime security challenges? The relationship right now
between Vietnam and China is dangerous in regards to the
rhetoric we hear. The U.S. position is pretty clear. We want a
peaceful resolution of the territorial issues. We do not take
sides on who is right, but we do take sides on it being handled
in a peaceful manner and not through unilateral actions such as
what China did.
Any thoughts as to how you could be helpful in preserving a
peaceful resolution of these issues and dealing with the
commerce that goes through the China Seas?
Mr. Osius. First, I agree with your characterization. We
have a great stake in how these issues are resolved and that
they are resolved peacefully and in accordance with
international law.
I would suggest that the strongest thing that we can do to
send a signal in the region is continue to build powerful
partnerships. We are building partnerships with ASEAN nations,
including with Vietnam, over time. I think if there is a
calculus that is being made by the Chinese, that calculus will
be affected by the strength of our partnerships in the region.
With Vietnam in particular, we have strengthened our
maritime relationship. Last December, Secretary Kerry announced
a $25 million program, $18 million of which will go to Vietnam
for strengthening collaboration between our two Coast Guards. I
think we should explore further expansion of Vietnam's maritime
domain awareness and how we can help Vietnam build its capacity
to deal with the challenges in the South China Sea. And I think
we should continue to stand by our allies. Here I am going
beyond Vietnam--but to support our allies such as the
Philippines and, of course, Japan as they deal with these
challenges.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Senator Murphy.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you to all of our witnesses today. I know you will
serve the United States very well. I just have a few questions
for a couple of our witnesses relative to our growing economic
relationship, especially through the negotiation of TPP.
But, first, let me say, although I do not have any
questions for Mr. Stivers, I had the chance to work with him as
he was of great assistance and counsel to the House majority. I
know you will serve USAID just as well as you did the House
majority and then the House minority caucus.
I wanted just to talk a little bit, maybe direct the
question to you, Mr. Lippert, regarding negotiations over TPP
and where South Korea may fall into those negotiations. A lot
of us were skeptical of the Korea FTA not necessarily because
of the writing on the page but because of our concerns about
how it would be enforced. Some of those concerns have been
borne out. In particular, one of the primary selling points for
the FTA was the potential boon to U.S. auto manufacturers with
their ability to sell into the Korean market, and we have seen
sort of this strange concoction of tax credit and tax penalty
that has so far meant that we have not, I think, witnessed the
benefit that some had predicted.
I would just be interested in your thoughts on how we can
continue to work through the existing enforcement issues with
our FTA that has been signed and whether that prevents us from
moving Korea into a broader conversation about being part of
TPP.
Mr. Lippert. Senator, thanks for the question.
You make a good point, and I would just say that if
confirmed, one of my top priorities would be full
implementation of the KORUS FTA. As you rightly point out,
there are some uneven implementation issues, autos origin. The
origin issue is also a big one as well that we have to continue
to sort through. We have made a little progress on the data
issue, it seems to me, but I do think that the autos issue
remains outstanding. We have seen some progress. I think the
stats are something--there is an 80-percent increase in U.S.
automobiles into the country, and there is some progress there.
But I think you are right. We do have to stay on this, and
I think having dealt with the South Korean Government in a
defense capacity, I do feel that sustained U.S. engagement and
raising the issue in consultation with USTR is one prong of the
issue, that we just have to stay on it.
The second issue that I have seen work is senior-level
visits. We tend to make progress around visits by the
President, by the Vice President, by the Secretary of State. So
lining up those engagements to try to make progress on these
key trade issues would also be a way ahead as well.
But I do take the point. I think there is more work left to
be done.
Senator Murphy. How important is it to bring them into the
rubric of the TPP negotiations? We have our own FTA obviously,
but what are the stakes with respect to that decision?
Mr. Lippert. Senator, I think two things. I think you raise
an excellent question.
I think the first point I would make is that the priority,
if confirmed, for me is KORUS implementation. I think we have
just got to get that done, first and foremost.
Second is as Ambassador Froman will tell you, we have got
to finish the round here at TPP and work with Congress to try
to make progress on it. At that point, I think we have said we
welcome South Koreans' interest in the TPP. We look forward to
consulting with them in the standard mechanisms, but I do think
that if you can bring South Korea down the road, get all the
aforementioned issues taken care of, I think it would be a boon
to TPP overall.
Senator Murphy. Mr. Osius, I may have missed this. I did
not get to hear your prepared testimony, but some have
suggested that Vietnam has the farthest to travel in terms of
domestic economic reforms in order to be ready for TPP. We have
always had serious concerns about the ability of their
government to protect intellectual property rights. What do you
think about their ability to make the necessary changes in
order to be part of that agreement and, to the point that we
were discussing with respect to Korea, be able to actually
enforce U.S. companies' rights as part of that agreement?
Mr. Osius. Senator, I think TPP offers us the best
opportunity to put the Vietnamese in a position where they
must, in order to meet the terms that they have agreed to, do a
much better job at enforcing intellectual property rights. One
of the things that will be a challenge for the Vietnamese is
meeting the very high labor standards that are set by the TPP.
If they accede to the agreement, they will have to support ILO
fundamental labor rights such as freedom of association,
collective bargaining. They will have to deal with child and
forced labor and essentially uphold rule of law when it comes
to labor in ways that they have not done in the past. It will
be a hard road for them to travel. The United States has shown
that we are willing to help them build capacity, including in
the area of customs enforcement where it will also be very
important for them to work harder than they have in the past to
meet the high standards of the TPP.
Senator Murphy. And switching gears, just one question for
you, Ms. Polaschik. Can you talk about Algeria within a
regional context? It is maddening, frankly, to see the lack of
cooperation in particular between Algeria and Morocco when it
comes to combating terrorism and AQIM. What is the ability of
the United States State Department and the embassy to try to
get a little bit more regional cooperation, especially between
those two nations when it comes to counterterrorism activity?
Ms. Polaschik. Senator, thank you for that question.
I think there are a couple of parts to that answer, and the
first part is that Algeria is actually demonstrating quite
impressive leadership on regional issues with respect to
counterterrorism. Algeria, as you know, had its own long,
difficult struggle with domestic terrorism and, with the growth
of these new transnational groups, has been cooperating very,
very closely with Tunisia to conduct operations against the
extremists that are operating on their shared border. Algeria
has put tens of thousands of military troops on its
southeastern border to prevent the flow of weapons and
terrorists from Mali and Libya and is working very, very
closely with Mali and Niger to strengthen those two countries'
capacity to combat transnational threats.
Yes, Senator, you are right. Algeria and Morocco do have a
very complicated relationship, and we consistently urge both
countries to work to improve them because they have shared
interests in combating transnational terrorism, illegal
migration, the smuggling of drugs. And we also share those
interests. So we are doing everything possible to promote
better relations between those two countries, and we urge them
to delink the issue of western Sahara from their bilateral
relationship. If confirmed, I certainly would reach out to my
colleague, Ambassador Bush, in Morocco and his team to talk
about ways that we could work together to improve this very
critical relationship.
Senator Murphy. Great.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to all of our nominees.
Senator Cardin. Well, there is no country that has a more
difficult relationship with one of its neighbors in the region,
that are both closely aligned to the United States, than Korea
with Japan. So, Mr. Lippert, what can you do representing our
country? How do you intend to proceed with improving the
relationship between Korea and Japan?
Mr. Lippert. Senator, thanks for that question.
As you know--and you have been out to the region many, many
times and have dealt with this issue firsthand. So you are
deeply knowledgeable and steeped in this issue, having talked
to you last week on this issue.
I think the first principle is that it is by far in U.S.
national security interests that the Republic of Korea and
Japan have a good relationship. There is a lot in common. They
are both democracies, both free market economies. There is good
trade back and forth, so on and so forth. And it is important
for regional security that they do work together.
In terms of what I would do, if confirmed as Ambassador,
is--you know, Ambassador Kennedy and the State Department team
back in Washington--we would not play a mediation role. We
obviously have conversations to encourage a better dialogue
between the Japanese and South Koreans to work through some of
these very difficult and painful historical issues. In my
capacity as Assistant Secretary, for example, we worked very
hard to add trilateral cooperation to the agenda at the
Shangri-La Dialogue in 2 successive years. We completed
ministerial level talks that brought Japanese and Korean
defense ministers closer together. The President at The Hague
also had a trilateral session with the Japanese and South
Korean leaders in order to find areas of common interest,
common cooperation, and common security.
But at the end of the day, both sides, the Japanese and the
South Koreans, are two great countries with two very effective
foreign ministries and are capable of making progress on this
issue. And we can play an important role in encouraging that
dialogue back and forth.
Senator Cardin. I think it is important to have an honest
and open discussion about this. The sensitivities here are
great and actions taken by one country are interpreted rather
strongly by the other. So whatever you can do in that regard to
make it clear that they really need to go at least halfway--
each country--in order to resolve this--and to improve their
bilateral relationship. I think it is very important.
I want to get to North Korea just for one moment and how
you see the best way to try to advance the concerns we have
with North Korea. And I want to just preface that. North Korea
is more than a threat against the region because of its nuclear
capacity. It is a threat against its region because of its
total disregard for the rights of its people and its economy
that is in shambles. How would you suggest that we try to deal
with these risks against regional stability?
Mr. Lippert. Senator, thanks for the question.
You are right. North Korea does pose a serious threat to
the United States and its allies because of its nuclear and
missile programs, but also its gross human rights violations,
as outlined in the United Nations Commission of Inquiry. If you
read that document, the evidence is staggering against the
regime and the abhorrent behavior that it has demonstrated to
its own people.
In terms of moving forward on the North Korea issue, I
would just say, if confirmed, there are sort of three lines by
which primarily out of Washington. But obviously I would be
helpful, if confirmed as Ambassador.
The first is continue to build the international consensus
to isolate North Korea and its regime. And perhaps one of the
best examples is to isolate them on the human rights issue.
The second is to continue the pressure and the sanctions,
both multilateral sanctions and unilateral sanctions, as well
as military exercises to keep the North Koreans in check and to
send a strong signal that the United States is watching their
behavior.
And finally, what I have been working on at the Defense
Department, which is strong defense and deterrence, and that
means increasing the number of ground-based interceptors in
Alaska. That means adding a second TPY-2 radar in Japan to
booster our missile defense, two new ballistic missile defense
cruisers by 2017, and the movement of the THAAD on Guam to
ensure that we stay one step ahead of the North Korean threat
both in terms of our own homeland and our allies.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Mr. Stivers, I am a big fan of Administrator Shah's efforts
to leverage our development assistance in countries by trying
to do what we can to move toward self-sufficiency and country
sustainability so that our foreign development assistance is
not needed forever, and doing so by leveraging government
efforts with private sector funds and local participation.
Asia is an interesting region. There are a lot of
challenges that are there. Can you just share with us how you
would carry out that goal that Administrator Shah has mentioned
about leveraging our development assistance for sustainability
and private partnerships?
Mr. Stivers. Well, thank you, Senator, for that question,
and thank you for your leadership on Asia issues.
USAID has implemented a new model of development that does
focus more on public-private partnerships, regional solutions
to regional challenges, and certainly with the advances in
science and innovation. And I know you have been a leader on
the Global Development Lab, and I think that is one way where
USAID is working to promote science and innovation. And in
particular in Asia, I know USAID has launched something called
the Millennium Alliance in India which brings together
university partners and corporation partners to support new
innovations, new development challenges regarding education and
health. And I think that is one way where it has been very
successful.
We are in a tight budgetary era, and we want to do more in
terms of the rebalance in terms of the emphasis on the region.
And to the extent that we can leverage more resources in this
new model of development, I think Administrator Shah has done
an exemplary job of moving AID in that direction.
Senator Cardin. I wanted to get your views on how you would
use development assistance to advance good governance and human
rights. You have already mentioned young women and girls, and I
very much appreciate that. The gender equity issues have been a
huge priority under Secretary Clinton and now under Secretary
Kerry, and it is an area that we need to continue to advance.
I remember a hearing that we had several years ago with
former President Clinton as a witness and talking about how he
goes about development assistance in other countries, and that
there is zero tolerance for corruption. We are not doing a
country any favors if we are participating in just feeding a
corrupt regime.
I want to get your commitment that that will be the policy
of USAID, that yes, we want to help countries, but they must be
on a path toward improving good governance and that our
development assistance will not fuel further corruption of
regimes.
Mr. Stivers. Absolutely. Thank you for that, Senator, and
thank you for your longtime support on good governance and
human rights issues.
There are certainly governance challenges and concerns
throughout Asia in a number of countries that USAID provides
assistance to. Good governance is central to development. It is
hard to do other development initiatives, whether you are
making advances in health or food, unless you are addressing
the underlying structural problems that sometimes cause
poverty, and a lot of times, that has to do with poor
governance. And to the extent that USAID is in these countries
strengthening civil society, training journalists, promoting
citizen participation and oversight, I think AID's programs in
many countries are very good in this regard. And it will be a
top commitment for me if confirmed.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Ms. Polaschik, I want to come back. Senator Murphy covered
somewhat terrorism and counterterrorism and what we have to do
working with other countries. It is one of our highest
priorities. I understand there is still a warning against U.S.
visitors to that country about the threat of safety from
terrorist activities. Obviously, that is unacceptable. So we
need to do a more effective job.
But I want to get your view on how we can improve good
governance in Algeria. It is an oil- and gas-rich country. It
is questionable as to whether the wealth is getting to the
people in the most efficient way. I would just like to get your
assessment as to how we could be helpful in promoting good
governance in Algeria.
Ms. Polaschik. Mr. Chairman, thank you for that question.
It is a very good one.
By all accounts, Algeria is a challenging place to do
business. The World Bank's most recent Ease of Doing Business
report, for example, lists it at number 153 of 187 of all
countries worldwide. And American companies do raise concerns
with us, in particular, about transparency in the
decisionmaking process.
That said, the Algerian Government realizes that it needs
to take steps to reform and particularly to diversify its
economy. As you know, it is heavily dependent upon the
hydrocarbon sector. And in order to diversify the economy, they
are going to have to make some pretty marked improvements to
their overall business climate. And I think there are some
things that could be done pretty easily to improve that. One
would be to improve their overall regulatory environment. Two
would be to ease the administrative processing, like one-stop
shopping for registering businesses, and improving access to
decisionmakers.
The U.S. Government already is working in this area to
support these efforts. We have some MEPI, the Middle East
Partnership Initiative, assistance programs that are working
with grassroots Algerian NGOs that are working to promote
greater transparency. So if confirmed, I certainly would
continue and support these efforts to make the changes that are
necessary.
Senator Cardin. It is my understanding that the government
is directly involved in the extractive industries in Algeria.
Transparency is going to be critically important here. We found
that in other countries. And I am not as familiar with Algeria
as I would like to be, but I would like to get your commitment
that we will make it clear that transparency is absolutely
essential so that there can be a better tracing as to how the
resources are being used in Algeria for its own development.
Ms. Polaschik. Absolutely, Senator.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
I now yield to Senator Rubio who informs us he has been
tied up in the Intelligence Committee. Not much going on around
the world like Iraq, so I do not know why that would tie you up
too long.
Senator Rubio. I am just glad to be here.
I do not have extensive questions. I think a lot of it has
probably already been asked and answered. But I wanted to
revisit a couple points.
I am sure, Mr. Lippert, you have been asked about relations
between Korea and Japan. Let me start with a separate question.
It was an issue that I have confronted in Florida, which we
actually raised during my visit to Korea in February of this
year. As you know, the free trade agreement with Korea I
believe was a win for them, as it is for us. But we have had
some implementation issues regarding--for example, Florida
citrus growers have had an issue. The fundamental issue is that
the Koreans have disputed in the past or have asked questions
about whether that citrus is truly being produced and packaged
in Florida or maybe it is coming from Brazil and just being
brought through. And we were able to use the Embassy to
facilitate a visit by South Korean officials to Florida where
they were able to confirm all of it.
So my question is, as we proceed with the implementation of
this agreement, I anticipate there may be further instances of
this in the future that may arise on either side. And I think I
know the answer will be yes, but I just wanted to get a
commitment that you will be actively engaged through your
office and the Embassy to resolve any sort of disputes that
might arise in this process because I think they are critical
to the future of any other trade agreements, whether it is TPP
or anything else.
Mr. Lippert. Senator, the answer is unequivocally yes.
Senator Rubio. And then the second point--I am confident
that you have been asked about it, but I was not here. So let
me ask you about it as well.
When I was there, one of the issues that truly captured
everyone's attention was the friction between the Abe
government and South Korea, some of the issues that have arisen
around that. In fact, I felt it was perhaps even more dominant
than the concerns about China's illegitimate claims in the
region or maybe not to the level of the risk posed by North
Korea, but it was certainly one of the dominant features of our
visit and for the United States, a very troubling one because
both of these are critical alliances for us, in fact, perhaps
the two most important alliances in that region.
Can you give us an update about where we stand with regard
to that? Has there been improvement? Has that continued to
degrade? Has there been any evidence that over the last few
months the leadership of both countries have made efforts to
try to bridge that divide and reestablish a cooperative working
relationship? Because they have some mutually--they share some
mutual defense concerns and economic ones.
Mr. Lippert. Senator, it is an excellent question. And
thanks for your travel out to the region. I did follow it
closely and actually read one of your op-eds that you published
on Asia recently.
To your point, I think it remains challenging. I will say
that there has been some progress, especially on the United
States engaging in a trilateral way. The President had a very
good trilateral summit with the two leaders on the margins of
The Hague. I actually hosted the Defense Trilateral Talks here
in Washington at the Pentagon between the South Koreans and
Japanese, and there was some very good exchanges and frank
discussions that I think were helpful. Secretary Hagel had a
trilateral meeting on the margins of the Shangri-La Dialogue
that I think also helped move the ball forward, at least in
terms of some of the security issues. And then Ambassador
Davies also had a recent exchange with some of the six-party
talks negotiators here both on the Japanese and South Korean
side. So I think there has been progress, but I would say that
a lot more work needs to be done.
Senator Rubio. And the other point I would make--and I
wanted your opinion on this. Of course, in Japan, there has
been a lot of conversation about how they can reinterpret their
existing constitutional provisions to allow them to engage in
collective self-defense. For us, of course, we largely benefit
from that because if in fact one of our ships or personnel came
under attack right now, given the strictest definition of the
constitutional provisions in Japan, a very capable Japanese
defense force theoretically would not be able to come to our
defense.
How is that goal of the Abe government to be a little bit
more liberal in their application of that provision--how do
they view that in Korea? Is there a sense there that there
could be a defense partnership between those countries as a
result of greater capabilities on the part of the Japanese?
Mr. Lippert. Senator, I think you outlined the up-sides of
the reinterpretation of collective self-defense, as well as our
own review that we do bilaterally with the Japanese called the
Guidelines Review in helping instill greater capabilities to
the U.S.-Japan alliance.
But to your precise question, what we have done at the
Pentagon and elsewhere across the administration is encourage
transparency and consultation with the South Korean Government
on this issue. I still think it is a touchy subject. That is my
own personal view. And we do have to do a good job, a better
job of making sure that there is good outreach and information
exchange. That was one of the focuses at the Shangri-La
Dialogue where Secretary Hagel hosted his two counterparts to
encourage that exchange on the reinterpretation of the
constitution. It is what I did at the Defense Trilateral Talks
as well here in Washington that preceded that in order to
exchange information, demystify, get clarifying questions
answered because I think there are concerns that are still out
there that we have to work through in a consultative manner.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
And I wanted to briefly pivot to Mr. Osius.
Thank you all for your service, by the way, and I
congratulate you on your nomination and wish you all the best.
Hopefully we will be able to visit some of you in your new
posts.
I wanted to ask you two things. First, I am sure you have
been asked already about the situation with regard to the
conflict with the Chinese, and I missed that portion. Could you
just update me on what you think our role is with regard to
conflicts such as those where we do not have an existing
defense agreement in the way we do with Japan or South Korea?
But yet, we have an interest in territorial claims not being
abused.
Mr. Osius. I agreed very much with the way the chairman
characterized our position. We have a strong interest in the
behavior of nations. Even if we have not taken a position on
specific territorial disputes, we have a strong interest in the
rule of law being observed. We have a strong interest in
nations resolving territorial disputes peacefully and in
accordance with international law.
My suggestion was that we can change the calculus of the
Chinese in the South China Sea by forming powerful
partnerships, and that partnerships with our allies, the
Philippines and Japan and Thailand and others, but also with
partners such as Indonesia and Vietnam can also change the
calculus. And our partnership with Vietnam in the strategic
areas is growing. We already have agreement on high-level
dialogue on search and rescue, humanitarian assistance and
disaster relief, and peacekeeping operations. And where the
relationship is growing fastest is in the area of maritime
security.
Senator Rubio. I have one brief question. Is that OK? I
apologize.
This is a particular case that has arisen in Vietnam that I
hope, when you are confirmed, that you will take up as a cause.
In 2012, a Lutheran pastor, Pastor Nguyen Cong Chinh, was
sentenced to 11 years in prison for, ``undermining national
unity,'' under article 87 of Vietnam's penal code. In reality,
Pastor Chin was arbitrarily detained, and he was jailed simply
for practicing his faith. Reports indicate that the pastor was
beaten while praying on two separate occasions.
If confirmed, would you advocate for the release of Pastor
Chinh, as well as other prisoners of conscience?
Mr. Osius. I would, sir, absolutely.
Senator Rubio. And how would you engage with the Vietnamese
Government on issues of religious freedom? I ask that because I
do believe that these sorts of abuses are an impediment to the
sort of partnership that you have discussed that you think it
would be wise for us to pursue with Vietnam and others. I think
religious liberties is an important thing for us to clearly be
on the side of. So how do you think we can most productively
engage with the Vietnamese authorities on cases such as these?
Mr. Osius. Senator, I agree. Activities such as that are an
impediment to the appropriate development of our partnership
with Vietnam.
I think there is some good news and there is some not-so-
good news. In the 18 years that I have been visiting Vietnam or
serving in Vietnam, the trajectory is basically pretty good. In
the central highlands, when I first went there, the
monasteries, the churches--they were all empty. Now they are
full and they are full of young people, and more than half of
Vietnam's population is under 30 and those people want to be
able to practice their religious beliefs freely. And so I think
there is a possibility for systemic change, and if confirmed, I
would push as hard as I could for that kind of systemic change.
Senator Cardin. Senator Kaine.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And to the witnesses, thank you for your service and
congratulations on your nominations.
I am going to apologize to the males on the panel. I am
duty-bound by my jurisdiction to grill the University of
Virginia graduate, Ms. Polaschik, and I am also the chairman of
the Subcommittee on the Near East.
And I am very interested in relationship with Algeria. I
recently met with the Algerian Ambassador to the United States.
Forgive me. I am sure you have covered a bit of this in your
testimony, possibly in an earlier question. But talk about the
nature of the current U.S.-Algeria counterterrorism
partnership.
Ms. Polaschik. Thank you, Senator, for that question. And
wahoo-wa.
Overall, the state of the U.S.-Algerian relationship on
counter terrorism is very, very good. Algeria, as you know,
fought its own long and difficult battle with terrorism on its
own soil and developed a very strong capacity. Algeria is now
working with its neighbors to address the new transnational
threats that are posed by the various Ansar al-Sharia groups
throughout North Africa, MUJAO from Mali, and others. So
Algeria is working with Tunisia to counter activity on their
shared border. It has pushed out tens of thousands of soldiers
to its southeastern border to stem the flow of terrorists and
weapons coming out of Mali and Libya. And it is working very
effectively with Mali and Niger to train their own security
services. So it is a very good partner, and certainly, if
confirmed, I would build on the excellent work that my
predecessor, Henry Ensher, has done and seek to expand that
further.
Senator Kaine. We have a very strong partnership--I am glad
to hear you talk about that in some detail--with Algeria.
We also have a very strong partnership with Morocco, and
yet those two nations have had their challenges. I think a
question has been asked about that earlier. But I am just
struck by a relationship where air travel between the two
countries is common. Commercial traffic that way is common, but
the border is closed.
What can the United States or what could you do as
Ambassador that would hopefully help these two allies of ours
continue to strengthen their own relationship and resolve
difficulties?
Ms. Polaschik. Senator, it is an excellent question and
certainly one that we in the State Department are very
concerned with because both Morocco and Algeria are good
friends of the United States and they are very, very capable
partners. So if confirmed, I would continue doing what we are
doing all along, urging both Morocco and Algeria to work
together to address their issues of shared concern such as
counterterrorism, illegal migration, drugs trafficking, et
cetera. And I would urge the Algerians to delink the issue of
Western Sahara from their relationship with Morocco.
Senator Kaine. Thank you for that. Algeria has one of the
largest energy reserves in the world and is one of the largest
energy exporters in the world. Is there anything that Algeria
can do to help Europe wean themselves away from over-dependence
upon Russian energy? That was a topic that I talked about with
the Ambassador last week, and I thought that might have some
promise.
Ms. Polaschik. Absolutely, Senator. It is an excellent
question.
Algeria is a significant and stable exporter of oil,
natural gas, and liquefied natural gas, and its geographic
location, right next to Europe, makes it critically important
for European energy security. Algeria is Europe's number two
supplier of natural gas. And Algeria has significant reserves
of shale gas. They have the third-largest recoverable reserves
of shale gas anywhere in the world. So this is a new and
exciting area of great opportunity. And the Algerian Government
has announced plans to exploit these resources, and it is also
very interested in partnering with American companies to
develop them. So there are great opportunities for American
companies there and to further advance European energy
security.
If confirmed, I certainly would make it a top priority to
make sure that we support the Algerian efforts to develop their
shale reserves and to work to get American companies a share of
the market.
Senator Kaine. I continue to believe that with respect to
Ukraine and other nations in Europe, one of the best things we
can do for them is to help them obtain other sources of energy.
And often the debate here is about U.S. exports or technical
assistance to develop European energy, but an additional way to
make this happen is to find other partners who can export more
to Europe, and Algeria seems to be, because of historical
background and the fact that they are already a significant
exporter, a perfect partner. So if there are things that we can
do diplomatically or through American companies to help them
develop that shale gas capacity and export more, that would be
for the good of Ukraine, for the good of Western Europe, and I
would love to explore that with you.
How, if at all, is Algeria responding right now to this
uprising by the anti-Islamist general Haftar in Libya?
Ms. Polaschik. Senator, Libya very much shares the United
States Government's concerns about the situation in Libya. It
is very concerned about the spread of transnational extremists,
the spread of weapons coming out of Libya and I think is
willing to work with us and the neighbors to try to find a
solution.
That said, nonintervention in other countries' internal
affairs has been a long-standing pillar of Algerian foreign
policy. So I do not expect that they would do anything rash.
What I expect is that they would continue their very active
diplomacy. And Algeria has been a leader in helping to resolve
conflict throughout the continent, and we certainly welcome
their role in that regard.
Senator Kaine. The last question I will ask is President
Bouteflika's election to a fourth 5-year term in 2014 sort of
underscored a continuity and a stability in Algerian politics,
and yet he is elderly. He has had some physical challenges.
Talk a little bit about what are the political prospects in the
future given the fact that after 20 years of a very difficult
challenge, I am sure there are thoughts about transitioning, et
cetera. We do not have a favorite, but what is the current
lineup of political parties in Algeria and thoughts about kind
of next chapters in political leadership?
Ms. Polaschik. Senator, Algeria since early 2011 has been
pursuing a path of gradual reform, and just in the last couple
of weeks President Bouteflika has announced some proposals to
amend the constitution that would further open up the Algerian
political system. For example, he would propose giving more
power to the Parliament and to the Prime Minister, reimposing
Presidential term limits and further liberalizing the media
environment. And all of these steps we certainly welcome.
The Algerian Constitution has a very clear process for
succession. In the event that the President is incapacitated,
the speaker of the upper House of Parliament would serve as
Acting President for 60 days, during which time elections would
be organized. We fully anticipate that the Algerian authorities
would abide by their constitutional procedures, and we would be
prepared to work with whomever the Algerian people elect as
their next President.
Senator Kaine. Thank you very much for those answers.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Senator McCain.
Senator McCain. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Lippert, the commander of U.S. Forces in Korea
testified before the committee in March. He said that while the
U.S. Forces that are on the peninsula are prepared to carry out
their mission of fight tonight in the event of a conflict, that
the follow-on force for reinforcing our troops is not ready to
do so effectively due to sequestration. Do you share that view?
Mr. Lippert. Senator, I would have nothing to contradict
General Scaparotti. So, yes.
Senator McCain. You would agree with that.
That is of some concern.
Mr. Osius, the Vietnamese Government wants us to waive its
ban on lethal arm sales or transfers. Obviously, the situation
continues to become more tense in the South China Sea or the
Asia Sea. Depending on which country you are from is whatever
name you want to give it, but we know the area. Have we
considered lifting that ban? And if so, what considerations do
we have? And if not, I guess have we laid out for them the
criteria that we would expect in order to have that arms
transfer lifted?
Mr. Osius. Thank you, Senator.
We have made it clear that we cannot lift the ban absent
significant progress on human rights, on the development of
respect for rule of law and human rights in Vietnam. We have
been quite clear on what we expect in terms of progress on
human rights.
Senator McCain. For example, what would be a criteria? A
judgment of a human rights organization or judgment of the
State Department? In other words, what are the criteria?
Mr. Osius. What we have done is we have listed nine areas
for the Vietnamese where we would expect to see serious
progress so that our partnership could achieve its full
potential. I think at this point there has been progress in a
number of those areas, in three or maybe four of those areas.
So that may mean it is time to begin exploring the possibility
of lifting the ban. But it has to be done at a pace with which
this committee is comfortable and with which the Vietnamese are
comfortable.
Senator McCain. Well, for the record, would you provide
just for my information those areas where they have made
progress and those areas where progress still needs to be made?
But they have shown some progress.
Mr. Osius. There has been some progress. There has been
some progress in the area of labor and labor rights. There has
been some progress in the area of disabilities, treatment of
people with disabilities. There has been some growth in the
space for civil society to operate. There has been an increase
in the number of churches that have been registered.
Now, as Americans, we have, I think, a discomfort with the
idea of churches having to register in the first place, but
there is more space for churches, evangelical churches,
Catholic churches, to operate than there was in the past.
What we have not done is lay out a precise road map for
what would get the Vietnamese to lifting the lethal weapons
ban, and it may be time to consider that.
Senator McCain. Well, I hope we would do that given a whole
lot of factors.
A question for you and Mr. Lippert. The Chinese, obviously,
continue to stoke tensions in the South and East China Seas,
and the situation certainly is worsening rather than better,
which leads one to conclude that the actions taken so far have
not braked Chinese behavior. I am wondering if you agree with
that, and if you agree with that, what actions do you think we
should contemplate, maybe beginning with you, Mr. Lippert?
Mr. Lippert. Thanks, Senator.
I think that we have spelled out a pretty robust strategy
for pushing back against the Chinese starting in the East China
Sea or east----
Senator McCain. But you would agree that we have done so
far has not had a deterrent effect.
Mr. Lippert. I would say it depends on which situation,
Senator. For example, in the Senkakus situation, I think the
clear statement of the article 5 commitment by Secretary Hagel
and others has, I think, had some deterrent effect on the
Chinese with the current situation.
I think in the South China Sea, the situation remains more
challenging, as you point out. We have done some things in
terms of help with our Filipino allies in terms of increased
access. The access agreement I think was helpful. There has
been a little bit more presence in the region that I think also
has given a little bit of help to our allies in the region. But
I think you are right. It is a very challenging situation and
more needs to be done.
Senator McCain. And for example, like what?
Mr. Lippert. Well, first, Senator, I do think we need to
protect, where I sit currently in the Pentagon, robust defense
spending in the Asia-Pacific region. We just have to have our
maritime assets out there in more force to give aid and comfort
to our friends and allies in the region.
Second, I think stepped-up presence does help in terms of
overflight, P-8's, so on and so forth.
And then, of course, our undersea assets I think also can
play an important role as well.
Senator McCain. Including joint operating bases such as we
are moving forward--well, already done with Australia, moving
forward with the Philippines and other countries in the region?
Mr. Lippert. Absolutely. I think the initiatives we have
had in Singapore, Australia, Philippines--also, we are now
getting increased access to parts of Malaysia that we have not
seen before. I think those send very important and powerful
signals as well.
Senator McCain. Before I turn to Mr. Osius, the Camp
Humphrey transition is proceeding okay?
Mr. Lippert. My sense is that things are generally on
track. I think the HHOP issue, as you know, remains
challenging. The amount of money we are asking U.S. service
members to pay is very expensive. The outside-the-gate
accommodations are not great, and I think that trying to get as
many people as possible as our Commander of U.S. Forces Korea
wants inside the gate is still a challenge. I know the Deputy
Secretary of Defense a couple of months ago asked the Army to
take another look at this to see what we could come up with
because I think this is a very challenging issue and we need to
sort of resolve this to move forward, Senator.
Senator McCain. Well, I hope we can because the movement
obviously has to take place, and also this issue of operational
control hangs out there as well. So I am sure you will do a
great job.
I am not sure you will, Mr. Osius. [Laughter.]
Senator McCain. I am confident that you will. It was a
joke.
Mr. Osius. Thank you, sir.
First, in terms of security preparations, I would like to
associate myself with what Mark Lippert said in terms of how we
can strengthen our position in Asia. But I do not think we have
exhausted the diplomatic route yet when it comes to the South
China Sea. What the Chinese are doing both in Vietnam and the
Philippines is actually making the job of the Filipinos and the
Vietnamese easier in terms of taking their case to the world
community. The Chinese in some ways are trying to have it both
ways in the U.N., trying to keep the U.N. out, but also
bringing the issue to the U.N. where they believe that they can
control it. I think that is going to be a real challenge.
The New York Times today reported on island building in
South Johnson Reef. It is one thing to put an oil rig into the
Paracels. An oil rig can be removed. When you build an island,
it becomes much harder to remove it. You can build runways on
it, houses on it, and you have changed the status quo. And in
2002, the Chinese signed on to the Declaration of Conduct which
said they would exercise self-restraint and not change the
status quo. I think the nations of ASEAN certainly have taken
notice that the Chinese are not living up to their obligations.
Senator McCain. Well, I think it is very clear in the
exchange that Secretary Hagel had with the Chinese Deputy
Defense Minister in Shangri-La was not encouraging at all.
Would you agree, Mr. Lippert?
Mr. Lippert. It was a testy exchange, Senator. I would
agree.
Mr. Osius. Yes, sir. I agree.
Senator McCain. I thank the witnesses.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Let me just follow up on one thing with Mr.
Lippert. You mentioned the exchanges we are having between
Japan and Korea and you mentioned the Shangri-La opportunities,
and I agree with that. I would just call to your attention
President Park's recommendation for using an OSCE type dialogue
mechanism for northeast Asia, which I would just suggest that
you may wish to follow through. In my conversations with Mr.
Abe, he was supportive of that type of a mechanism. So there
may be some way of strengthening the dialogue mechanisms
between Japan and the Republic of Korea, along with other
countries in northeast Asia.
The record of the committee will remain open untill close
of business Thursday. That will mean that if members have
additional written questions, we would urge you all to try to
complete them as quickly as possible so that we can take action
on the nominations as quickly as possible.
Once again, thank you all for your attention to this
committee.
And with that, the committee will stand adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:25 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Questions and Answers Submitted for the Record
Responses of Mark William Lippert to Questions
Submitted by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Martin Dempsey recently
testified in front of the House Armed Services Committee that ``I
consider land mines . . . to be an important tool in the arsenal of the
Armed Forces of the United States.'' In separate testimony, General
Scaparrotti, Commander of U.S. Forces Korea, testified that ``it is my
assessment that landmines are a critical element in the defense of the
Republic of Korea and our interest there. And they are a critical
element of our contingency plans, as well.''
Do you agree with these statements by Chairman Dempsey and
General Scaparrotti?
What is your assessment of the implications for the U.S.-
ROK alliance if the United States were to accede to the Anti-
Personnel Mine Ban Convention?
Answer. I highly value, and take very seriously, the military
advice of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Commander
of United States Forces Korea with respect to the use of landmines on
the Korean Peninsula.
Based on the above military advice, I believe that any
consideration of the removal of antipersonnel landmines from our
arsenal for the defense of Korea would raise serious and complex
operational issues. These issues require careful review and
consideration by policymakers in Washington to ensure that they are
addressed.
If confirmed, I would work closely with the Government of the
Republic of Korea, General Scaparrotti, and other relevant parties to
ensure that these operational issues and their implications for the
defense of Korea are brought to the attention of policymakers in
Washington and addressed.
Question. As you know, the Republic of Korea has granted access to
the Chinese telecommunications company Huawei for development of its
wireless network.
What is your view of this arrangement?
If confirmed, what would you do as Ambassador to ensure
that United States and Korean telecommunications networks are
not compromised by this arrangement?
Answer. I share your concern about security of networks in the
United States and among its partners and allies.
While serving at the Department of Defense, I have closely followed
cyber issues relating to China and the Republic of Korea. I am
concerned about the growing cyber threat to our national security and
will continue to focus on this issue in the future.
As a sovereign country, the determination of criteria for foreign
investment projects related to its nationwide LTE network is ultimately
the decision of the Republic of Korea.
The Republic of Korea is a strong partner of the United States in
cyber security issues. For example, the Department of Defense recently
signed a formal agreement with the Republic of Korea military to
jointly address cyber security threats. Additionally, the State
Department uses the U.S.-Republic of Korea Cyber Dialogue and
Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Policy Forum to exchange
views on our respective policies in cyber space.
If confirmed, I will continue to facilitate the close cooperation
between the United States and the Republic of Korea on our respective
cyber policies and practices, including on the subjects of cyber
threats or areas of concern and security issues.
I will also work closely with the Commander of United States Forces
in the Korea to ensure that our military continues to use a
comprehensive risk mitigation approach to cyber security to ensure our
military communications are secure in the Republic of Korea.
NOMINATIONS OF HON. ALFONSO E. LENHARDT AND MARCIA DENISE OCCOMY
----------
THURSDAY, JUNE 26, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Hon. Alfonso E. Lenhardt, of New York, to be Deputy
Administrator of the United States Agency for
International Development
Marcia Denise Occomy, of the District of Columbia, to be United
States Director of the African Development Bank for a
term of 5 years
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:10 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Edward J.
Markey, presiding.
Present: Senators Markey, Kaine, and Barrasso.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Markey. Good afternoon, and welcome to today's
hearing.
We have two excellent nominees being considered by the
committee for positions in the field of international
development.
We are joined, first, by Ambassador Alfonso Lenhardt, a
familiar face around the United States Senate, having served
here previously as our 36th Sergeant at Arms. Ambassador has
now been nominated to serve as Deputy Administrator of the
United States Agency for International Development.
And we welcome you and your wife, Jackie, back to the
committee.
Ambassador Lenhardt comes to us after 4 successful years
representing the United States as our Ambassador to Tanzania,
and after more than 30 years of service in the United States
Army, from which he retired with the rank of major general. He
received a baptism-by-fire upon taking over as the Sergeant at
Arms on September 10, 2001. The Ambassador has clearly gained a
great deal of experience leading large organizations in complex
environments. Such experience is needed to back up the
administrator and an agency operating in over 100 countries
around the globe.
Having served as both an Ambassador and a general,
Ambassador Lenhardt is uniquely qualified to place our
international development programs in the broader context of
our country's foreign policy priorities, so we will all be
interested to hear his perspective on the policy challenges at
the intersection of security and economic development.
In Tanzania, Ambassador Lenhardt led American efforts to
implement some of our government's key development programs,
such as the President's Feed the Future Initiative. And we look
forward to hearing from him.
I would also like to welcome Marcia Occomy--how did I do?
Ms. Occomy. Excellent.
Senator Markey The President's nominee for the position of
U.S. Executive Director at the African Development Bank. Ms.
Occomy has worked extensively on financing projects in
developing and post-conflict countries, including Africa. She
brings both private-sector experience and the BearingPoint &
Deloitte consulting firm's experience, as well, and also worked
in the Office of Management and Budget. And that is the right
combination for the African Development Bank, which helps
generate economic growth by forging innovative public-private
partnerships. The United States is the second-largest
shareholder in the African Development Bank, so we have an
important role in shaping the agenda. And I am particularly
interested in hearing and discussing areas where the Bank's
priorities intersect with some of our government's top
development priorities, such as the President's Power Africa
Initiative.
Power Africa could dramatically improve the lives of
millions in sub-Saharan Africa by expanding access to reliable,
affordable, and sustainable energy. Congress has a role here,
as well. Earlier this week, I was proud to support the Energize
Africa Act as it passed out of this committee. But,
institutions like the African Development Bank will be critical
to generate private investment in the energy sector and to
provide governments with needed technical and regulatory
advice. We can use our influence in the Bank to help bring this
initiative to fruition.
When each of these organizations succeeds in advancing
greater stability and prosperity overseas, American interests
are well served. Promoting development strengthens our security
and provides new opportunities for our economy to grow, so we
need topnotch leaders in regional development banks and in our
developmental agencies. And we are looking forward to hearing
from two such leaders this afternoon.
The ranking member is going to come in just a few minutes,
and he will be able to make, if he wishes, an opening statement
at that time.
But, I turn to Senator Kaine, if he has any opening
statement to make.
Senator Kaine. No, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Markey. So, let us then turn and--Ambassador
Lenhardt, whenever you are ready, please begin.
STATEMENT OF HON. ALFONSO E. LENHARDT, OF NEW YORK, NOMINEE TO
BE DEPUTY ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR
INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Ambassador Lenhardt. Thank you, Senator.
Mr. Chairman and member of the committee, I am honored to
appear before you today as the nominee for Deputy Administrator
of the U.S. Agency for International Development. It is,
indeed, a privilege to come before this committee again, and I
am grateful to President Obama, Secretary Kerry, and
Administrator Shah for their trust and confidence.
Mr. Chairman, I respectfully request that my full written
statement be submitted for the record.
Senator Markey. Without objection, so ordered.
Ambassador Lenhardt. Let me begin by thanking my wife,
Jackie, who is not here, by the way, because of another family
emergency we are dealing with, but who has been by my side
during my years in public service. Jackie, like the men and
women of USAID, has dedicated her life to serving those most in
need. Her work in Tanzania to support young girls and women
recovering from abuse not only transformed communities, it
embodied America's commitment to empowering women and girls
around the world.
It is a pleasure to return to the Senate and see so many
colleagues and friends. Between my time as an officer in the
Army, as Sergeant at Arms in the Senate, and as Ambassador to
Tanzania, I am proud to have dedicated more than 38 years of
public service to our great Nation. From the battlefield to the
halls of the Senate to the Embassy of Tanzania, I am fortunate
to have gained a broad perspective of the opportunities and,
indeed, the challenges facing the United States. These previous
leadership roles have required me to manage and maximize
resources effectively.
Three decades serving in the Army have prepared me for
managing critical situations in complex environments similar to
those where USAID operates, from Afghanistan to Syria to South
Sudan, USAID workers in some of the most difficult parts of the
world and toughest parts of the world dealing with fast-
pacing--fast-changing, rather, high-pressure situations that
require visionary leadership.
During my time as Sergeant at Arms, I managed Congress'
internal response in the wake of September 11 terrorist attacks
and the October 2001 anthrax attack, strengthening security
throughout the Capitol complex and ensuring the continuity of
our government. As these events remind us all, we live in an
interconnected, complicated, and oftentimes tumultuous period.
And USAID plays a critical role in rooting out the drivers of
extremism.
As the Ambassador to Tanzania, I oversaw more than 700
staff and contract personnel across eight agencies. I inspired
a collaborative process throughout the Embassy that produced
real results in support of our diplomatic and humanitarian
objectives. If confirmed, I look forward to fostering that same
spirit of collaboration with my interagency colleagues.
Alongside Administrator Shah, I will work to advance a new
model of development that harnesses the power of science,
technology, and innovation, and certainly partnership, to
accelerate progress for the world's most vulnerable people. Key
to that effort is forming public-private partnerships that
leverage more resources, thereby making the agency's efforts
more sustainable. These partnerships pave the way for USAID to
work itself out of business, its efforts replaced over time by
thriving civil societies, vibrant public sectors, and
transparent, accountable governments. In 2013 alone, DCA loan
guarantees in El Salvador, Mexico, and in Nicaragua helped
release $98 million in local lending to 4,000 small- and
medium-size entrepreneurs.
In addition to solidifying the reforms already underway, I
will also work to institutionalize our development initiatives,
from Feed the Future, climate change, and Power Africa, to
ending preventable child death and achieving an AIDS-free
generation. But, above all, the success of the reforms and
initiatives I have described depend on having in place
effective management, operations, and systems. If confirmed, I
will devote a substantial part of my portfolio to ensuring that
USAID maximizes its impact for every dollar it spends. Doing so
will require that USAID streamline program areas and make
strategic investments.
Finally, I believe USAID has an important story to tell. In
this regard, I will help build both domestic and international
consensus for our efforts, ensuring we have more partners
across the world. Sharing our story not only puts a powerful
face to the USAID's work, but it also furthers our national
interests. Partner countries should know how the American
people have contributed to improving their welfare, helping
them raise their children--their voices and grow their crops,
and protect their children from disease and other maladies, and
certainly to build strong and democratic institutions. Today,
93 percent of the Tanzanian people express a favorable view of
America. Imagine the possibilities if we were able to build on
that and export it across the world. If confirmed, I welcome
the opportunity to be part of this noble effort.
Mr. Chairman, I thank you and the members of the committee
for considering my nomination. I would be happy to answer any
of your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Lenhardt follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Alfonso E. Lenhardt
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Barrasso, members of the committee, I
am honored to appear before you today as the nominee for Deputy
Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).
It is a privilege to come before this committee again, and I am
grateful to President Obama, Secretary Kerry, and Administrator Shah
for their trust and confidence.
Let me begin by thanking my wife, Jackie, who has been by my side
during my years in public service. As a trained social worker for more
than 15 years, Jackie--like the men and women of USAID--has dedicated
her life to serving those most in need. Her work in Tanzania to support
young girls and women recovering from abuse not only transformed
communities--it embodied this administration's commitment to empowering
women and girls around the world.
It is a pleasure to return to the Senate and see so many colleagues
and good friends. Between my time as an officer in the Army, as
Sergeant at Arms in the Senate, and as U.S. Ambassador to Tanzania, I
am proud to have dedicated more than 38 years of public service to our
great Nation. I am honored that, if confirmed, I will have the
opportunity to extend that record of service.
The leadership positions that I have held during the past four
decades have prepared me to meet the challenge of advancing USAID's
mission: to end extreme poverty and promote resilient, democratic
societies--while advancing our own security and prosperity.
From the battlefield, to the halls of the Senate, to the Embassy of
Tanzania, I am fortunate to have gained a broad perspective of the
opportunities and challenges facing the United States. These previous
roles--as well as my time leading business and nonprofit
organizations--have required me to manage and maximize resources
efficiently, all while working toward ambitious objectives.
Three decades serving as an officer in the U.S. Army have prepared
me for managing critical situations in complex environments--similar to
those where USAID operates. From Afghanistan to Syria to South Sudan,
USAID works in some of the world's toughest places--dealing with fast-
changing, high-pressure situations that require visionary leadership.
During my time as Senate Sergeant at Arms, I managed Congress'
internal response in the wake of the September 11th terrorist attacks
and the October 2001 anthrax attack--strengthening security throughout
the Capitol complex and ensuring the continuity of our government. As
these events reminded us all, we live in an interconnected,
complicated, and often tumultuous time. USAID plays a critical role in
rooting out the drivers of extremism, and I am prepared to diligently
review our efforts to ensure that we are advancing our national
security and are good stewards of taxpayer dollars.
Most recently, as the U.S. Ambassador to Tanzania, I oversaw more
than 700 staff and contract personnel across eight agencies. I created
a collaborative process with Embassy staff, NGOs, and Tanzanian
nationals that produced real results in support of our diplomatic and
humanitarian objectives. If confirmed, I look forward to fostering that
same spirit of collaboration with my colleagues from the State,
Treasury, Defense, and Agriculture Departments, the Millennium
Challenge Corporation, Peace Corps, and others.
Since my nomination, I have had the privilege to speak with a
number of development experts from the Agency, our diplomatic corps,
and the National Security Council staff about their priorities and
challenges in the years ahead.
If confirmed, I will focus on advancing the reforms that USAID has
worked so ardently to achieve over the past 5 years. I will also work
to institutionalize priority programs--like President Obama's food
security initiative, Feed the Future, among other priority initiatives
that will double electricity access in Africa, work toward an AIDS-free
Generation, and drastically improve child and maternal health.
Alongside Administrator Shah, I will work to advance the Agency's
new model of development that harnesses the power of science,
technology, innovation, and partnership to accelerate progress for the
world's most vulnerable people. In a time of constrained resources,
this new approach has enabled USAID to maximize its impact in
unprecedented ways. By applying it to all of the Agency's programs--
from vaccinating children to empowering entrepreneurs--we can unlock
resources for millions of at-risk communities around the world.
Key to that effort is forming public-private partnerships that
leverage more resources and make the Agency's efforts more sustainable.
Today, USAID is partnering with everyone from multinational
corporations to local startups--investing in high-potential talent,
groundbreaking technologies, and rigorous evaluation tools that deepen
the impact of our work. Above all, these partnerships pave the way for
USAID to work itself out of business--its efforts replaced over time by
thriving civil societies, vibrant private sectors, and transparent,
accountable governments.
By pairing policy reforms with private investment, the Agency is
making historic strides toward ending extreme poverty. In my additional
role as U.S. Ambassador to the East African Community (EAC), I saw the
value of this approach firsthand--uniting markets, opening borders, and
bringing unprecedented economic growth and prosperity to East Africans.
I recall a CODEL visit to the Selian Agricultural Research Station in
Tanzania, a joint venture between USAID, local farmers, and the Bill &
Melinda Gates Foundation. Alongside several members of Congress,
including Senator Barrasso, Senator Graham, and Senator Hagan, I
witnessed how the research into drought-resistant, high-yielding
varieties of maize was helping farmers lift their families out of
poverty and move their village beyond the threat of chronic hunger.
A similar effort is under way in Latin America, where USAID is
working to expand public-private partnerships that produce more mature
public institutions, an active civil society, and a dynamic private
sector--with whom USAID can partner to unleash untapped financial
resources, spur innovation, and bring scientific and technological
solutions to bear on the region's development challenges. For example,
USAID's Development Credit Authority (DCA) uses risk-sharing agreements
to mobilize local private capital to fill financing gaps in emerging
economies like Mexico. In 2013 alone, DCA loan guarantees in El
Salvador, Mexico and Nicaragua helped release $98 million in local
lending to 4,000 small- and medium-sized enterprises.
If confirmed, I will build on public-private partnerships in Latin
America and around the world through the innovative efforts of the
Agency's new U.S. Global Development Lab. The Lab represents a historic
investment in the power of science and technology to bend the curve of
development. If confirmed, I will focus on advancing the Lab's mission
to generate, test, and scale game-changing solutions to complex
development challenges, while attracting private sector investment to
improve the sustainability of our efforts. In Latin America, the Lab is
already building on a solid track record of successful USAID
partnerships with private sector companies in the region, including
Coca Cola, Intel, Microsoft, and Starbucks.
In addition to solidifying the reforms already under way, I will
also work to institutionalize the President's core development
initiatives. I am committed to promoting a new era of agricultural
growth through Feed the Future; ending preventable child death and
achieving an AIDS-free Generation; enhancing opportunities for the next
generation of global innovators through the Young African Leadership
Initiative; combating global climate change; and through Power Africa,
achieving the goal of doubling access to electricity on the African
Continent.
Having served on the ground in Tanzania, I can attest to the
results of every one of these initiatives. For example, using a
creative financing mechanism, USAID's Tanzania Mission was able to
support the development of a power plant that will provide electricity
for thousands of citizens that had long lived in the dark. Thanks to
projects like these, more scientists can conduct pioneering research on
life-saving treatments; more young entrepreneurs can launch
groundbreaking technologies; and more children will have the light to
read by at night.
I also witnessed firsthand how the Agency's Feed the Future
specialists collaborated with climate experts to ensure the
sustainability of our food security programs. This kind of integrated
approach helps countries like Tanzania increase food, energy, water and
economic security, and reduce the likelihood and costs of climate-
related shocks--such as storms, flooding or drought.
But above all, the success of the reforms and initiatives I have
described--programs essential to fulfilling USAID's mission--depends on
effective management, operations, and systems. If confirmed, I will
devote a substantial part of my portfolio to ensuring that USAID
maximizes its impact for every dollar it spends.
Doing so will require USAID to streamline program areas and make
strategic investments. As the President's Directive on Global
Development says, ``The U.S. cannot do all things, do them well, and do
them everywhere. Instead, the U.S. must focus its efforts in order to
maximize long-term impact.'' Under Administrator Shah's tenure, the
Agency has been committed to ``selectivity and focus''--and if
confirmed, I will work to apply this principle consistently to the
decisions we make each and every day.
Instead of trying to find a ``one-size-fits-all'' approach, I will
focus on promoting sustainable development through local solutions that
empower change-agents on the ground, including entrepreneurs,
university students, and government ministers. This approach builds
resilient societies in areas of the world especially vulnerable to
natural disasters and the consequences of climate change--from drought
in the Horn of Africa, to Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines, to a
devastating earthquake in Haiti.
By responding quickly and forcefully to humanitarian crises, we
avert suffering and strengthen our own security. My experience as the
commanding general of an Army training and operational installation in
Alabama illustrated the importance of working as a team to identify,
respond to, and mitigate the effects of a crisis--all while remaining
committed to advancing long-term solutions to endemic challenges.
Finally, I believe USAID has an important story to tell--and I will
serve as an advocate for our Nation's work in development. From Nepal
to Senegal to Honduras, there are tens of millions of families who have
found pathways to prosperity, health, and security as a result of the
American people's tireless work and generosity. In doing so, I will
help build both domestic and international consensus for our efforts,
ensuring that we have more partners across the world.
I have seen such success stories firsthand. In Tanzania, USAID
helped reduce malaria infections by 50 percent, putting us much closer
to eliminating the disease entirely. USAID also helped train scores of
health workers on how to perform life-saving resuscitation on
newborns--cutting mortality rates in half.
Sharing these stories not only puts a powerful face to USAID's
work, but it also furthers our national interests. Partner countries
should know how the American people have contributed to improving their
welfare--helping them raise their voices, grow their crops, protect
their children from disease, and build strong democratic institutions.
Today, an overwhelming number of Tanzanians express a favorable view of
America; imagine the possibilities as we build on that success in other
parts of the world.
As President Obama's global development directive stated,
``Development is vital to U.S. national security and is a strategic,
economic, and moral imperative for the United States.'' If confirmed, I
welcome the opportunity to help lead our Nation's efforts in this area.
In his last two State of the Union Addresses, President Obama
called on Americans to help end extreme poverty within the next two
decades. This is a powerful mission--and I would be honored to serve
USAID, this President, and our country to make our world a brighter and
safer place.
Mr. Chairman, I thank you and the committee for considering my
nomination. I would be happy to address any of your questions.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador, very much.
Ms. Occomy, whenever you feel comfortable, please begin.
STATEMENT OF MARCIA DENISE OCCOMY, OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
NOMINEE TO BE UNITED STATES DIRECTOR OF THE AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT
BANK FOR A TERM OF 5 YEARS
Ms. Occomy. Thank you, Chairman Markey, Ranking Member
Barrasso, and distinguished members of the committee. I am
grateful for the opportunity to appear before you today, and I
am honored that President Obama has nominated me to serve as
the U.S. Executive Director for the African Development Bank.
I grew up in Chicago in a family of excellent role models
who taught me the importance of hard work, discipline, and
focus to be successful in life. My grandmother was one of the
first African-American women to attend Radcliffe College in the
early 1900s, and later became a prominent writer during the
Harlem Renaissance. My father entered the University of Chicago
at the age of 15, excelling in math and later becoming a
computer executive in the retail industry in Chicago. My mother
taught public schools for over 30 years, dedicating her life to
public service. They and many others in my family have
influenced my decision, in part, to pursue an international
development career later in my life.
If confirmed as the U.S. Executive Director to the African
Development Bank, my vision is to leverage my international
development experience to support U.S. interests in seeing the
African Development Bank carry out its mission to promote
economic development and progress across Africa.
Boosting growth is important for the African Continent, but
also for the United States, by opening new markets and
providing new customers for American goods and services. I have
years of experience as a fiscal reform advisor on USAID finance
projects in developing and post-conflict countries.
I have advised Ministries of Finance as they underwent
public financial management reforms to strengthen their
revenues, to build financial systems, and to build the capacity
to lead these countries toward economic growth while building
political capacity. I have worked in Kazakhstan, Kosovo, Iraq,
Afghanistan, and, in Africa, Egypt, Senegal, and, most
recently, in the newest independent nation in the world, South
Sudan. I have experienced firsthand when countries struggle to
balance implementation of sound fiscal policies while seeking
to maintain political stability and security. I was in South
Sudan until recently, assisting the country with its recovery
efforts. Prior to my fiscal reform project implementation
experience, I worked as a policy analyst at the OMB.
I also have experience leveraging public-private
partnerships. As a University of Chicago graduate student on a
Patricia Harris Fellowship, I worked with the Habitat Company,
a leading real estate development firm, which partnered with
the Chicago Housing Authority to build scatter-site housing for
public-housing residents to better integrate them into the
broader community. This project was a model for how the public
and private sector can partner to address the social issue
effectively.
I recognize that leveraging private-sector investment
solutions and technologies will be a critical aspect of the
future development of Africa, as well. I look forward to
supporting the African Development Bank to leverage its
financing instruments to encourage private investment in
Africa, including through public-private partnerships.
Attracting private investors to Africa will require
significant investment in infrastructure and a climate that is
conducive to investment in Africa. Creating the right
investment climate will depend on Africa's commitment and
ability to improve governance, transparency, regional
integration, and to build a skilled workforce. The African
Development Bank has played a leading role in assisting African
countries to address these issues. But, more work remains to be
done.
During his July 2013 visit to Africa, President Obama
launched the Power Africa Initiative, an initiative aimed to
double access to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa, in
partnership with African countries and the private sector. In
announcing this key initiative, the President noted: America's
been involved in Africa for decades. We are moving, beyond a
simple provision of assistance, to a new model, a partnership
between America and Africa, a partnership of equals that
focuses on Africa's capacity to solve problems and Africa's
capacity to grow. I embrace the President's vision to promote a
partnership between the United States and Africa that focuses
on building Africa's capacity to solve its problems, address
its challenges, and to realize its potential for tremendous
economic growth.
If confirmed, I commit to being a good steward of U.S.
financial contributions to the Bank and to ensure that the Bank
supports our Nation's inherent values, recognizing that open
societies are the strongest societies, transparent systems are
the most successful systems, and countries that commit to
equally helping their citizens be healthy and educated, with
economic opportunities, will be the most prosperous.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for
considering my nomination. I have enjoyed meeting members of
your staff recently and look forward to answering your
questions today.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Occomy follows:]
Prepared Statement of Marcia D. Occomy
Thank you Chairman Markey, Ranking Member Barrasso, and
distinguished members of the committee, I am grateful for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored that President
Obama has nominated me to serve as the U.S. Executive Director for the
African Development Bank.
I would first like to acknowledge the presence of my family and
friends/colleagues who are here today to show support for my
nomination--my mother Norma Jean Occomy; my sister Tracy Marie Occomy
Crowder and her son, Malik William Occomy Crowder; my sister-in-law,
Dr. Stacey Parks Occomy; and my niece, Mya Lynn Occomy, and nephew,
William Andrew Eric Occomy, Jr.; my late father's sister, Marita Joyce
Occomy Stricklin. Also present a Vassar College colleague - Karen Cox,
a dear friend, Sidi M. Boubacar, World Bank Chief Counsel, who I worked
with in Kosovo during the early years of my international development
career and Daniel Lamaute. My mother who taught public school for over
30 years in Chicago and my late father William Almy Occomy, a computer
executive in the retail industry in Chicago, taught me to be the best
that I can be every day.
During his July 2013 visit to Africa, President Obama launched the
Power Africa Initiative, a $7 billion, five-year initiative to double
access to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa in partnership with African
countries and the private sector. In announcing this key initiative the
President noted, ``America's been involved in Africa for decades but we
are moving beyond a simple provision of assistance, foreign aid, to a
new model, a partnership between America and Africa, a partnership of
equals that focuses on (Africa's) capacity to solve problems and
(Africa's) capacity to grow.''
I embrace the President's vision to promote a partnership between
the United States and Africa that focuses on building Africa's capacity
to solve its problems, address its challenges, and to realize its
potential for tremendous economic growth. When President Obama launched
the Power Africa Initiative in Tanzania, African Development Bank
President Donald Kaberuka joined him for the launch as a symbol of how
America and Africa can work together to promote inclusive growth in the
region's new frontier economies.
If confirmed, I would leverage my international development
experience to support U.S. interests at the African Development Bank by
ensuring it carries out its mission to promote economic development and
progress across Africa. Boosting growth is important for the African
Continent, but also for the United States, by opening new markets and
providing new customers for American goods and services. I have years
of experience as a fiscal reform advisor on USAID- financed projects in
developing, post conflict countries. I have advised Ministries of
Finance as they underwent public financial management reforms and
transformations to strengthen their revenues and to build financial
systems to put the country on a path toward economic growth, while
building political capacity. I have worked in such countries as
Kazakhstan, Kosovo, Iraq, Afghanistan, and in Africa, Egypt, Senegal
and most recently in the newest independent nation of South Sudan. I
have experienced firsthand when countries struggle to balance
implementation of sound fiscal policies, while seeking to maintain
political stability and security. Prior to my fiscal reform project
implementation experience, I worked as a policy analyst at the OMB
during the 1990s.
I also have experience leveraging public-private partnerships. As a
University of Chicago graduate student on a Patricia Harris Fellowship,
I worked with Habitat Company, a leading real estate development firm,
which partnered with the Chicago Housing Authority to build scattered
site housing for public housing residents in an effort to better
integrate them into the broader community. This project was a model for
how the public and private sector can partner to address a social issue
effectively. I recognize that leveraging private sector investment,
solutions and technologies will be a critical aspect of the future
development of Africa as well. I look forward to supporting the African
Development Bank to leverage its financing instruments to encourage
private investment in Africa including through public-private
partnerships.
Attracting private investors to Africa will require significant
investment in infrastructure and a climate that is conducive to
investment in Africa. Creating the right investment climate will depend
on Africa's commitment and ability to improve governance, transparency,
regional integration and to build a skilled workforce. The African
Development Bank has played a leading role in assisting African
countries to address these issues, but more work remains to be done.
The implementation of U.S. policy toward Africa such as the Power
Africa Initiative combined with our role on the Board of the African
Development Bank, are key tools to help Africa achieve expanded
economic growth. It would be my privilege to contribute to these
efforts to increase the African Development Bank's impact and
effectiveness in the interests of the United States.
While humbled by the nomination, I am excited about the prospects
and challenges facing the African Continent with its emerging economies
and tremendous potential for growth. I hope to have an opportunity to
play a role in continuing to foster the partnership between the United
States and the African Development Bank working together to reduce
poverty so that the African Continent can attain sustainable economic
growth. If confirmed, I commit to being a good steward of U.S.
financial contributions to the bank and to ensure that the Bank
supports our Nation's inherent values--recognizing that open societies
are the strongest societies; transparent systems are the most
successful systems; and countries that commit to equally helping their
citizens be healthy and educated, with economic opportunities will be
the most prosperous.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for
considering my nomination. I have enjoyed meeting members of your staff
recently and look forward to answering your questions today.
Senator Markey. Thank you very much, Ms. Occomy.
Let me begin by asking you, General. There is a new
program, U.S. Global Development Lab, that began a few months
ago at USAID, and its intention is to kind of innovate in this
area of development. Perhaps you could just give us a little
sense of how you see that programming unfolding and what you
would envision as its ultimate product.
Ambassador Lenhardt. Thank you, Senator.
I think the Global Development Lab offers an excellent
opportunity for us to--USAID to think about ways that it can do
better at programs and look for synergies leveraging
technology, science, and partnerships that are--I think are
three critical pieces to being more innovative about our
approaches to any number of programs that may be undertaken by
USAID. I think it is something for the future.
I will give you an example of what we saw in Tanzania,
although we did not call it ``the lab.'' We looked for
synergies, we looked for opportunities to partner, to
collaborate, and looked for efficiencies, as well as, How do we
improve effectiveness? The Lab will do that. It has already
begun to pay dividends, in terms of how we think differently
about partnering, how we think differently about using science
and technology to do a better job of getting more bang for the
bucks that are available to us.
So, I think it is a great opportunity for us to embrace the
future, to do more. I will tell you that I do not know as much
as I hope to know. If confirmed, I certainly will become more
involved in Global Development Labs. But, just looking at it
from the standpoint of the last couple of weeks, I think it is
a wonderful program that has the potential for reaping huge
benefits in the future.
Senator Markey. Thank you.
Ms. Occomy, 10 years ago in Africa, 27 million people were
on landline phones. Just 10 years ago, 27 total million
Africans. Today, 1 billion Africans have cell phones. That is
just amazing, that transformation. And they did so by skipping
the wireline era and going right to wireless. And it is made a
big difference, in terms of development opportunities.
So, let us, if you could, talk a little bit about the
President's Power Africa Program, because it kind of offers the
same kind of potential for off-the-grid development of
electrical generating capacity in a very brief period of time.
So, could you talk a little bit about how the African
Development Bank could play a role in helping to accelerate the
pace of electrical generating distribution, as well?
Ms. Occomy. Thank you, Chairman, for that question.
I am very pleased that you have raised the Power Africa
Initiative. The African Development Bank was an early supporter
and an engaged partner in the Power Africa Initiative. When the
President launched the initiative, in July 2013, the African
Development Bank president was there with the President to show
the symbol of how the bank and the United States in Africa
could work together towards the goal of increasing electricity
access across Africa.
The African Development Bank, specifically since 2013, has
supported several Power Africa Initiative projects. For
instance, the African Development Bank provided partial credit
guarantees for a major wind-power project, the Lake Takana
Project, in Kenya. And the partial credit guarantees enabled
the Bank to leverage private-sector investment to fully finance
that project. So, if confirmed as the U.S. Executive Director,
in my role, I look forward to working--continuing to work with
the African Development Bank to continue that partnership with
the United States to further the goal of increasing access to
electricity across Africa.
Senator Markey. I must say, from my perspective the two of
you are incredibly well-qualified candidates for almost any
position that we could imagine in the government. So, thank
you.
Let me turn and recognize the ranking member of the
subcommittee, the gentleman from Wyoming, Senator Barrasso.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Chairman Markey.
First, I want to welcome both of you, congratulate both of
you, and extend a warm welcome to your friends and family who
are here today.
You know, should you serve our Nation in these important
positions for which you have been nominated, I think it is
important that each of you provide strong stewardship of
American taxpayer dollars--and you made mention of that;
demonstrate professionalism and good judgment--and you referred
to that in your statements; and vigorously work to advance the
priorities of the United States--and you have made that
commitment. I hope you will lay out your vision and goals, and
I have a couple of questions.
And first, Ambassador--General Lenhardt, good to see you
again. It is a privilege to be with you. I appreciate your long
history of service to this institution, the U.S. Senate, as
well as to our Nation. I wanted to get a little bit into the
issue of sustainability. As I look at the fiscal year 2013
Annual Management Challenges Statement, the U.S. Agency for
International Development's Inspector General took a look at
it, listed six areas of serious management and performance
challenges that you will face in this new role.
One of the areas had to do with sustainability. The
Inspector General notes that USAID spent about $34 million on a
Water and Wastewater Sector Support Program, instilled 33 water
meters to measure the flow of water in various areas. And then,
upon review, what they found is that none of the meters were
working, because the government did not have the funds to
repair or replace them. So, it does not challenge the validity
of the program or the idea behind setting up, but then the
funds were not there to actually make sure that they could be
repaired or replaced.
And I just wonder, as you head this, as a man who has shown
a history of commitment to responsible use of taxpayer dollars
and sustainability, what steps does the agency--does USAID need
to take to ensure long-term sustainability of these projects?
Because in your opening statement, you said we need to make
sure we have accountability for every dollar spent.
Ambassador Lenhardt. Yes. Thank you, Senator. And good to
see you again.
The question you ask, I think, puts your finger right on
what I consider to be a significant challenge, and certainly it
is an important one. I mentioned my role--and this is something
that Dr. Shah and I have talked about--in focusing on
management, operations, and systems. There are already reforms
underway--well underway. These past 5 years, Dr. Shah has put a
number of reforms in place to identify areas and develop fixes
where the disconnect is there that--you say, How does it--how
does this happen? As you described. I am not familiar, by the
way, of the particular issue. But, it requires a diligence, a
steadfastness to ensuring that American dollar--taxpayer
dollars are, in fact, protected. And we maximize those.
And so, without being specific about how I could do it now,
I have really got to get in and see what does it look like and
what are the challenges. Sustainability is something that, if
you recall when you were in Tanzania, I talked about a great
deal, because I put it on the other foot, meaning the
Government of Tanzania, ``How are you going to sustain these
important programs?'' And so, sustainability is something that
we always, always subscribe to and ensure is happening.
I will have to look and see, specifically, this one issue,
but I look forward to working with you and the committee and
your counsel on how we can do a better job. But, I do know that
reforms are already underway, and it is something that I am
very excited about, in terms of the opportunities to work with
a creative, innovative, take-another-look-at-things, let-us-
not-do-business-the-same-old-way approach that perhaps you
described a bit in your comments.
Senator Barrasso. Well, I appreciate your comments. And if
this had not been in the Inspector General's reports and notes
from USAID, I would not have been aware of it, either. So, I
just, you know, would recommend that you may want to take a
little bit of time to take a look through that to take a look
at the broad challenges. And obviously, you have been able to
respond to challenges in many places in this city, as well as
around the world. So, I am looking forward to maybe hearing
back from you on what your thoughts are after you have a chance
to take a look at the whole thing.
Ms. Occomy, I want to talk a little bit about energy
sources, if I could. The African Development Bank's goal is to
promote economic growth, reduce poverty in its 53 African
member countries, in which we all agree. And I believe the U.S.
Director of the African Development Bank should support low-
cost, dependable energy sources as a means to help countries
spur their own economic growth. African countries have
substantial fossil-fuel resources, including oil, coal, natural
gas. The African Development Bank's energy strategy notes that,
``For many African countries, coal-fired power generation,''
they say, ``is likely to form part of such an approach to help
the continent increase its access to modern energy at an
affordable cost.'' It is there, and it is affordable.
So, do you agree with the African Development Bank's energy
strategy, as outlined?
Ms. Occomy. Thank you, Senator Barrasso, for that question.
You know, just stepping back, it is important for the
United States to support the African Development Bank and to
partner with developing countries to increase access to
electricity.
It is important for economic growth, and it is important
for development.
The African Development Bank, you know, finances a wide
range of energy projects. You know that there are vast,
enormous needs in Africa, and the African Development Bank has
played a leading role.
Regarding coal-fired power plants, you know, under the
guidance, you know, related to the President's Climate Action
Plan, in certain circumstances, you know, with exceptions, the
United States can support a vote for a coal-fire power plant
for the poorest countries, which have the greatest energy
needs, but it has to be demonstrated that there is no other
economically feasible alternative and that that project can
overcome certain binding constraints for the national economic
development of the country.
And so, if confirmed, I look forward to supporting the
African Development Bank as it continues to finance and to
support energy projects across the spectrum with the aim of
increasing access to electricity across Africa.
Senator Barrasso. Mr. Chairman----I am sorry, my time is
expired, but I will have additional written questions for you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Markey. Gentleman's time is expired.
The Senator from Virginia, Senator Kaine.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you, to the witnesses, for your willingness to
serve. And congratulations on your nominations by the
President.
To Ambassador Lenhardt, first, I mentioned to you briefly,
at the beginning, when we were visiting, that, as I travel as a
member of the Foreign Relations Committee, I always interact
with USAID personnel in the field, predominantly in the Middle
East, where my subcommittee jurisdiction takes me. And you have
some very fine people.
I know you know that, but I want to make sure that the
American people know how valuable our small-``a'' ambassadors
are. And whether it is been in Israel or the West Bank or
Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan, some wonderful people who are doing
work, and often under pretty tough circumstances, but they do
it with a real sense of mission, wanting to represent our
country well and help the nations where they work to achieve.
And so, I just commend, through you, the great people that you
have working for you.
Ambassador Lenhardt. Thank you.
Senator Kaine. You actually kind of stole my questions
right in your opening. You said, ``We are in some hard places,
from Afghanistan to Syria,'' and I wanted to ask you about
Afghanistan and Syria, maybe beginning with Syria.
We have many hearings, in this committee and others, where
we talk about Syria. And it is common for someone to say the
United States does not have a plan in Syria. And I am always
quick to remind them, we are the largest provider of
humanitarian aid to Syrian refugees in the entire world. And
that does not happen by accident. That happens because the
President and Congress are committed to it. And we should not
be bashful about that. And yet, the humanitarian needs in Syria
are staggering, and they get more so every day.
If you would, talk a little bit about the USAID's current
approach in Syria, in terms of working to avert that horrible
humanitarian crisis.
Ambassador Lenhardt. Thank you, Senator. Thank you also for
your comments about the hardworking USAID personnel, and our
diplomats, as well, in various parts of the world.
Syria represents, as you know, a unique problem, and it is
one that USAID has worked with for many years, and continues to
work with. Currently, in response to the crisis, USAID is
providing both humanitarian as well as nonhumanitarian aid, and
is also looking at the neighboring countries--Lebanon, for one,
Jordan, and certainly Turkey, and there is also a slippage of
Iraq, as well. So, we continue to do the work to assist,
wherever possible, providing for humanitarian needs, comfort,
shelter, food, clean water, and all of those things, and also
the--as I mentioned, nonhumanitarian aid, assisting the Syrian
coalition--the opposition, if I can use that term--in terms of
how they may be nurtured, how they perhaps offer an alternative
that we could work with in the future.
So, those are the things that I am aware of, in terms of
how USAID continues to support Syria. And, as I said, it is
ongoing. So, I do not see this as something that is short term
as much as it will run out in the longer timeframe.
Senator Kaine. Ambassador Lenhardt, I would like to
encourage you, encourage all of our administration, sort of,
across the board--you know, we have been blocked in the
Security Council frequently as we have tried to make more, in
terms of assistance to humanitarian efforts in Syria. But--
Russia using its veto power--but, during February, during the
Winter Olympics, we were able to put something on the Security
Council docket that it was not--they did not deem it a good
idea, when the eyes of the world were on them, to veto that
resolution.
That resolution called for more aggressive delivery of
humanitarian aid into Syria--not just Syrian refugees who have
crossed the border, but into Syria. And the London 11, the
nations that are trying to finance this effort, met in--a month
or so later, kind of affirmed that that would be a positive
strategy that we should pursue. The U.N. report about the
success of meeting those particular obligations that were put
out in that Security Council resolution in February have been
pretty bleak. The Assad regime is still not really cooperating
to allow humanitarian aid. But, I would hope that the United
States could utilize that U.N. Security Council resolution with
the nations that were willing to support it, and continue to be
creative about finding ways not just to provide humanitarian
aid outside the country, but inside.
Let me switch to Afghanistan quickly. I mean, obviously,
the country has invested a lot, in terms of blood and treasure.
And some of the results in Afghanistan, if you look at it in
terms of quality of life, are pretty amazing. The median age in
Afghanistan, at the time of the initial United States entrance,
militarily, in 2001, to today, has gone from 40 to over 60--20-
year increase in median age in a nation of 30 million people.
My back-of-the-envelope tells me that is--that is 600 million
more years of human life in a country because of some advances
largely that have been driven by public health advances.
The advances--the military, that I say--say, ``Look, we
have created order,'' but it is been the NGOs, the USAIDs, and
others that have been able to come in and put a public health
infrastructure in place that has improved quality of life. If
you could talk a little bit about USAID's plan in Afghanistan
as we now move to the cessation of combat operations there.
Ambassador Lenhardt. Thank you, Senator.
USAID continues to support Afghanistan, but will do so
consistent with the drawdown. Right now, in particular, though,
Baghdad seems to be the focus. But, in other parts of the
country--meaning the pressure point, the conflict--but, in
other parts of the country, USAID continues normal operations.
And so, they continue to provide humanitarian assistance, they
continue to encourage, you know, good governance,
accountability, and all the things that we hope, in terms of
inspiring democratic processes.
But, Baghdad is an issue. We watch it carefully, in terms
of the security of that. As you know, the U.S. Ambassador
declared it a disaster area. And so, consistent with that, we
are watching it, and we are drawing down our forces, based upon
the scenario that is unfolding.
But, we are not moving out. And I think that is the point.
Consistent with the drawdown, also, at the end of the year,
we will come down to a certain number of USAID people on the
ground. We still have implementing partners who are there.
But, the bottom line is, USAID continues to provide support
to Afghanistan. And I think that is the key. We will continue
to do that until such time as circumstances determine that it
is no longer safe, feasible to do that. But, until that
happens, we are there.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
Mr. Chair, could I ask Ms. Occomy one question?
Senator Markey. Yes.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
Ms. Occomy, one of the great things about being on Foreign
Relations is learning about things that you really did not know
that much about. And so, the African Development Bank, I will
be honest, I was not an expert about it. And it was good to
prepare a little bit for your testimony today.
One of the things I am fascinated by is the current
structure, where Nigeria, the United States, Japan, and Egypt
are the four largest contributors of funds that the Bank uses,
but China has now made a commitment to provide a significant
chunk of funds to the Development Bank, about 2 to 2\1/2\
percent of the funds. And I think that will be an interesting
relationship as we and China and Japan and Egypt and Nigeria
work together to figure out what is the right investment
strategies.
If you would, talk a little bit about the role that China
may play in the Development Bank, going forward, and
opportunities that the United States and China--working
together, we might be able to make some good headway in Africa,
but find that that cooperation has other benefits, as well.
Ms. Occomy. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
It is really important to note that its importance--you
know, China can do things bilaterally or China can do things
multilaterally. So, the obvious situation is, we would prefer
China to do things multilaterally, to be, you know, part of the
African Development Bank framework, and to have its funds be
subject to the policies, procedures, and the safeguards of the
African Development Bank.
So, I think it is a positive step in the right direction,
seeing that, you know, China is being more involved and
actively engaged in the multi---in the African Development
Bank. It is on the board, as well. It also just announced a
partnership with African Development Bank in a setting of the
Africa Growing Together Fund, $2 billion, that will be managed
by the African Development Bank. And those funds will also be
subject to the policies, procedures, and safeguards of the
African Development Bank. So, I see this, generally, as a good,
positive direction and, you know, bringing China into the fold
of the multilateral, you know, rubric.
So, you know, if confirmed, I look forward to working with
the African Development Bank and continuing to draw China into
the partnership and having all of us work together towards, you
know, economic growth and development in Africa.
Senator Kaine. Thank you. I agree with you. I think it is a
very positive development. And the more China is engaged in
these international organizations, generally, the better, and
the stronger our relationship is going to be.
I appreciate the witnesses' answers.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Markey. I thank the Senator.
So, we will finish up by giving each one of you 1 minute to
tell us your vision for what you see as your role in these
agencies that you are about to play leadership roles at.
And we will begin with you, General. If you would just give
us your 1-minute overview of what your vision is of your time
there at the agency.
Ambassador Lenhardt. Thank you, Senator.
When I retired from the military, I thought I would never
meet another group of people who are as patriotic, who are as
committed, who was dedicated to the task of the mission, and
who are selfless in everything that they undertook. I was
surprised when I saw those same attributes in the people in the
diplomatic service and USAID missions there in Tanzania. And
so, this opportunity gives me that chance to remain affiliated
with, and to lead and to manage and to look at operations and
systems that would support these people in the work that they
do, but also give me a deep sense of satisfaction in continuing
my service.
And so, if I am confirmed, I look forward to working with
these people, because they do excellent work; over a half-
century of tireless, selfless commitment to making the world a
better place, saving lives, improving lives, as the case may
be. And I saw that firsthand in Tanzania. And there is nothing
like it when you look the face of people who realize the
connection, the partnership, the outreach from the American
people to the Tanzanian people.
And so, I want to continue to be part of that.
Senator Markey. Beautiful. Thank you, General.
Ms. Occomy.
Ms. Occomy. Thank you, Chairman Markey, Senator Kaine.
As I mentioned in my statement, one of my priorities--and I
think it is important--is to leverage my experience, my fiscal
reform experience in developing post-conflict countries, to
support the African Development Bank, to provide technical
assistance and leadership to many of the African countries, to
improve their governance accountability, their public financial
management systems, so that they can be sustainable, so that
they can have the capacity to overcome their challenges and to
really steer their growth.
So, my first priority is to leverage my experience and to
really work with the Bank to continue its technical assistance
and support to African countries, particularly the fragile
states and those experiencing post-conflict.
My second priority, which I think is important, is--you
know, an important role of the U.S. Executive Director is to
coordinate U.S. Government activities, particularly related to
the African Development Bank, so to really strengthen that
coordination, to ensure that there is no duplication of
efforts, and to sort of maximize the assistance, and also to
strengthen coordination between the African Development Bank
and the other multilateral development banks relating to
African development projects, and particularly through
coordination with the other United states Executive Director
offices.
Senator Markey. We thank both of you so much.
And I think that you are going to receive a lot of support,
and I think we also have a responsibility to move your
nominations through the floor of the Senate, as well, so that
you can get on the jobs that you have been given. And we are
going to try to accomplish that goal, as well.
And we congratulate both of you for your careers, thus far,
which I think are just really beginning. You have tremendous
opportunities ahead of you.
And, to all members of the committee who could not be here,
they will have until the close of business tomorrow to submit
questions to our two nominees.
And, with that, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 2:55 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Questions and Answers Submitted for the Record
Responses of Hon. Alfonso E. Lenhardt to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
USAID launched a Gender Equality and Female Empowerment Policy in
2012. The Gender Equality Policy recognizes the fundamental role that
promoting gender equality and advancing women's empowerment, including
freedom from gender-based violence, plays in advancing international
development. The Deputy Administrator will be tasked with advancing
USAID's implementation of the U.S. National Action Plan (NAP) on Women,
Peace, and Security (2011) and the U.S. Strategy to Prevent and Respond
to Gender-based Violence Globally (2012) to integrate women's
meaningful participation in conflict prevention and resolution and
combat violence against women and girls in times of both peace and
conflict. In 2015, USAID is required by Executive order to work with
the White House, State Department, and other government agencies to add
input into a comprehensive review of, and update to, the NAP.
Question. The U.S. has made a strong commitment through the
implementation of the National Action Plan on Women, Peace, and
Security to advance the inclusion of women and gender perspectives in
peace processes in which the U.S. is involved, such as the Geneva
negotiations on Syria or the Middle East peace talks. How will you work
to advance these efforts and what metrics will you use to specifically
determine the impact of this integration?
Answer. Throughout my career, I have been an ardent advocate for
gender equality and women's empowerment, and I will continue to
aggressively support progress for women and girls through USAID
programming. In particular, I have seen during peace processes how
women bring skills and perspectives to the negotiating table that are
critical for transforming conflict and building peace, and I would
welcome the opportunity to work closely with USAID's Senior Coordinator
for Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment to advance implementation
of the U.S. National Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security and the
U.S. Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence
Globally--and the full suite of policies put in place in recent years
to improve integration of gender analysis into USAID's work.
I know the tremendous effort that USAID has undertaken to shape and
implement the National Action Plan, providing support to increase
women's participation in peace dialogues in Uganda, helping female
politicians in Yemen develop law, and empowering Syrian women leaders
to participate in transition planning and peace negotiations. For
example, USAID's activities are helping Syrian women mitigate the
current crisis, evidenced by cease-fires that were negotiated following
the establishment of women's peace circles.
I am committed to building on USAID's work to advance inclusive
peace and transition processes in coordination with interagency
colleagues. To measure results, USAID is tracking the number of women
substantively participating in peace-building activities supported with
U.S. assistance as part of its regular program reporting. Combined with
a qualitative assessment of women's ability to influence decisions and
shape outcomes, these measures will enable USAID to better assess
women's ability to affect the future of their societies.
Question. How will you work to prepare USAID for the 2015 U.S.
Government review and update of the National Action Plan on Women,
Peace, and Security?
Answer. I know the National Action Plan (NAP) has been an integral
part of USAID's work in advancing gender equality and female
empowerment in countries affected by conflict, crisis, and insecurity.
As a result, if confirmed, I would ensure that USAID participates in a
comprehensive NAP review process in close partnership with interagency
colleagues, civil society, and women in host countries. This review
will help identify where USAID has been successful and has faced
challenges, as well as how it can strengthen efforts to achieve full
implementation of the NAP. During the review process, for example,
USAID could examine how to bring successful programs to scale, increase
efforts to engage men and boys, and engage women and girls to help
combat illicit activities and counter violent extremism.
As the Agency reviews its programming--from promoting women's
participation in crisis and conflict situations, to preventing and
responding to sexual and gender-based violence (GBV) and trafficking in
persons (TIP), and addressing the needs of women and girls in relief
and recovery efforts--program evaluations will be an important part of
informing its approach to NAP implementation.
USAID has made great strides in integrating women, peace, and
security (WPS) objectives into its business model, creating training
for staff who work in crisis and conflict-affected countries and
composing specific indicators to track investments and results related
to WPS. I am committed to building on these efforts, and using the
review and update of the NAP to help determine how and what more we can
do to improve the lives of women around the world.
Question. Despite the fact that women are frequently targets of
radical ideologies and violence, they are often limited in their active
participation in decision-making on peace and security issues. What
impact do you believe this exclusion has on our efforts to counter
extremism and terrorism around the globe?
Answer. The exclusion of women from decisionmaking and the failure
to protect their rights can perpetuate violence and undermine
development. In contrast, investing in the full participation of women
and girls in development, conflict prevention and resolution, and
peace-building is critical for building stable, prosperous societies.
USAID understands that many of the drivers of violent extremism are
development challenges, and women and girls are critical to responding
to these challenges. Moreover, as USAID's new mission statement
prescribes ``we partner to end extreme poverty and promote resilient,
democratic societies around the world'' precisely because the
achievement of these goals contributes to our own prospects for
security and prosperity. Promoting women's active participation on
peace and security issues, whether it's supporting the recruitment of
women in police forces or strengthening the ability of women's
organizations to hold governments accountable, is an investment in U.S.
security and a vital piece of USAID's mission.
Question. How do you plan on ensuring that a gender lens continues
to be integrated across USAID's work, especially in ``nontraditional''
sectors such as agriculture and infrastructure?
Answer. Integrating gender equality and women's empowerment across
USAID's work is a critical component to improving sustainable
development outcomes. For example, USAID understands that reducing
gender inequality and recognizing the contribution of women to
agriculture is critical to achieving global food security--there is
consistent and compelling evidence that when the status of women is
improved, agricultural productivity increases, poverty is reduced, and
nutrition improves. As a result, Feed the Future integrates gender-
based analysis into all of its investments.
Furthermore, it is new tools, like the Agency's Women's Empowerment
in Agriculture Index (WEAI) that will equip USAID with the means to
identify ways to help women overcome obstacles and constraints. For
example, information released in May 2014 revealed that among women in
agriculture, the greatest constraints to empowerment are access to and
decisions on credit, workload, and group membership. USAID missions are
using these findings to ensure that program designs are addressing
gender-based obstacles.
USAID is also making an effort to bring a gender lens to other
``nontraditional'' sectors. For example, it is clear that energy-
related projects, programs and policies that explicitly address gender
roles, power relations, challenges and needs will result in better
outcomes with respect to livelihoods when they explicitly address
gender roles and gender specific challenges (challenges related to
accessing energy services and participating in the energy sector).
Under the $7 billion Power Africa Initiative, the Agency can support
gender equality and female empowerment practices by partnering with
host governments to engender their energy sector policies and
strategies. In addition, because women in particular are
underrepresented in the energy and infrastructure sectors, the Agency
is developing strategies to improve women's skills in order to increase
their employment and leadership role in these sectors. The Power Africa
Initiative is also supporting the Beyond the Grid subinitiative, aimed
at bringing power to the underserved.
Training is also helping to integrate gender into other sectors.
USAID recently launched the ``Gender 103: Roles and Responsibilities of
Mission Gender Advisors,'' an online resource for staff that includes
strategies for carrying out gender integration in the Agency's everyday
tasks, and tips on working with mission leadership and technical and
program offices to integrate gender across all sectors. USAID also
offers frequent in-person gender integration trainings, and several
technical sectors have either incorporated gender integration
requirements and guidance into their live courses or are in the process
of doing so.
Question. While implementing the ``U.S. Strategy to Prevent and
Respond to Gender-based Violence'' issued by Executive order in August
2012, USAID must not only integrate gender-based violence into current
programming but, also, conduct stand-alone programming that focuses
primarily on violence. To ensure proper implementation, directives must
come from the highest levels of USAID. Do you commit to making
implementation of the strategy a priority during your tenure?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to prioritizing the
implementation of the ``U.S. Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender-
Based Violence Globally'' (the GBV Strategy)--and this includes both
integrating GBV prevention and response efforts into various sectors,
as well as creating stand-alone programming.
To better integrate GBV into various sectors, USAID is providing
staff and implementing partners with guidance on how best to integrate
GBV interventions into the design, implementation, and monitoring and
evaluation of different sectors.
In addition, the Agency supports stand-alone programs to address
gender-based violence across the globe. For example, in India, USAID
partners with the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs to support U.N.
Women's Safe Cities New Delhi program, which increases the capacity of
governmental and nongovernmental stakeholders to respond to and prevent
violence against women and girls in public spaces. USAID is also making
progress on strengthening the monitoring and evaluation of GBV stand-
alone programs, evidenced by the recent release the ``Toolkit for
Monitoring and Evaluating Gender-based Violence Interventions Along the
Relief to Development Continuum.''
Question. Both Members of Congress and civil society are anxiously
awaiting a public report on how implementation of the GBV Strategy is
progressing. We understand that such a report was due this past winter
but it has not yet been released. How will you use your position to
advocate for a timely, public release of the report?
Answer. I understand that pursuant to the Executive Order 13623 on
Preventing and Responding to Violence Against Women and Girls Globally
Common Reporting Framework, USAID has submitted its annual report,
which outlines the Agency's progress toward implementing the GBV
Strategy, to National Security Council staff. Much of the information
contained in the report is sensitive, and as such, has not been
released publicly. If confirmed, I will support the Agency's efforts to
work with our interagency colleagues to determine the best method to
release the report. In addition, I will continue to encourage USAID to
maintain engagement with civil society in order to provide updates on
the Agency's progress on GBV interventions, including efforts to
address child marriage.
Question. Last year Congress reauthorized the Violence Against
Women Act and included language requiring the Department of State to
draft and implement an interagency strategy to address child marriage.
What is the status of the strategy and how will you work to advance its
implementation?
Answer. USAID's ``2012 Ending Child Marriage and Addressing the
Needs of Married Adolescents: The USAID Vision for Action'' is a pillar
of the GBV Strategy and is an essential component of the suite of USAID
gender equality policies and strategies. USAID invests in both
prevention and response to child marriage because it is a practice that
undermines efforts to promote sustainable development. It is difficult
to imagine that upward of 10 million girls under the age of 18 are
prevented from living a productive life--as part of the impact of this
practice.
USAID's investments to address child marriage support the needs of
married adolescents as well as expand knowledge on effective
interventions to prevent child marriage. For example, USAID's work is
supporting proven practices such as the program in Ethiopia where USAID
helped raise awareness about harmful traditional practices that
resulted in the ratification of a new law increasing the legal age of
marriage. The Agency is also testing new approaches such as the program
in India that evaluates an ongoing government-run conditional cash
transfer program to delay child marriage.
Child marriage has been a focus area for program expansion--and if
confirmed, I will continue to stress the importance of child marriage
to ensure that young girls all around the world have a chance at a
brighter future.
______
Responses of Hon. Alfonso E. Lenhardt to Questions
Submitted by Senator John Barrasso
inspectors general
Inspectors general were created by Congress to be independent and
objective units within each agency whose duty it is to combat waste,
fraud, and abuse in the programs and operations of that agency.
Congress provides the inspectors general unfettered access to their
agencies' systems and records in order to carry out independent
oversight. Last year, it was reported that a prior Deputy Administrator
for USAID interfered with an inspector general investigation on bid
rigging.
Question. What is your philosophy on working with the inspector
general?
Answer. The Office of Inspector General plays an important
oversight role for all executive branch agencies in the Federal
Government. The USAID Office of Inspector General has stated that its
mission is to promote the efficiency and effectiveness of the Agency's
programs and operations while safeguarding the integrity of all
concerned. I fully support that mission and believe the objectives of
the Office of Inspector General are aligned with those of the Agency. I
share the inspector general's commitment to ensuring that USAID's
programs are a responsible use of taxpayer dollars, and if confirmed, I
will work closely with the Inspector General to promote the Agency's
efficiency and effectiveness.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to complying with the
Inspector General Act by providing the inspector general unfettered
access to USAID systems and records?
Answer. Under the Inspector General Act, the inspector general has
the authority to access all records, reports, audits, reviews,
documents, papers, recommendations, and other materials that relate to
the programs under his or her oversight. If confirmed, I would fully
comply with the act and work to ensure that the Office of the Inspector
General has the information necessary to fulfill its oversight
functions for the Agency and its important work around the world.
performance management and reporting
USAID's ability to demonstrate results through performance
management and reporting was one of the most significant challenges
identified by the inspector general. The Inspector General's FY 2013
Annual Management Challenge statement said, ``Quality, reliability, and
sufficiency of program data are essential to assess whether projects
are making adequate progress and having the intended impact. Even
though USAID has extensive guidance to help manage projects, accurate
and supported results continues to be problematic.''
Question. Are results, impacts, and evaluations important to USAID?
Answer. USAID's core values state: ``We strive to maximize
efficiency, effectiveness, and deliver meaningful results across our
work'' and ``We seek to improve ourselves and our work continually
through reflection and evaluation.'' Over the past few years, the
Agency has made great strides to increase the ability of its staff to
measure results and understand the impact of USAID programs. Under
Administrator Shah's leadership, USAID released new ``state-of the-
practice'' policies on evaluations (2011) and performance monitoring
(2012). Since then, the Agency has trained staff on best practices and
methods for evaluations (over 1,400) and performance monitoring (nearly
600). Evaluation reports, including 234 in 2013, are accessible to
USAID staff worldwide for planning and assessing purposes within three
months of the evaluation's conclusion.
If confirmed, I am committed to building the Agency's capacity to
measure the work we do and deliver foreign assistance in a more
effective and efficient manner.
Question. What reforms do you propose in order to ensure quality
data and accurate results are reported?
Answer. Since the creation of the Bureau of Policy, Planning and
Learning (PPL) 3 years ago, the Agency has made good progress in
revitalizing core business practices. PPL has embarked on an ambitious
path to refocus USAID on strengthening strategic thinking and command
of evidence in the discipline of international development, and if
confirmed as Deputy Administrator, I will fully support this effort.
As a leader of complex organizations for over 30 years, I know that
when project managers have access to quality information about the
activities they are implementing, they can use the data to improve
their work and direct it in a way that achieves better outcomes. To
advance this objective, USAID emphasizes project design and performance
monitoring, which are key to ensuring quality data are collected
throughout USAID-funded activities.
The Agency is also piloting a tool to help missions track
information about their project performance and locations, known as AID
Tracker Plus. By implementing this tool in conjunction with others, the
Agency will be able to craft a Development Information Solution that
allows USAID to tell one cohesive story from strategy to results. This,
in conjunction with Joint Summary Reports and the Annual Performance
Reports, which pull aggregate data worldwide, will help identify
program successes and shortcomings.
Question. Will you commit to making this one of your top
priorities?
Answer. Ensuring the quality of data and accuracy of results are
top Agency priorities. We know that data are only useful for
decisionmaking if they are of high quality and provide the groundwork
for informed decisions. USAID has measures in place to ensure data meet
this standard. For example, missions are required to conduct data
quality assessments for all performance data reported to Washington
every 3 years--measured against five standards of validity, integrity,
precision, reliability, and timeliness. Furthermore, primary and
secondary data go through rigorous USAID assessments to ensure that
they meet the five quality standards. If confirmed, I will continue to
emphasize data quality as a means to learn and adapt programming in
response to evidence generated in the field.
Ultimately, the overall impact of our programs depends on effective
management, operations, and systems, and if confirmed, I will work to
ensure that USAID is a good steward of taxpayer dollars.
cash on delivery
At a subcommittee in May last year, I served as ranking member for
a hearing titled ``Different Perspective on International
Development.'' Dr. Todd Moss talked about the idea of the U.S.
Government implementing pay for performance contracts in order for the
U.S. taxpayer to only pick up the bill for actual achievements.
Question. How can the USAID work toward outcome from assistance
instead of inputs or even outputs?
Answer. Increasingly, USAID is applying a new model for how it does
business, which places a greater focus on outcomes and sustainability.
Past models have focused on input/output models transacted mainly
through acquisition and assistance instruments. Now project
implementation often involves policy dialogue, government-to-government
assistance, direct engagement of USAID technical staff, a grant,
contract, loan guarantee, public-private partnerships, and/or a prize
competition.
Projects are framed around a clear purpose with measurable outcomes
and are based on an analysis of the inputs and outcomes required to
achieve the project purpose. USAID's Global Development Lab has used
several performance-based approaches, including the Development
Innovation Ventures and the Grand Challenges, which have milestone-
based payments and ``staged investments'' based on increasing levels of
evidence. Prizes are another example of pay-for-performance--where
funding is only awarded once the output or outcome has been achieved.
For example, USAID used prizes to source algorithms that used public
data to better assess when mass violence against civilians may occur in
a given location. This method is being further developed and utilized
by policymakers and academics for analytical purposes. The cost of
procuring the algorithms via an open, challenge-driven prize were far
lower than a traditional grant or contract.
Under the Local Solutions initiative, USAID is also supporting
results-based financing in its government-to-government assistance to
strengthen host systems, mitigate risk, and encourage performance
management.
USAID is exploring the use of Cash on Delivery approaches, as
relevant in the right country, with the right systems, program, and
implementation and verification tools to inform further applicability.
Question. How should the U.S. measure the success and effectiveness
of international development assistance?
Answer. The mandate of the newly created Bureau of Policy, Planning
and Learning (PPL) is to provide strategic planning, monitoring and
evaluation. One way this objective is being achieved is through the
creation and institutionalization of the Program Cycle, a model based
on rigorous methodology for designing, implementing, monitoring, and
evaluating projects.
The Program Cycle strengthens the discipline of development at all
stages, utilizing cutting edge best practices to develop projects on
the ground. It also emphasizes monitoring a project's performance in
stages, allowing USAID missions and implementing partners to work
together to make mid-course corrections to achieve outcomes. In
addition, a more rigorous approach toward evaluation is leading toward
greater accountability and continuous learning to inform future
projects designed throughout our portfolio.
As noted above, USAID is engaged in a fundamental reform in how it
designs its interventions so that success is more easily measurable.
New approaches such as the aforementioned Development Innovation
Ventures apply a tiered funding approach that is based on results,
fosters innovation, and encourages partnerships. The Lab has also
developed the Development Innovation Accelerator, which creates a
platform for identifying and sharing broad questions that allow USAID
to connect with innovative organizations to undertake proven
development models and techniques.
core competencies
Question. In development assistance, what are the core competencies
and comparative advantages that the U.S. Government should focus on?
Answer. President Obama's Presidential Policy Directive on Global
Development (PPD-6) outlines USG development focal areas, including:
ensuring sustainable regional development outcomes, a more selective,
locally owned, innovative approach, and establishing a coherent modern
architecture.
Core competencies
To ensure Official Development Assistance (ODA) remains sustainable
even after the USG departs a country, USAID must foster strong,
democratic governments and work with local partners and institutions,
which ensures sustainability. Promoting institutions where leaders are
held accountable and govern responsibly encourages a favorable
investment climate, thus furthering self-sufficiency.
The PPD-6 also notes that development is best attained by creating
broad-based economic growth through providing innovative resources to
the world's poorest. The USG's size and reach allows us to uniquely
scale up the best, most innovative ideas for tackling today's
development challenges. For example, the Feed the Future (FtF)
initiative accomplishes its goal of combating extreme hunger by
partnering with local farmers to increase their productivity, and
engaging the private sector by producing cutting-edge agricultural
research to benefit targeted communities.
The USG remains a thought leader across a range of technical
development sectors, and our expertise drives our successes in global
health, education, energy, environment, among others. When tackling any
development challenge, no Agency will operate alone. Federal employees
call on colleagues from CDC, USDA, EPA, and others to provide their
expert insight.
Comparative advantages
The United States has unique access to a vibrant private sector and
a variety of philanthropic organizations. The Administration's Power
Africa initiative, for example, aims to give millions of people access
to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa. Such a project would cost around
$23 billion, but after an initial investment of only $7 billion, the
USG has leveraged nearly $15 billion in commitments to fully fund this
initiative.
The USG is the global leader in providing rapid disaster
assistance. No other country has the same lift or logistical capacity,
nor the equivalent pre-positioned resources necessary to respond to
humanitarian and environmental crises.
Question. What objectives should be left to others to handle?
Answer. Attaining strong, broad-based economic growth meant to lift
the impoverished out of poverty or resolve long-standing violence
cannot be achieved by U.S.-funded development assistance alone. It must
be a coordinated effort planned in concert with other donors, actively
encouraged and supported by the host nation, and jumpstarted by private
industry.
The Presidential Policy Directive on Global Development (PPD-6)
states that the USG should ``forge a deliberate division of labor among
key donors.'' Specifically, it states that the United States will
``seek an explicit division of labor by focusing our efforts on select
countries and regions.'' USAID is continuously assessing where we have
a comparative advantage to work in key regions and sectors, and where
other donors may complement or better work in those areas--reducing or
increasing presence where needed. For example, in Brazil, we are
transitioning from a donor-recipient relationship to a partnership
program that leverages Brazilian financial and technical resources to
advance shared development objectives in the region and around the
world.
The PPD also instructs to ``Focus our expertise in a smaller number
of sectors, with an emphasis on selectivity and an orientation toward
results.'' USAID significantly increased its focus through development
initiatives such as Science, Technology and Innovation; Power Africa;
Global Health; Feed the Future; and Global Climate Change. In addition,
USAID phased out Feed the Future agriculture programs in 22 countries
since FY 2010 and 23 countries from USAID Global Health programs. USAID
also has begun creating focused integrated development objectives
within the Country Development Cooperation Strategy (CDCS) process and
strategic alignment will be key in the FY 2015 budget process.
Finally, the PPD directs USG to ``Work with bilateral donors, the
multilateral development banks and other international organizations to
ensure complementarity and coordination of efforts.'' USAID holds
regular consultations at the headquarter level with multiple donor and
NGO partners such as DFID, the European Union, Norway, Denmark,
Australia, World Bank, and the Arab Donor League. Successful
partnerships include the partnership with the Swedish International
Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA) focused on Science, Technology
and Innovation for cutting-edge development solutions to reduce
poverty. Another example is USAID also recently hosted the first U.S.-
Japan Development Dialogue to deepen collaboration with the Japanese
International Cooperation Agency (JICA) in multiple sectors, including
gender equality and female empowerment. USAID also continuously shares
technical skill and lessons learned at the working group level when
coordinating with other donors and NGOs.
If confirmed, I will continue USAID's efforts to partner with a
variety of sister agencies across the Federal Government as well as
other actors, ranging from donors to private industry, NGOs, host
country governments and community-based organizations to tackle
development challenges across the world.
______
Responses of Marcia Denise Occomy to Questions
Submitted by Senator John Barrasso
power africa initiative
The administration has identified the African Development Bank as
one of the agencies involved in the Power Africa Initiative. The bank's
portfolio has included energy infrastructure projects for a long time.
Question. Please identify the specific infrastructure efforts being
pursued by the administration that fall under the Power Africa
Initiative at the African Development Bank.
Answer. To help meet Africa's sizeable electricity needs, the
United States, through Power Africa, is forging partnerships with
African governments and organizations, other donors, and the private
sector to advance key reforms and specific energy projects.
As a critical Power Africa partner, the African Development Bank
(AfDB) supports far-reaching power sector reforms and provides
technical assistance to improve the enabling environment, offers legal
assistance to negotiate power purchase agreements (PPAs), and provides
various financing tools for energy projects, including guarantee
instruments to mitigate off-taker risks.
Some examples of the strong U.S.-AfDB collaboration on Power Africa
include:
In Kenya, the AfDB and the U.S. Government are providing
financing, technical assistance, and partial risk guarantees
(designed to attract private sector investment in projects by
reducing the risk of participating) for the 300 MW Lake Turkana
Wind Project.
In Ethiopia, the U.S. Government is supporting the AfDB's
African Legal Support Facility's work to provide guidance to
the Government of Ethiopia regarding negotiations of the PPA
for the 1,000 MW Corbetti Geothermal Project.
Question. How many of these projects were already being pursued
prior to the announcement of the Power Africa Initiative by President
Obama in 2013?
Answer. The AfDB has long been committed to promoting energy access
across Africa, and some of the Bank's current efforts under Power
Africa existed as proposals or active projects prior to President
Obama's announcement in June 2013. However, many of these proposals and
projects were not advancing. Power Africa created new momentum and
unlocked sticking points by providing a coordinated approach across
different agencies that, together, have the range of tools needed to
accelerate energy development--from advice on policy and regulatory
reforms, to prefeasibility support and capacity-building, to long-term
financing, insurance, guarantees, credit enhancements and technical
assistance.
The risks associated with investing in Africa's energy sector are
significant, and a key goal of the U.S.-AfDB collaboration on Power
Africa is to help close the know-how and financing gaps and to
accelerate energy investment projects on the continent.
energy sources
During your confirmation hearing in the Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations, you stated, ``the U.S. can support a vote for a coal powered
power plant for the poorest countries, which have the greatest energy
needs.''
Question. Do the 53 member countries of the African Development
Bank include some of the poorest countries in the world?
Answer. The United States can support coal projects in IDA-only
countries, where energy needs are often the greatest, in specified
circumstances. Thirty-seven of the AfDB's fifty-three member countries
are IDA-only. Eligibility for IDA support depends on a country's
creditworthiness and relative poverty, defined as GNI per capita below
an established threshold that is updated annually (in fiscal year 2014:
$1,205).
Question. Is there a tremendous need for energy generation and
transmission in the 53 member countries of the African Development
Bank?
Answer. Yes. Sub-Saharan Africa has the lowest electrification rate
in the world; nearly 600 million people, 70 percent of the population,
go without electricity every day. Rural electrification rates are well
below 5 percent in many areas--much lower than in Asia or Latin
America. The lack of access to power is one of the largest obstacles to
economic growth and poverty reduction on the continent. The U.S.
Government is partnering with the AfDB to close this energy gap by
increasing generation capacity and access to electricity.
Many African countries have substantial energy resources that
include oil, natural gas, and coal.
Question. Will you vote in support of energy development projects
that include oil, coal, and natural gas at the African Development
Bank?
Answer. The U.S. Government is committed to helping to improve
energy access and energy security to households and businesses in
Africa and around the globe as an important element of economic
development. Each project that comes to the Board for consideration is
evaluated on its contribution toward sustainable development
objectives, including support for a cleaner energy future. The U.S.
Government's approach on coal seeks to promote technologies, such as
carbon capture and sequestration (CCS), that will make coal feasible
with lower emissions, alongside the promotion of cleaner sources of
energy such as natural gas, wind, and solar. In line with the
President's Climate Action Plan, I understand that support for coal
power-generation projects may be considered, depending on the country,
and subject to additional conditions, (a) for facilities deploying
carbon capture and sequestration technology, or (b) employs the best
available technology for reducing GHG emissions that is practically
feasible where the project overcomes binding constraints on national
economic development in the world's poorest countries. The United
States Treasury ``Guidance for U.S. Positions on MDBs Engaging with
Developing Countries on Coal-Fired Power Generation'' (issued in
October 2013) states that in ``IDA-only countries, where energy needs
are often that greatest, the MDB could proceed with appraising a coal
project that does not meet the best internationally available
technology criteria, if it can be demonstrated that the project
overcomes binding constraints on national economic development.''
Question. Do you believe coal provides a low cost and reliable
energy source which is important to countries looking for assistance in
poverty alleviation and economic development?
Answer. Facilitating energy access and energy security to people in
Africa and around the globe is a priority for the United States, and I
understand how important such access is to promoting growth and
economic development. The United States continues to pursue this goal
using the cleanest technology possible. In line with the Climate Action
Plan, I understand that the U.S. Government will consider support for
coal projects using the best available technology for reducing GHG
emissions that is practically feasible where the project overcomes
binding constraints on national economic development in the world's
poorest countries, or for facilities that deploy carbon capture and
sequestration.
Question. Do you believe requiring borrowers to accept higher cost
energy projects is a responsible use of taxpayer dollars when
affordable and reliable alternatives are readily available?
Answer. The United States is committed to the pursuit of
sustainable economic development. Least-cost alternatives in the short
term are not always the most cost-effective in the long run. Climate
change is one of many risks to the sustainability of development
outcomes, and may have a disproportionate impact on the world's most
vulnerable communities. A priority for the U.S. Government is to help
developing economies shift to sustainable energy solutions, including
lower-carbon energy sources so they can avoid a lock-in of high-
emission power plants. Support for cleaner energy technologies that
reduce pollution will also improve health outcomes, including reducing
asthma and heart attacks, thus generating long-term health savings. It
is important that scarce public financing be used to support the
deployment of low-emission power generation in order to achieve
sustainable development outcomes and the most efficient use of taxpayer
dollars.
Question. If confirmed, what criteria would you use to determine
whether you will vote in support of energy development projects at the
African Development Bank?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues throughout the
government to ensure that we continue to evaluate projects on an
individual basis, and we will determine positions based on the merits
of each project in advancing sustainable and inclusive development
objectives, consistent with all relevant policies.
president obama's climate action plan
Question. Will pushing President Obama's Climate Action Plan be one
of your top priorities at the African Development Bank?
Answer. The Climate Action Plan is an important priority of the
Obama administration, and as the President's appointee, if confirmed I
will implement all the priorities and instructions from the White House
and Treasury Department. The Climate Action Plan is relevant for the
African Development Bank as it provides guidance regarding the
President's view on the circumstances under which support for public
funding of coal-fired power plants overseas is warranted. Working to
support the long-term sustainability of Africa's resources and the
serious energy access needs of Africa are important goals to me and to
the Obama administration.
inga dam
Question. What investments have been made by the African
Development Bank on the Inga Dam projects?
Answer. The AfDB has made a number of investments in the Inga 3
project. In 2008, the AfDB provided a grant of about $15 million for a
feasibility study that proposed an optimal approach to the development
of the project. Two additional grants totaling $7 million were
subsequently made for advisory services and technical assistance, and
in November 2013, the AfDB approved a $68 million technical assistance
program. As part of this program, the AfDB is providing technical
assistance to put in place appropriate institutions, support key
technical studies, and implement the reforms necessary to realize the
Inga 3 project.
Question. What are your views on Inga 3 and the Grand Inga Dam?
Answer. Inga 3 and Grand Inga have extraordinary potential to
generate much-needed electricity for the DRC and the region. At the
same time, the risks of undertaking such an enormous project in a
country with weak institutions and a poor track record of managing
large-scale infrastructure projects must not be overlooked. If
confirmed, I will carefully consider the merits and risks of both the
Inga 3 and Grand Inga projects.
Question. What are the potential costs for construction and the
energy potential of these projects?
Answer. Costs for the construction of Inga 3 and the associated
infrastructure are estimated to be between $11-14 billion. Inga 3, if
constructed, will have a capacity of 4,800 megawatts of electricity. No
reliable cost estimates are available for the construction of Grand
Inga. Preliminary estimates of the total capacity of Grand Inga show
that such a project could have a capacity of 44,000 megawatts.
Question. Do you support the African Development Bank assisting in
financing construction of Inga 3?
Answer. Any decisions regarding the U.S. Government's support for
Inga 3 will be based on the results of environmental and social studies
and on the implementation of necessary reforms. The U.S. Government
will carefully consider the results of both the AfDB and World Bank
technical assistance programs, and will perform the same due diligence
that it performs on any multilateral development bank project (which
factors in legislation on the MDBs), to make a determination about
support for Inga 3 at the appropriate time. The AfDB has not proposed
any assistance in financing construction of Inga 3.
Question. Do you support the African Development Bank assisting in
financing construction of Grand Inga Dam project?
Answer. Support for Grand Inga is not being considered by the AfDB
at this time. The AfDB is currently providing technical assistance for
the development of Inga 3 and has at this stage has not proposed any
financing for the construction of either Inga 3 or the Grand Inga Dam
project.
u.s. interest
Question. How much funding has the United States invested in the
African Development Bank?
Answer. Since 1976, the United States has provided over $3 billion
to the African Development Bank Group to support nonconcessional and
concessional lending to African countries.
Question. How is the African Development Bank in the interest of
the United States?
Answer. The AfDB is a strong partner that supports U.S. economic
and security interests across Africa. By promoting private sector
growth and improving the quality of the regulatory environment, the
AfDB helps create new markets for U.S. businesses. By supporting
economic growth in Africa's middle-income countries, the AfDB helps
solidify nascent democracies in North Africa and create stable
societies that can govern effectively and meet the needs of their
people.
Additionally, the African Development Fund (AfDF)--the concessional
lending arm of the AfDB--is solely dedicated to working with the
poorest countries in Africa. The AfDF promotes inclusive growth in the
region's new frontier economies, deepens economic and regional
integration, and works with post-conflict and fragile states to assist
them in becoming productive and stable. The AfDF supports many of our
security objectives where new threats are emerging, including the Sahel
and the Horn of Africa, by working to address some of the underlying
causes of instability.
Investments by the United States in the AfDB have a significant
leveraging effect, with each additional dollar of capital supporting
additional lending of $20. U.S. contributions to the AfDF also provide
significant returns, with every dollar contributed leveraging close to
an additional $12.
NOMINATIONS OF TODD D. ROBINSON
AND LESLIE ANN BASSETT
----------
THURSDAY, JULY 10, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Todd D. Robinson, of New Jersey, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Guatemala
Leslie Ann Bassett, of California, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Paraguay
----------
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:01 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Tom Udall
presiding.
Present: Senators Udall, Kaine, and McCain.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TOM UDALL,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW MEXICO
Senator Udall. I call this nomination hearing to order.
Today we meet to consider two nominations for the Western
Hemisphere: first, Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement, Mr. Todd D.
Robinson, to be U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Guatemala;
and second, the Deputy Chief of Mission to the U.S. Embassy in
Seoul, Korea, Leslie Ann Bassett, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Paraguay.
Both nominees are Career Foreign Service officers who
currently hold the rank of minister-counselor. Both have
extensive experience in the Western Hemisphere, which will be
needed to address many of the pressing issues of importance to
the United States and the regions they will serve.
In Paraguay, if confirmed, Ms. Bassett will be confronted
with issues surrounding economic development, counternarcotics,
corruption, and governance reform, as well as sticky issues of
land reform and indigenous rights. Furthermore, she will need
to address the issues of terrorism and the threat of terrorism
in the triborder region of Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil.
Like my home State of New Mexico, Paraguay is home to
indigenous tribes. The Paraguayan population itself is a large
mix of Spanish and Guarani Indians, many of whom are of mixed
descent. In fact, 90 of the population speaks Guarani. This
relatively poor and inland country has had a very difficult
political history, including decades of dictatorship, in the
last century. Most recently, the impeachment of the former
President, Fernando Lugo, in 2012 raised many questions about
the state of Paraguayan democracy. With the help of the
Organization of American States, Paraguay held elections in
2013 and elected the current President, Horatio Cartes.
Mr. Robinson, if confirmed, you will be representing the
United States in a country that has experienced civil war,
dictatorships, and now is in the throes of increasing gang
violence, economic stagnation, and a resultant migration
problem that is spreading throughout the hemisphere, including
in my home State of New Mexico, where many of the immigrants
are being held in the Federal Law Enforcement Training Center
in Artesia, New Mexico.
In order to deal with this most recent crisis, you will
need to first address the dangers of traveling north to the
United States. To the families and children that may be
listening, this journey is dangerous. You should not undertake
this journey to the United States or to Mexico. I have been
briefed by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, FLETC,
and the U.S. Customs and Border Protection regarding the
individuals undergoing removal proceedings and I can positively
say that, despite what you may have heard, there is no amnesty
for individuals once they reach the United States.
While it is easy to concentrate on the impacts of this side
of the border, you will also need to deal with the underlying
causes surrounding the migrations of children and families
outside of Central America. Guatemala, like other countries, is
in the area known as the northern triangle. It is one of the
most violent countries in the world, with a rate of homicides
of 34 homicides per 100,000 people, narcotics trafficking and
rampant gang violence and a population of distrustful law
enforcement authorities due to a history of corruption and
abuse.
It should not be surprising that some of you believe that
the dangerous trek to the United States would be worth the
risk. I believe strongly that not only do we need to address
issues on this side of the border, which includes passing
comprehensive immigration reform and strengthening the border,
but that we need to stop turning a blind eye to a region that
has continued to receive diminished attention in multiple
administrations. We need to put together a comprehensive plan
which helps the countries of Guatemala, El Salvador, and
Honduras, better deal with violent crime and counternarcotics,
governance and corruption issues, human rights and judicial
issues, and economic development.
Until that happens, I believe that families will continue
to see the dangerous trek to the United States as the least bad
option, which will further stress our ability to deal with
these issues in the border States.
Mr. Robinson, I am looking forward to hearing from you
about how you will address these pressing issues during this
hearing.
Before we hear from the nominees, I would like to give the
ranking member, Senator McCain, an opportunity to give his
opening statement as well.
Senator McCain.
Senator McCain. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. I do not
have any opening statement except to thank both of the nominees
for their long and honorable service to our country, and we
look forward to rapid confirmation through the committee and
through the Senate, hopefully before we are out for the year.
So thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Udall. Senator McCain, we also look forward to
that, and I know you put a real emphasis on having well-
qualified nominees and obviously these two I think are very
high up on that standard.
I would now like to turn to our two nominees for their
opening statements, beginning with Mr. Robinson. As always,
your full testimony will be included in the record, and please
try and stay within the allotted time.
Mr. Robinson.
STATEMENT OF TODD D. ROBINSON, OF NEW JERSEY, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator McCain. Mr.
Chairman, distinguished members of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, it is an honor to appear today before you as the
President's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to
Guatemala. I am humbled by the trust and confidence President
Obama and Secretary of State Kerry have shown in putting
forward my nomination for this position.
I joined the Foreign Service in 1986 and since then I have
briefed Capitol Hill staff a number of times. Needless to say,
this time is a little different. This time, while they are not
with me today, I have the opportunity to acknowledge the
support of my mother, Willetta BaCote, and my brothers, Mark
Robinson and Jeffrey BaCote. They have been enormously
influential on my career and without their support and that of
my friends and colleagues I would not be before you today.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed it will be an honor to return to
the Republic of Guatemala. I was deputy chief of mission at the
Embassy in Guatemala from 2009 to 2011. Much of my career in
the Foreign Service has been in the region--Colombia, El
Salvador, the Dominican Republic, and Bolivia. I was consul
general in Barcelona from 2006 to 2009 and I have been a Deputy
Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of International Narcotics
and Law Enforcement since 2011. I would hope to use this
experience to advance United States goals in Guatemala.
Guatemala is at a critical moment. While the nation has
made significant progress since signing peace accords in 1996
that ended a three decade-long internal conflict, significant
challenges remain: trafficking of humans, weapons, and drugs,
high rates of violence, impunity and corruption, poor education
and employment opportunities, and chronic malnutrition. These
are all serious and all particularly damaging to Guatemala's
youngest, most defenseless citizens.
These challenges are complex. They require sustained and
continued United States cooperation and engagement, and if
confirmed I will work with this committee and our Guatemalan
partners to promote respect for human rights and economic and
social inclusion for all members of society.
The United States and Guatemala are making progress.
Guatemala is advancing in the fight against trafficking in
persons and is committing additional funding in a constrained
budget environment to its antitrafficking efforts. There is
strong cooperation on counternarcotics, judicial strengthening,
and maternal and child health issues, but more steps are needed
to ensure that this cooperation is institutionalized.
Earlier this year, a Guatemalan court convicted four labor
traffickers, the first ever conviction for forced labor in the
country's history. And the Department of State is working
closely with the government of Guatemala to resolve the
remaining 31 intercountry adoption cases pending since 2007.
Mr. Chairman, we cannot talk about Guatemala today without
acknowledging the urgent humanitarian situation at the United
States southern border relating to unaccompanied children. As
nations that value human dignity, it is our duty to respond
collectively. Both President Perez Molina and First Lady Rosa
Leal de Perez have acknowledged the need for collective action
and we are working toward that end.
The United States and the Government of Guatemala are
committed to addressing the factors driving migration, such as
the lack of economic and education opportunities. We cannot
resolve this overnight and neither we nor Guatemala can address
this singlehandedly. If confirmed, I will work with Congress
and the Guatemala Government to see that U.S. assistance is
effectively targeted so that Guatemalan citizens can build
their lives at home. I will also continue efforts to correct
misunderstandings about U.S. law and correct misperceptions
that children are permitted to remain in the United States.
Guatemala is a nation of diverse people who are working to
consolidate democratic principles and who are cognizant of
their responsibilities to advance the cause of international
peace and security. It is a nation of enormous pride and
cultural patrimony and it will be my high honor to represent
the United States in Guatemala.
Mr. Chairman, I deeply appreciate the honor of appearing
before the committee today. I understand the serious interests
the United States has in the success of Guatemala and the
region as a whole. If confirmed, I pledge to work with Congress
and this committee to ensure that as we meet the challenges
ahead we do so reflecting the values and ideals of the United
States.
Thank you very much and I look forward to any questions you
may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Robinson follows:]
Prepared Statement of Todd D. Robinson
Mister Chairman, distinguished members of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee, it is an honor to appear today before you as the
President's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to
Guatemala. I am humbled by the trust and confidence President Obama and
Secretary of State Kerry have shown in putting forward my nomination
for this position. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
you and your colleagues to advance the interests of the United States.
I joined the Foreign Service in 1986 and since then, I have briefed
Capitol Hill staff a number of times. Needless to say, this time is a
little different. This time, I have the opportunity to acknowledge the
support of my mother, Willetta BaCote, and my brothers, Mark Robinson
and Jeffrey BaCote. They have been enormously influential in my career,
and without their support, and that of my friends and colleagues, I
would not be before you today.
Mr. Chairman, it will truly be an honor to return to the Republic
of Guatemala. As you know, I was deputy chief of mission at the Embassy
in Guatemala City from 2009-2011. In fact, much of my career in the
Foreign Service has ranged throughout the region in Colombia, El
Salvador, the Dominican Republic, and Bolivia. Before going to
Guatemala, I was consul general in Barcelona, and when I left
Guatemala, I took up my current duties as Deputy Assistant Secretary in
the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement. I have
gained a wealth of experience from my work in these places and, if
confirmed, I pledge to use this experience to advance U.S. goals in
Guatemala.
Guatemala is at a critical moment. While the nation has made
significant progress since the signing of the peace accords in 1996
that ended a three-decade-long internal conflict, significant
challenges remain. Trafficking of humans, weapons, and drugs; high
rates of violence; impunity and corruption; poor education and
employment opportunities; and chronic malnutrition are all serious
issues and all particularly damaging to Guatemala's youngest, most
defenseless citizens. These challenges are complex and require
sustained and continued U.S. cooperation and engagement and, if
confirmed, I will work with this committee and our Guatemalan partners
to promote respect for human rights and economic and social inclusion
for all members of society.
The United States and Guatemala are already making some progress.
Guatemala has made advances in the fight against trafficking in persons
and is committing additional funding in a constrained budget
environment to its antitrafficking efforts. There has been strong
cooperation on counternarcotics, judicial strengthening, and maternal
and child health issues. If confirmed, I pledge to work to support
President Perez Molina's ``Zero Hunger'' campaign to see that child
health efforts, in particular, become institutionalized. Earlier this
year, a Guatemalan court convicted four labor traffickers, the first
ever conviction for forced labor in the country's history. The
Department of State is working closely with the Government of Guatemala
toward resolution of the remaining 31 intercountry adoption cases,
pending since 2007. And, Guatemala recently became a ``compliant''
country in the terms of the Extractive Industries Transparency
Initiative (EITI), which means it has agreed to work with civil society
and international community to ensure all mining projects are conducted
transparently.
Mr. Chairman, we cannot talk about Guatemala today without
acknowledging the urgent humanitarian situation at the U.S. southern
border related to unaccompanied children. As nations that value human
dignity, it is our duty to respond collectively. President Perez Molina
has acknowledged the need for collective action, and we are working
toward that end. While visiting DHS facilities in Arizona last week,
Guatemalan First Lady Rosa Leal de Perez, a leading voice on this
issue, reemphasized the Government of Guatemala's commitment to
addressing the factors driving migration, including of children, such
as a lack of economic and education opportunities. The significant
increase in unaccompanied children is, in large measure, a direct
result of the challenges I described earlier. We cannot resolve them
overnight and neither we, nor Guatemala, can address them alone. If
confirmed, I will work with Congress and the Guatemalan Government to
see that U.S. assistance is effectively targeted to address the
underlying causes of migration. I will also continue efforts to correct
misunderstandings about aspects of U.S. law and correct misperceptions
that children are permitted to remain in the United States.
Guatemala is a nation with drive and determination to open its
borders and compete on a global scale. It is a nation of diverse people
who are working to consolidate democratic principles, and who are
cognizant of their responsibilities to advance the cause of
international peace and security. It is a nation of enormous pride and
cultural patrimony and, if confirmed, it will be my high honor to
represent the United States in Guatemala.
Mr. Chairman, after nearly three decades in the Foreign Service, I
deeply appreciate the honor of appearing before the committee today. I
understand the serious interests the United States has in the success
of Guatemala, and of the region as a whole. If confirmed, I pledge to
work with Congress, and this committee to ensure that as we meet the
challenges ahead we do so reflecting the values and ideals of the
United States.
Thank you very much, I look forward to any questions you may have.
Senator Udall. Thank you, Mr. Robinson. We appreciate your
testimony.
We now go to Ms. Bassett.
STATEMENT OF LESLIE ANN BASSETT, OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF PARAGUAY
Ms. Bassett. Mr. Chairman, Senator McCain, I appreciate
very much the opportunity to appear before you today. This is a
great honor for me personally and professionally. One hundred
years ago my great-great-grandfather, Senator William J. Stone
of Missouri, sat as chairman of this committee during a pivotal
time in world history. His concern and interest in foreign
affairs inspired my decision to join the Department of State
and is the foundation of my enduring respect for the important
role Congress plays in our foreign policy.
I am both grateful and humbled that President Obama
nominated me for this position and I appreciate the confidence
that the President and Secretary Kerry have shown in me. You
have my commitment that, if confirmed, I will live up to the
high standards that the administration has set for its
appointees, standards that I know this committee and the
American people expect of nominees.
I come before you mindful of my family's legacy of service
to the Nation. My grandfather graduated from West Point, fought
in World War II, and rose to the rank of general in the U.S.
Army. My father is a graduate of the U.S. Naval Academy. My two
uncles served in the Air Force during the Vietnam war, but only
one came home.
For the last three decades I have carried on this family
tradition of service to our country as a Foreign Service
officer representing the United States across four different
regions of the globe. More than half my service has focused
both in the field and from the vantage of Washington on our
relations with the Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will
draw upon all of my knowledge and experience to advance U.S.
interests in our important relationship with Paraguay; and if
confirmed I look forward to working with this committee in this
effort.
This is a time of opportunity in the bilateral relationship
between the United States and Paraguay. We have a strong
interest in supporting Paraguay's efforts to strengthen its
democratic institutions, improve the rule of law, advance human
rights, counter narcotics trafficking and terrorism, combat
corruption, and promote an effective, transparent government
and judicial system. The tragedy of human trafficking is
unfortunately a significant concern in Paraguay and I believe
more can be done.
This is a time of opportunity in our trade relationship as
well. Trade between the United States and Paraguay continues to
grow. In 2013 our two-way trade totaled $2.2 billion, leaving
us with a trade surplus of $1.6 billion. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with the many U.S. businesses represented in
Paraguay to support a reliable, transparent business
environment conducive to continued growth in trade and
investment. Steps Paraguay can take to ensure protection of
intellectual property rights will help improve prospects for
increased commerce.
This is a time of opportunity in our people-to-people ties,
anchored by a strong Peace Corps presence, sustained by the
work of dedicated colleagues from the USAID, and made possible
by the committed efforts of the entire U.S. Embassy in
Asuncion. If confirmed, I promise to offer mission leadership
focused on protecting American citizens and advancing the full
range of our goals.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you, your
distinguished colleagues, and your staffs to advance our
priorities with the Republic of Paraguay.
Thank you again for this opportunity and I welcome any
questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Bassett follows:]
Prepared Statement of Leslie Ann Bassett
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I appreciate very much
the opportunity to appear before you today. This is a great honor for
me, personally and professionally. One hundred years ago my great-
great-grandfather, Senator William J. Stone of Missouri, sat as
chairman of this committee during a pivotal time in world history. His
concern and interest in foreign affairs inspired my decision to join
the Department of State and is the foundation of my enduring respect
for the important role Congress plays in our foreign policy.
I am both grateful and humbled that President Obama nominated me
for this position and I appreciate the confidence that the President
and Secretary Kerry have shown in me. You have my commitment that, if
confirmed, I will live up to the high standards that the administration
has set for its appointees; standards that I know this committee and
the American people expect of nominees.
I come before you mindful of my family's legacy of service to the
Nation. My grandfather graduated from West Point, fought in World War
II, and rose to the rank of General in the U.S. Army. My father is a
graduate of the U.S. Naval Academy. My two uncles served in the Air
Force during the Vietnam war, but only one came home. For the last
three decades, I have carried on this family tradition of service to
our country as a Foreign Service officer representing the United States
across four different regions of the globe. More than half my service
has focused, both in the field and from the vantage of Washington, on
our relations with the Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will draw
upon all my knowledge and experience to advance U.S. interests in our
important relationship with Paraguay. And if confirmed, I look forward
to working with this committee in this effort.
This is a time of opportunity in the bilateral relationship between
the United States and Paraguay. We have a strong interest in supporting
Paraguay's efforts to strengthen its democratic institutions, improve
the rule of law, advance human rights, counter narcotics trafficking
and terrorism, combat corruption and promote an effective, transparent
government and judicial system. The tragedy of human trafficking is
unfortunately a significant concern in Paraguay, and I believe we can
do more to encourage Paraguay to take more action to prevent human
trafficking.
This is a time of opportunity in our trade relationship as well.
Trade between the United States and Paraguay, while relatively modest,
continues to grow. In 2013 our two-way trade totaled $2.2 billion,
leaving us with a trade surplus of $1.6 billion. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with the many U.S. businesses represented in
Paraguay to support a reliable, transparent business environment
conducive to continued growth in trade and investment. Steps Paraguay
can take to ensure protection of intellectual property rights will help
improve prospects for increased commerce.
This is a time of opportunity in our people-to-people ties,
anchored by a strong Peace Corps presence, sustained by the work of
dedicated colleagues from USAID, and made possible by the committed
efforts of the entire U.S. Embassy in Asuncion. If confirmed, I promise
to offer collaborative mission leadership focused on protecting
American citizens and advancing the full range of our goals.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you, your
distinguished colleagues, and your staffs to advance our priorities
with the Republic of Paraguay.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear today. I welcome any
questions you may have.
Senator Udall. Thank you very much, Ms. Bassett.
I am going to start with questioning with Mr. Robinson. Mr.
Robinson, as Ambassador how will you address the root causes
leading to the recent surge in minors migrating from Guatemala
to the United States? The mass migration is putting immense
pressure on the United States and especially the border
regions. In Artesia, New Mexico, the community is being asked
to take on more of this burden. I recently visited with the
community in the Federal Law Enforcement Training Center to
learn more about what is being done. However, the insecure
conditions these children are fleeing are only getting worse.
How will you direct resources to support the Guatemalan
Government in both preventing future migration and supporting
the repatriation process of those returning to Guatemala?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Senator. We know what the root
causes are. We know that security--both food security and
physical security--are important, terrible issues that are
affecting the country. We also know that there are networks,
criminal networks that are preying upon the families in
desperate situations to get their family members from Guatemala
up to the United States.
We have programs that we have been employing, implementing,
that include work with the Guatemalan police, with Customs,
with Border Patrol. We also have programs that focus on food
security and maternal and child health. I think we need to
continue to implement those programs and I would direct
resources in that regard.
But this is not something that the United States can do on
its own. Clearly, the Government of Guatemala has a role to
play. We have seen some cooperation in that regard. If
confirmed, I would work even more closely with government
authorities to address the issue.
Senator Udall. Thank you.
Ms. Bassett, the Cartes government's openness to public-
private partnership, particularly in improving their
infrastructure, I think provides an avenue for U.S. business to
offer its unique expertise in this area. If confirmed, what
kind of support will you provide to United States business
hoping to work in Paraguay in the area of infrastructure,
agriculture, and other areas for investment?
Ms. Bassett. Mr. Chairman, thank you. I think you are
absolutely correct in your assessment that this is an
opportunity in the Government of Paraguay and with our
relationship in Paraguay to expand our economic ties by virtue
of the kind of investment Paraguay seeks to make in
infrastructure that needs modernizing, both to improve
opportunities for commerce, but also to extend the reach of
government into more remote areas.
We are working and if confirmed I will continue to work to
try to promote American business opportunities through making
sure that they are aware of the tenders that are available,
that the opportunity for bids and procurement are as
transparent and fair as possible, and that when appropriate we
advocate on behalf of U.S. businesses interested in engaging in
new initiatives with the Government of Paraguay.
Thank you.
Senator Udall. Thank you.
Mr. Robinson, as you probably know, I have long advocated
for increased attention for the Western Hemisphere region.
However, the administration continually deprioritizes this
region in relation to others. We are seeing the repercussions
of this through the thousands of migrants arriving in the
United States from Central America. How will programs in
Guatemala be impacted by the decreased request for the CARSI
program in fiscal year 2015? How will you rebalance this
request to address crime prevention with equally important
issues of economic development, judicial and governance reform,
and addressing human rights and issues surrounding endemic
corruption?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Senator. We have to acknowledge
that this has been a very constrained budget environment over
the last few years. But the State Department and the
administration have not lost their focus on the important areas
of the Western Hemisphere, particularly the northern tier:
Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. Over the last fiscal year
Guatemala was the recipient of $19 million in aid. They were
also from CARSI resources, regional resources--they benefited
from $54 million over the last fiscal year.
We will continue--I will continue to devote and send
resources to those areas that are--the programs that are
particularly important: police reform, obviously; again,
customs and border. We will also work with the judicial sector
to continue to work to funnel those resources where necessary.
Senator Udall. Thank you.
Ms. Bassett, Paraguay's counternarcotics body reported that
drug seizures were up by 39 percent in 2013. The country's
status as a major transshipment route for Andean cocaine is
troubling, as we have invested considerable resources to
address the drug crisis in Colombia, Mexico, and Central
America. How will you engage the Paraguayan authorities to stop
these transshipments and the potential for Paraguay to become a
cocaine-producing country itself?
Ms. Bassett. I agree that it is a serious concern, although
I think that the Government of Paraguay's successes in
increasing their amount of interdiction is a positive sign of
their commitment to address this issue. Through my experience
working as the deputy chief of mission in Mexico and as
political counselor in Columbia, I have a great deal of
personal experience on both the costs and the consequences of
the narcotics business on host governments as well as on the
United States, and it is a very serious issue.
I hope that we can continue to cooperate and train with
Paraguayan police authorities to try and increase their
efforts, but also to encourage regional cooperation, since
Paraguay is primarily a transit country for these products,
illicit products. So I think the opportunity is also to look at
regional cooperation to try and stem the flow in that direction
as well.
Thank you.
Senator Udall. Thank you.
Senator McCain.
Senator McCain. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I thank the witnesses. Ms. Bassett, thank you for your
family's service to the country going back several generations,
despite your father's lack of education. [Laughter.]
And I thank you for your outstanding service. I have had
the privilege of seeing you in other posts and I have always
been very impressed by your service and dedication.
Mr. Robinson, you stated in your written statement: ``The
United States and Guatemala are already making some progress.
Guatemala has made advances in the fight against trafficking in
persons and is committing additional funding in a constrained
budget environment to its antitrafficking efforts.'' Your
statement, I do not question the validity. But I do question
the progress.
There is no progress, Mr. Robinson. Numbers of children are
the ultimate decider on whether there is progress or not, and
those numbers continue to go up. And, as you mentioned, we
provide $19 million in assistance. I do not know how much other
funding and assistance. Can you for the record describe, is
that the sum total of our financial assistance to Guatemala?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Senator. No, it is not the sum
total. I cannot be exactly sure, but I think we provided over
the last fiscal year almost $80 million total. Some of that
obviously goes toward programs that are run by USAID. Some of
that goes toward funding INL programs that I am familiar with.
Some of that is regional funding, so it is hard to break it
down exactly.
Senator McCain. Well, I want you to carry a message to the
Government of Guatemala from me and other Members of Congress.
That is, unless they show a significant amount of progress in
reducing flow of children into our country, I and others will
be seeking to reducing that funding dramatically. We have every
right to expect a greater level of cooperation from the
government of those three countries, including Guatemala, in
many cases expediting the flow, including advertising on their
radio and television that if you can get to the United States
you can stay, including paying the traffickers thousands of
dollars and seeing those transactions taking place in
Guatemala, and of course no border enforcement whatsoever.
So we are--there are many of us that are subject to the
immediate impact of these floods of children.
And by the way, there is no way that the drug traffickers
and the people who want to send their children to the United
States could in any way be anything but encouraged when one-
tenth or one-twentieth of those who appear at our border are
actually returned to the country of origin. That is not a
disincentive. Actually, that is an encouragement.
Many of us are very disappointed at the President's
message, where he came over and asked for legislation, $3.7
billion for a variety of programs, and then at the end of his
message: And of course we will negotiate with Congress other
measures.
Mr. Robinson, unless those families in Guatemala see
planeloads of children return to Guatemala, they are going to
keep sending them, and that is just a fact. Whether it is a
Bush law, as described by some, or whether it is a Feinstein
law or whatever it is, the 2008 law obviously was one of the
catalysts for this, and that has to be changed. And for the
President of the United States not to view that as the highest
priority in my view, he still does not get it. And obviously
the fact that he could not take the trouble to not engage in a
game of pool and drinking beer and go down to the border to see
the actual situation, of course, is really exceptional.
So my message to you, Mr. Robinson, is that we are totally
dissatisfied with the failure of the Guatemalan Government to
do anything tangible, and the only real metric is how many
children from Guatemala are showing up at our border; then
there will be many of us who want to review very carefully the
investment of American tax dollars. OK?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Senator. I can assure you that I
share your concerns and it will be among my highest priorities
to make sure that we are, number one, making sure that our
assistance is channeled in the right direction, but also making
sure that the Government of Guatemala knows that it has a
significant role to play in helping to address these issues.
Senator McCain. Thank you.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I thank the witnesses.
Senator Udall. Thank you very much, Senator McCain.
Ms. Bassett, in 2014 Freedom House elevated Paraguay's
press rating from ``Not Free'' to ``Partly Free'' due to
reduced political influence in the media. The nation has
improved the independence and protection of its press in recent
years, but criminal gangs present a real challenge. Already
this year, in the border areas with Brazil, two radio
journalists, Edgar Fleitas and Fausto Alcaraz, reporting on
local government services and drug trafficking taking place
across the border were gunned down.
What steps will you take to support the Government of
Paraguay's efforts at ensuring the safety of journalists?
Ms. Bassett. Thank you. As you note, Paraguay has been
working to improve its record on both press freedoms and other
human rights, but much work does remain to be done, and the two
cases you cite are instances where the government has focused,
as I understand it, its attention, and at least in one case I
believe an arrest has been made.
But the importance is not only in following up on crimes
that have taken place, but trying to prevent crimes in the
future. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the
Government of Paraguay on improving its protections, not just
to journalists, but to indigenous people to women and to people
of diverse groups, so that everyone may enjoy an equal
opportunity for a good life in Paraguay, which Gallop rated one
of the happiest countries in the world. So it is an interesting
contrast.
Thank you.
Senator Udall. Great. Thank you. That is an interesting
contrast. Thank you very much.
Mr. Robinson, we appreciate Secretary Kerry's decision to
award to International Women of Courage Award this year to
Judge Iris Yassmin Barrios Aguilar. Her work to confront high-
profile corruption, organized crime, and drug trafficking and
human rights abuses by former military personnel set an
important precedent and demonstrated the importance of an
independent judiciary.
However, the early removal of Attorney General Paz y Paz
and President Molina's decision to not renew the mandate of the
Commission Against Impunity are concerning. How would you work
to improve the management, accountability, and coordination of
the Guatemalan security and justice sectors, which is critical
to addressing past crimes and stemming the staggering rate of
homicides in the country?
Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Senator Udall. I think, first of
all, I should say that as DCM in Guatemala from 2009 to 2011 I
had the opportunity to work with many that are in the current
government now. If confirmed, I think I would be able to
maintain and extend that relationship.
Obviously, the issue of judicial reform and police reform
is very, very important. We had an excellent relationship with
the Attorney General, Paz y Paz. We also have a very good
relationship with the current attorney general, Thelma Aldana,
who I know from my time there in the past, and I can assure you
that if confirmed I would work very, very closely with her and
the rest of the Perez Molina government to address the issue of
judicial reform.
I should say that the issues that are important to the
current attorney general are also issues that impact on the
issue on the front pages of the newspapers today, the children.
She has been a strong advocate for children's issues and sexual
gender-based violence issues, domestic violence issues. I think
that is very important.
On the issue of extending the mandate for CICIG, the U.N.
Commission Against Impunity, I think they have not made a
decision yet on whether or not to extend the mandate. I would,
if confirmed, want to consult with both the Commissioner and
with the President to make sure that all of the important
issues are taken into account before a decision is made on
extending that mandate.
Senator Udall. Mr. Robinson, thank you very much for that
answer.
We have been joined by Senator Kaine, who has a real
interest in the region, and I would turn to him for any
questioning he would like of the nominees.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank
you to the witnesses. Congratulations to both of you for your
appointments, and thanks also for your significant public
service prior to this point.
I know that there have been some questions and the Chair
has already focused on CARSI. I have been really stunned by the
reducing budgets for CARSI, the Central America Regional
Security Initiative. I think it was in fiscal year 2015 $130
million, which was down from $160 million. In that same fiscal
year 2015 budget where we had $130 million for CARSI, we, I
think, originally programmed around $700 million for taking
care of detainees coming from these countries, and now we are
saying that is not enough; we will need $3.8 billion.
So let me start with you, Mr. Robinson. As Ambassador to
Guatemala, what can you do to help make more plain the need for
United States assistance in regional security efforts in
Guatemala and the other Central American nations?
Mr. Robinson. I absolutely acknowledge that, in this very
tough budget environment, we have had to really focus on how we
implement the funding that we have received. If confirmed, it
would be among my highest priorities to make sure that those
funds are used appropriately to increase the, for instance,
training to customs and border patrol, to increase training for
the police, and police reform. I think those are absolutely
important issues.
I will, of course, leave it to you to decide how much money
is sent in terms of assistance. But I can assure you that my
priority, should I be confirmed, will be making sure that we
use those funds to the maximum efficiency possible.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Robinson, let me continue with you if I
can on this, because I see you have been in Guatemala
previously as consul general. You have been in El Salvador. You
have been in the Dominican Republic. This is going to be an odd
question: Is there any evidence to suggest that Central
American parents do not love their children like American
parents do or like the parents of other nations do?
Mr. Robinson. Senator, there is no evidence to suggest that
Central American parents love their children any less than any
other parents. I think part of the reason for the humanitarian,
the urgent humanitarian situation, is probably an indication of
how much they do in fact love their children, but the
desperation of the situation----
Senator Kaine. So American parents, if we would imagine--I
have got three kids. What would it take for me to send my
children on a journey of thousands of miles where they would be
faced with dangers? It would be a very gut-wrenching decision
for me as a parent. It has got to be a gut-wrenching decision
for Guatemalan parents and others in the Central American
region, correct?
Mr. Robinson. I would imagine so, yes, sir.
Senator Kaine. And it is an expensive proposition. The
standard of living in these countries is not a significant one.
So not only is it gut-wrenching to separate yourself from your
children, but it costs an awful lot of money to do that.
And I gather that these parents are only doing it because
of their deep, deep concern about their children's safety in
the neighborhoods and communities where they live. Is that your
sense of sort of underlying driver of this flood of
unaccompanied children that are coming to the U.S. border?
Mr. Robinson. Senator, absolutely. I think there are
several underlying reasons. One is the violence, not just in
Guatemala, but in the northern tier countries. The other is the
lack of education and economic opportunity. I can assure you
that, should I be confirmed, those would be absolute priorities
for me and for making sure that I raise those issues with
government authorities.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Robinson, let me just focus on violence
for a minute. I lived in Honduras for a year and recently spent
some time with the Honduran President, the new Honduran
President Hernandez, talking about this issue. The violence in
these communities, a lot of it is connected to the drug trade,
is it not?
Mr. Robinson. Absolutely.
Senator Kaine. Now, the drug trade in Honduras or
Guatemala, for example, is not a significant trade because
Hondurans and Guatemalans consume a lot of drugs, correct?
Mr. Robinson. We do not think that they consume a large
amount of drugs.
Senator Kaine. So the drug trade in these nations is really
a drug trade where they are being used as a transit point for
drugs that are generally produced further south, and whether it
is Guatemala or Honduras or El Salvador, these nations are
being used as a transit point to get drugs largely to the
United States--Mexico, the United States, and Canada; is that
not correct?
Mr. Robinson. That is correct.
Senator Kaine. Just focusing on the United States demand
for drugs as an example, we are a big nation and the Nation,
the citizens of the Nation are willing to pay a whole lot of
money for illegal drugs. And it is that money that then becomes
a corrupting influence that fuels gangs, that fuels the drug
trade, that fuels the corruption of law enforcement authorities
in many of these Central American nations; is that not correct?
Mr. Robinson. Absolutely, Senator.
Senator Kaine. So this notion of these youngsters who are
coming to the United States, they are coming to the United
States because their parents want them to be free from
violence, and the violence is created to some significant
degree by domestic choices that American citizens make, to try
to consume illegal drugs that are coming through their
countries. Is that not part of what is going on?
Mr. Robinson. There is no doubt that the corrupting
influence of the drug trade is having a major effect on the
governments in the northern tier. But what we have also seen is
that we can have an effect in arresting that through our
community policing programs, through our model precinct
programs. There are ways to go after this, and we have had very
good cooperation with the government, particularly in
Guatemala, but throughout the northern tier, in using these
programs to address the security issue at a very local level,
at a municipal level.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Chair, could I continue for a bit? I
would like to continue if I could.
As I watch TV programs and things and I see American
citizens sort of yelling at these kids who have made this long
trip, as if the kids are somehow anti-U.S., it strikes me that
many of these kids are only refugees because of U.S.
destination drug trade. Would it dramatically improve the
physical security of these countries if U.S.-demand for illegal
drugs was eliminated tomorrow?
Mr. Robinson. Senator----
Senator Kaine. And I know your background includes working
on narcotics issues. This has been a specialty of yours.
Mr. Robinson. Absolutely. No, again there is no doubt that
the corrupting influence of the narcotics trade is a major
influence, and the violence that is surrounded with that is a
major influence, on parents who make the decision to send their
kids on this very arduous journey. How you classify them I
would leave to another agency.
Senator Kaine. Sure.
Mr. Robinson. But it is an urgent humanitarian situation
and it is one that we think collective action needs to be taken
to address.
Senator Kaine. My sense is it is not just something we
should do because we do not want to have unaccompanied minors
showing up at the border. But to the extent that U.S.-
destination drug trade is creating major security challenges in
these nations, who have traditionally been friends and allies
of the United States, then we even have a little bit of a
responsibility to try to provide some assistance, either in
reducing the demand for illegal drugs here or providing
security assistance so that these nations can deal with a
problem that is not entirely of their own cause. Would you
share that view?
Mr. Robinson. Senator, I absolutely believe and both the
President and the Vice President and the Secretary of State
have all made calls for collective action. This is not an issue
that can be resolved by any one country. The United States is
going to have to work with Mexico; they are going to have to
work with the countries of the northern tier, in order to
address that.
Senator Kaine. I share that.
Mr. Chair, I just want to make one point. I think you made
this point earlier. When we are spending $140 million to help
Central American nations, $130 million, deal with a regional
security challenge that we have some complicity in, bluntly,
and that number is going down, and we are spending $800
projected to deal with the consequence, and then now deciding
we have got to spend $3.8 billion to deal with the consequence,
I think the answer just suggests itself that there is a better
way to spend the money, that there is a better way to spend the
money.
I am interested in digging into the President's $3.8
billion request because I know some of it is earmarked toward
the causes. But if we just keep dealing with symptoms and we do
not deal with causes, then we are going to be dealing with
symptoms for a very long time.
Your background in having been in these countries and your
background in working on narcotics control issues is a very
important background to bring to this task.
Ms. Bassett, let me just ask you one question if I can
about Paraguay. I know that there has been studies suggesting
that among nations in the Western Hemisphere Paraguay has had a
particular problem with corruption. This is a domestic
political matter that we have to be careful about, about how we
deal with those. But what in your position as Ambassador could
you do to try to help foster a climate that was more hostile to
public corruption?
Ms. Bassett. Thank you. I think we should first take note
of President Cartes' strong efforts to address that problem
directly through the appointments he has made to his Cabinet,
through reforms that he has made in government, through the
process of issuing very public and transparent tenders for
infrastructure reform. All those are important first steps that
I think Paraguay has recognized it needs to take to begin to
erode that perception of corruption that impacts its reputation
in the region, as you say, and also its ability to attract new
investment and trade opportunities.
I think we can continue and, if confirmed, I will certainly
continue to encourage the government in that direction, to use
the resources that we may have through our assistance and other
programs to promote those reforms and strengthen democratic
institutions so reforms can endure from administration to
administration; and then finally remind that our own projects
and our own processes serve as models. So our visa process can
be very transparent and objective and that serves as a model.
We hope to be constructing a new chancery in Paraguay in the
near future and that process should model the transparency that
we hope will occur throughout every transaction in Paraguay.
So both through our programs, our rhetoric, and our actual
actions in country, I hope that we can reinforce the message
that there is nothing more valuable than good governance.
Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you to both witnesses.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Udall. Thank you so much, Senator Kaine, for your
questioning. I think you hit on some very issues there.
Let me thank both the witnesses for your testimony today. I
want to once again echo what I think all of the members of the
committee said: We thank you very much for your public service.
We would ask you both to reply very quickly to all
questions that are submitted for the record. This will allow us
to move quickly to report your nominations on to the full
committee. We will keep the record open until the close of
business Friday so that other Senators can ask questions.
This hearing is now adjourned. Thank you.
[Whereupon, at 10:47 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Material Submitted for the Record
Responses of Leslie Ann Bassett to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How would you characterize the current state of U.S.-
Paraguayan relations? What steps would you propose the United States
take to assist the Cartes administration in consolidating democracy?
What would be your top policy priorities as U.S. Ambassador to
Paraguay?
Answer. Bilateral relations with Paraguay are strong. Embassy
Asuncion engages actively and broadly with the Government of Paraguay
on a range of U.S. national interests. President Horacio Cartes enjoys
strong public support for his efforts to foster economic growth, reduce
poverty, and eliminate corruption.
If confirmed, I will seek to expand efforts to support Paraguay's
initiatives to make its government more effective in delivering
services to its people and to create a transparent and democratic
state. This includes initiatives to reduce poverty, improve public
health services, promote human rights, fight corruption, incorporate
the informal the economy and foster development, enhance law
enforcement capacity, and improve educational systems.
Question. What are the principal barriers to the growth of the
Paraguayan economy? What policies does the Cartes government have in
place to combat poverty, and what support does the United States
provide in this area?
Answer. Paraguay has yet to fully realize its economic potential.
Growth in Paraguay's relatively small economy has been volatile--for
example, Paraguay had negative growth in 2012, followed by 13.5 percent
growth in 2013. Paraguay's economy is heavily dependent on agricultural
commodities exports--many Paraguayans make their living from
agriculture, often on a subsistence basis. Roughly one-third of
Paraguay's 6.5 million people live below the poverty line. The Cartes
administration has sought to grow the economy, create jobs, and sharply
reduce extreme poverty by building major infrastructure projects, using
both government funds and newly attracted investment, and increasing
competitiveness as Paraguay further integrates into the regional and
global economy.
USAID began two large 5-year programs in Paraguay in October 2013.
The programs, totaling $33 million, are focused on inclusive and
sustainable rural economic development, strengthening public
institutions, and combating corruption. USAID works with public
institutions in Paraguay to strengthen management and governance
systems, improve accountability mechanisms, and professionalize the
Paraguayan civil service. USAID's economic growth program supports the
GOP's ``Cultivating Opportunities'' initiative by generating
opportunities to increase impoverished families' incomes in the
Northern Zone, one of the areas with highest concentration of poverty
and limited government presence. If confirmed, I will support
continuity of these programs in pursuit of U.S. and Paraguayan
interests.
In response to Paraguay's request, the U.S. Department of
Treasury's Office of Technical Assistance funded four teams in 2014 to
work with the Ministry of Finance and Central Bank to strengthen
Paraguay's financial institutions and promote transparency.
If confirmed, I will support continuation of these programs in
furtherance of U.S. and Paraguayan interests in Paraguay.
Question. What is the extent of the U.S. Drug Enforcement
Administration's presence in Paraguay and is this cooperation
sufficient? With State Department's counternarcotics assistance to
Paraguay recently eliminated, what types of counternarcotics
cooperation do you recommend?
Answer. The U.S. Government works closely with the Government of
Paraguay on counternarcotics, and focuses on strengthening Paraguayan
capability to disrupt cocaine trafficking operations, pursue and arrest
high-level narcotics traffickers, and to combat money laundering and
trafficking in persons, with an emphasis in and around the Tri-Border
area. The U.S. Government has provided training, equipment and
technical support to Paraguay's Anti-Narcotics Secretariat (SENAD), the
Paraguayan National Police, and the Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU)
of the Anti-Money Laundering Secretariat (SEPRELAD) as well as training
to judges and prosecutors who prosecute narcotics and money laundering
cases.
Although additional International Narcotics Control and Law
Enforcement (INCLE) funding has not been requested, the U.S. Embassy is
using remaining funds to strengthen antimoney laundering and asset
forfeiture regimes, and to strengthen Paraguay's criminal justice
system. The U.S. Government also supports sensitive investigation units
(SIUs) that work well with DEA to disrupt drug trafficking
organizations.
Question. What steps do you recommend to help Paraguay tackle its
persistent and endemic corruption? What are the lessons learned from
USAID's anticorruption and democracy programming in Paraguay that has
aimed to reduce corruption in public sector institutions?
Answer. President Horacio Cartes has emphasized reforming the
Paraguayan economy and governance controls, seeking to fight
corruption, impunity, and international crime. He has sought to create
jobs and sharply reduce extreme poverty by encouraging economic growth,
investing heavily in infrastructure, and increasing competitiveness.
These efforts are designed to help Paraguay strengthen the rule of law
and promote transparency. We are working with President Cartes and his
administration to address our many shared interests in this area.
In 2012, Paraguay completed the second of two Millennium Challenge
Corporation threshold programs totaling over $65 million. Both
threshold programs were focused on reducing corruption and they
achieved tangible results including: reducing the length of time for
response to complaints and for starting a business; building a
forensics lab to improve the reliability of evidence provided to
prosecutors; and strengthening procurement processes and accountability
measures in 12 key government ministries and public offices.
Currently, USAID supports Paraguay's efforts to develop a National
Anticorruption Strategy and will provide technical assistance for its
implementation. An important component of this assistance will focus on
strengthening the GOP's ability to effectively communicate reforms to
its constituents. The overarching strategy will encompass USAID and
Paraguay's joint efforts to strengthen management and governance
systems improve accountability mechanisms, expand transparency through
the Open Government Partnership, and professionalize the Paraguayan
civil service. If confirmed, I will continue to support the Cartes
administration's efforts to reduce corruption.
Question. What is your view of the potential threat of terrorism
emanating from the tri-border region of Paraguay, Argentina, and
Brazil? What is the extent of the threat posed by the People's
Paraguayan Army (EPP)? How would you characterize U.S. support to
Paraguay for its counterterrorism programs and is the level of support
adequate?
Answer. The Tri-Border area of Paraguay is home to some of the
continent's most active contraband traffickers. Although there is no
evidence of terrorist operations in Ciudad del Este, Paraguay, there
are concerns that some portion of the money laundered from smuggling
and drug activity may be used for terrorist financing.
The U.S. Government supports the Paraguayan Government's efforts to
build stronger democratic institutions, improve internal auditing
controls, establish internal disciplinary systems, and incorporate
regular external audits. These efforts represent the types of systemic
changes that will decrease the perception of corruption in the country
and will improve delivery of citizen services.
A specific example of our support is the Homeland Security
Investigation (HSI) Trade Transparency Unit (TTU) in Paraguay that
serves as a strategic effort to combat and prevent exploitation of the
international trade and financial systems through trade-based money
laundering. Through the exchange of trade data, investigators are able
to see both sides of transactions and increase transparency.
Since 2008, persons claiming to be part of the Paraguayan People's
Army (EPP)--an internal guerrilla movement--have been active in the
northern Departments of Concepcion and San Pedro. The group has been
involved in violence designed to intimidate the population and
government. The true size of the group has been difficult to establish,
but the Government of Paraguay believes it to be a small, decentralized
group of approximately 20-100 members.
The United States cooperates with the Government of Paraguay to
counter potentially destabilizing threats. The U.S. Department of
State's Antiterrorism Assistance program has contributed to building
Paraguay's counterterrorism law enforcement capacity through training
that included: the Police Leaders' Role in Combating Terrorism,
Fraudulent Document Recognition, Investigating Terrorist Incidents,
Interviewing Terrorist Suspects, and Cellular Telephone Forensics.
Question. To what degree are there models of effective land reform
from the region that might be adapted to Paraguay?
Answer. President Cartes has stated that he supports land reform to
spur economic growth and alleviate rural poverty. This June, President
Cartes signed a law returning more than 14,000 hectares to an
indigenous community. Land reform has been successful in many
countries. Best practices that have worked well in other countries in
the region include: developing mechanisms for land registration and
titling, land taxation which encourages productive use, financing
mechanisms to help landless peasants purchase land and assistance to
small farmers in identifying commercially viable crops to move beyond
subsistence agriculture.
______
Responses of Todd D. Robinson to Questions
Submitted by Senator Tom Udall
Question. Guatemala is considered to be one of the most vulnerable
countries to climate change in the region. Tropical storms, flooding,
and landslides are just a few of the extreme weather events impacting
the country, many of which are expected to worsen. If confirmed, how
will you support communities to build resilience, strengthen
environmental governance and science based decision making?
Answer. Given the precarious environmental situation in Guatemala,
as well as the likelihood of continued climate-related impacts, the
Department of State and USAID have prioritized adaptation to, and
mitigation of, climate change and environmental degradation under the
Country Development Cooperation Strategy and the President's Global
Climate Change Initiative (GCCI). Under GCCI, the United States is
working to foster low-carbon growth, reduce emissions from
deforestation, and promote sustainable and resilient societies. In
Guatemala, USAID's Climate, Nature, and Communities Program, for
example, works to reduce the risks associated with climate-related
natural disasters, while also improving adaptive capacity through
improved natural resource management and biodiversity conservation.
Additionally, through funding from the State Department, Guatemala
benefits from USAID's E-CAM Regional Environment Program's work on
regional adaptation measures focused on building capacity and
governance structures to respond to the threats and potential impacts
of climate change.
If confirmed, I will work through these programs to build
resilience within Guatemala to respond to the impacts of climate change
and to improve domestic capabilities to the Guatemalan Government to
develop their own mechanisms to respond to these vulnerabilities.
Question. If confirmed, how would you address the ongoing conflicts
around mines and hydroelectric dams in Guatemala?
Answer. The Department of State continues to closely monitor all
potential areas of conflict surrounding mega projects in Guatemala. We
were encouraged that the Guatemalan Government recently became a
``compliant country'' in the Extractive Industries Transparency
Initiative (EITI), which means it has agreed to work with civil society
and international community to increase the transparency of the mining
sector. If confirmed, I will encourage the Guatemalan Government to
work closely--and peacefully--with communities involved in mega
projects, including mines and hydroelectric dams, to ensure an open and
peaceful dialogue and that the Guatemalan Government complies with its
domestic and international legal obligations relating to these
projects. It is imperative the Guatemalan Government, communities, and
companies involved find a sustainable way to deal with these types of
conflicts.
If confirmed, I will support all parties in their efforts to reach
an agreement, if the parties believe that would be helpful.
Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to encourage
companies to advance and respect human rights?
Answer. In Guatemala, the U.S. Government has prioritized the
promotion of respect for human rights. If confirmed, I will work to
ensure all companies--foreign and domestic--integrate respect for human
rights into their business practices, guided by the U.N. Guiding
Principles on Business and Human Rights. We are already doing this in
Guatemala under the CAFTA-DR Enforcement Plan, which seeks to protect
the human and labor rights of domestic employees. Given the large
extractives industry in Guatemala, we will encourage companies and the
Government of Guatemala to join the Voluntary Principles on Security
and Human Rights, an initiative that guides companies on providing
security for their operations in a manner that respects human and labor
rights.
If confirmed, I will encourage continued dialogue between
government, private sector, and civil society representatives to
provide an avenue to address concerns relating to the respect for human
and labor rights in Guatemala, through the Voluntary Principles, among
other mechanisms.
NOMINATIONS OF JANE HARTLEY, JOHN BASS, KEVIN O'MALLEY, BRENT HARTLEY,
AND JAMES PETTIT
----------
TUESDAY, JULY 15, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Hon. John R. Bass, of New York, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Turkey
Jane D. Hartley, of New York, to be Ambassador to the French
Republic and to serve concurrently and without
additional compensation as Ambassador to the
Principality of Monaco
Kevin F. O'Malley, of Missouri, to be Ambassador to Ireland
Brent Robert Hartley, of Oregon, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Slovenia
James D. Pettit, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Moldova
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:03 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Christopher
Murphy presiding.
Present: Senators Murphy, Shaheen, Kaine, Johnson, and
McCain.
Also present: Senators Clair McCaskill and Roy Blunt.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER MURPHY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT
Senator Murphy. This hearing of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee will now come to order. I am pleased to
welcome all of our nominees and their friends and family who
have come here today to support them. We have two panels today.
The committee is going to be considering the nominations of
John Bass to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Turkey,
Jane Hartley to be the U.S. Ambassador to France, and Kevin
O'Malley to be our Ambassador to Ireland. Then on the second
panel we are going to consider the nomination of James Pettit
to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Moldova and Brent Hartley to be
the United States Ambassador to Slovenia.
Suffice it to say this is probably one of the busiest days
we have had in our subcommittee. The three nominees before us
represent three of the iconic diplomatic posts for the United
States around the world. Our second panel will have as its
subject two countries that are no less important to U.S.
security interests.
So we will begin with introductions of the nominees, you
will be invited to give your opening statements, and then
answer questions from the panel.
We are blessed to have with us Senator McCaskill, who is
here but has to leave for other obligations, to introduce Mr.
O'Malley. We may be joined by Senator Blunt as well, but at
this point I will recognize Senator McCaskill for the purposes
of an introduction.
STATEMENT OF HON. CLAIRE McCASKILL,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MISSOURI
Senator McCaskill. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you,
Senator Johnson and the other Senators who are here this
morning, for giving me a few minutes to talk about an
extraordinarily American story. Kevin O'Malley is a second
generation Irish American. He is a direct descendant from Irish
grandparents on both sides of his family, and up until this
confirmation process actually held dual citizenship in Ireland
and the United States. Of course, he gave up that dual
citizenship as part of this confirmation process.
He has got a wonderful wife and two great sons, and he has
been the kind of guy that everyone would want to call their
friend. He is smart, strong, loyal, hardworking. I think one of
the things that I want to point out to the committee is that he
is one of the very few lawyers that I know that is comfortable
on either side of the table. There is a tendency in the legal
practice to get biased and decide that you are going to be in
one area or the other in terms of how you represent clients.
Kevin has been a lawyer who has steadfastly maintained that
part of being a lawyer is to defend people who have been sued
and also sometimes to sue people for causes he believes is
just.
So I think that is a good preparation for the job of
Ambassador, because he does see both sides and he has been able
to work hard on both sides of the table. As evidence of how
well he is respected for that, in 2013--the highest award you
can receive from your peers in St. Louis is the Award of Honor
by the Lawyers Association of St. Louis. This award is given
annually to a trial attorney whose service to the profession
and community merits special recognition. He was honored for 10
years of his service as a Federal prosecutor to the Department
of Justice and a record of defending physicians and hospitals
in medical malpractice suits and also as his role in
representing plaintiffs in some other matters, and also as a
senior author for the nine-volume Federal Jury Practice and
Instruction treatise that is actually used in Federal trials.
So he has academic chops, he has community involvement, he
has great professional expertise, and he loves his country, but
he also cares deeply for Ireland, which I think is a great
combination. I also should point out that he served as an
officer in the U.S. Army Reserve, so he has that military
background also, which I think is essential as he represents
our interests in one of our important allies. Especially at
this time of conflict around the world, cementing our
relationships with our colleagues that are our allies, the NATO
allies, are very, very important.
And that's why I hope, for all of these nominees, these
three and the two that follow, I hope that the committee can
move quickly, because clearly it is a time in the world that we
need the voice of America at every table, in all of these
countries. That is why these ambassadorships are in fact so
critical.
I know my colleague Senator Blunt is very supportive of
this nominee. I am sure he will be here some time during the
hearing this morning. He has expressed his enthusiastic support
for Kevin O'Malley's nomination to this important position, and
I know that you will be kind enough to give him a chance to say
a word when he does arrive.
And I thank you all for giving me a few minutes to
introduce my friend and somebody who I think will be the
essence of a great public servant to the Nation we love. Thank
you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator McCaskill.
Thank you for taking time to join us this morning.
I believe that Senator Blunt is on his way, so while we are
waiting why do I not introduce our other two nominees. In doing
so, I will say just a quick word about the countries to which
you are being nominated for by way of my opening remarks. Then
when Senator Blunt comes, we can introduce him, have Senator
Johnson make some opening remarks, and then get to your
testimony.
I am really pleased first to introduce Jane Hartley to the
committee. She has got a rather impressive career in both the
public and private sector, but it all pales in comparison to
the most important thing on her resume, which is that she grew
up in Waterbury, CT.
She is currently the chief executive officer of the
Manhattan-based Observatory Group, where she advises
multinational corporations and financial institutions about
policy developments and investment. She is a graduate of Boston
College. She began her career here in Washington, where she
worked as the White House public liaison in the White House
Public Liaison's Office and as the director of congressional
relations at the Department of Housing and Urban Development.
She is an experienced leader both in the private and public
sector, with significant experience in the global economy,
including the bulk of her experience in and around Europe. She
will bring a range of all of this experience to serve her well
as she faces a number of challenges and opportunities if
confirmed to be our next Ambassador to France.
A word on France. Our friendship, of course, dates back to
the very beginning of our Republic and indeed our Nation's
first diplomatic, Benjamin Franklin, who served with
distinction as our first Ambassador to France. Today France
remains a steadfast partner of the United States, grounded in
our shared values and our rich communal history. France and the
United States collaborate on every arena, from commerce, where
commercial transactions between our two countries reach a
billion dollars every day, to defense and security, where we
cooperate to counter the terrorism of extremist groups in
Africa to the Middle East, to diplomacy, where our diplomats
are working side by side right now in the P5+1.
But even amongst the closest of friends, some challenges
remain. One example is France's decision to go ahead with sales
of the amphibious assault Mistral warships to Russia even after
Russia's belligerent and illegal actions against Crimea in
Ukraine.
Ms. Hartley, we look forward to hearing your thoughts on
these and other important issues.
Let me introduce John Bass and then we will go to Senator
Blunt. We are pleased to have with us Ambassador John Bass, a
distinguished career member of the Foreign Service with deep
knowledge of Europe and Eurasia and extensive crisis management
experience. He is currently the Executive Secretary of the
Department of State, a position he has held since 2012.
I got to know him as our Ambassador to Georgia, and
previous to that he was a leader of the Provincial
Reconstruction Team in Baghdad. He has demonstrated over and
over again an ability to lead challenging missions to promote
U.S. interests. Back in Washington he has held numerous
leadership roles within the State Department. He is the
recipient of three Meritorious Honor Awards and five Superior
Honor Awards, in addition to his Group Honor Awards.
He graduated from Syracuse University, speaks fluent
Italian and French. I am sure his Turkish is improving by the
day.
I am confident that Mr. Bass is going to bring all of his
talent to strengthening our bilateral relations with Turkey. As
you know, Turkey is one of our most important and complex
relationships. So this nomination is an honor and a challenge
even for the most experienced of our diplomats. It is a NATO
ally of the United States and Europe since 1952, but the
ongoing crises in Iraq and Syria are at the top of our agenda
with Turkey. I have been to the refugee camps that they are
hosting on the Syrian border and personally witnessed the
extraordinary generosity of the Turkish people and their
government.
We also continue to value Turkey's contributions to ISAF in
Afghanistan and other NATO operations, including their
agreement to host a U.S. early warning radar system.
But we hope that you do not neglect, if you serve in this
post, the stalled rapprochement with Israel and peace
negotiations with Cyprus. Resolutions of these conflicts could
bring some much-needed stability to the region.
Turkey is holding its first direct Presidential election
next month and I strongly believe that we need an ambassador in
place by the first round of voting. I urge my colleagues to
agree to consider this nomination of our Ambassador to Turkey
and all of our nominees before the August recess.
We welcome you to the committee as well.
Let me now thank Senator Blunt for joining us. Senator
McCaskill gave us some opening words on Mr. O'Malley and we
welcome yours as well.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROY BLUNT,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MISSOURI
Senator Blunt. Well, thank you, Chairman, and thank you for
your indulgence in letting me come a little late. Chairman
Murphy, Senator Johnson, Senator McCain, Senator Kaine, I am
glad to be here joining Senator McCaskill as we have an
opportunity to introduce Kevin O'Malley to be the United States
Ambassador to Ireland. I may say a few things that Senator
McCaskill has already said, but we have probably waited long
enough to have an Ambassador to Ireland that things can be
repeated here with somebody as qualified as Mr. O'Malley is for
this job.
He really comes here with 40 years of public service and
private service, including service in the United States Army. I
think he is a very qualified nominee. He understands our
country and understands the country that he will represent our
country in.
He was born and raised in St. Louis, MO. He is highly
respected in that community and in our State. He is a second
generation Irish American, capable of representing the values
and the understanding of our country in that country in a
significant way. He served as a special attorney for the
Organized Crime and Racketeering Section of the United States
Department of Justice from 1973 to 1979, and then became the
Assistant United States Attorney in St. Louis.
He currently serves in a number of capacities, both as part
of the litigation practice group at Greensfelder Attorneys in
St. Louis, but also working in a number of capacities to help
other attorneys better understand their responsibilities. He
serves as a fellow of the American College of Trial Lawyers and
is continually recognized as one of the best lawyers in
America.
In 2009 our Governor, Jay Nixon, appointed him to be the
only nonphysician member of the Missouri Board of Healing Arts.
This is a group that licenses and disciplines in that area of
health care, and he was recently selected to serve as the
president of that board.
Again as the only nonphysician on the board, his colleagues
on that board chose him to lead the board.
In 1968 he was a community ambassador in Prague,
Czechoslovakia. Later, in the 1990s he served as an instructor
for the American Bar Association Central and European Law
Initiative in Moscow and later in Warsaw. He is a leading
advocate of education. He brings to this nomination an
incredible background and even, in visiting with him, a more
incredible enthusiasm for this job, for our State, his State
and my State, for our country, a great appreciation for the
country where he will serve.
I certainly think the President has made a great choice in
nominating him for this job and look forward to seeing the
committee action and hopefully soon to see him serving as our
Ambassador to Ireland.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Blunt. I know
you have a busy morning, but thank you for lending your voice
to introduce Mr. O'Malley.
Now let me turn it over to Senator Johnson for opening
remarks.0
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I also would like
to thank Senator Blunt for coming here and introducing Mr.
O'Malley.
Just to keep it brief, I want to thank the nominees for
taking time to visit with me in my office. I want to thank you
for your coming here to testify today and certainly your
willingness to serve, and just look forward to your testimony.
Thank you.
Senator Murphy. All right, let us get to it. We will start
from my left to right, so let me introduce Jane Hartley to
begin with testimony.
STATEMENT OF JANE D. HARTLEY, OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE FRENCH REPUBLIC AND TO SERVE CONCURRENTLY AND
WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS AMBASSADOR TO THE
PRINCIPALITY OF MONACO
Ms. Hartley. Thank you, Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member
Johnson, and members of the committee. It is a great honor to
appear before you as President Obama's nominee to serve as the
United States Ambassador to France and Monaco. Before I begin,
please allow me to introduce you to my dear husband, Ralph
Schlosstein, who has been so supportive in this process. If you
do me the honor of confirming me, Ralph is looking forward to
coming with me to Paris. My daughter, Kate, and my son, Jamie,
are not able to be present, but they are here with us in my
heart and they make me proud every day of my life.
I am deeply grateful to both the President and Secretary
Kerry for the trust they have placed in me to serve as chief of
mission to our oldest friend and ally. I am also grateful to
the Senators and staff members who took the time to meet with
me. I appreciated those meetings and I learned from them, and I
hope that dialogue will continue.
Some 60 Americans have served as our Nation's highest
representative to France. Our first two Ambassadors, Benjamin
Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, arrived in Paris 235 years ago.
In this century, the list is an honor roll of patriotism and
accomplishment: Bruce, Dillon, Shriver, Rohatyn, and many, many
others. It is humbling to be nominated to join that company.
The honor is magnified because, if confirmed, I will become
only the second woman to serve in this position, after the late
Ambassador Harriman.
Last month on June 6, D-Day, President Obama and President
Hollande stood side by side at Omaha Beach in Normandy and paid
a tribute to the Americans who fought to liberate France. When
Hollande visited Washington in February, he went to Arlington
and presented the Legion of Honor to the Unknown Soldier.
France remembers and deeply values our sacrifice.
Today France is a key NATO ally and stands by our side on
almost every major issue. Our work together on counterterrorism
activities is intense and growing, especially in Africa. France
is an indispensable partner in the Middle East. It remains
absolutely committed to preventing Iran from acquiring a
nuclear weapon. If confirmed, I will remind French leaders that
this is not the time for companies to engage in business as
usual with Iran.
France has been a forward-leaning partner on Syria, trying
to increase pressure against the Assad regime, and France has
played an important role in responding to the crisis in
Ukraine, rallying the European partners to keep up pressure on
Russia, including through sanctions. As the members of the
committee are aware, France signed a contract with Russia years
ago to deliver two Mistral-class ships. If confirmed, I will
press French leaders to make the right decision regarding
delivery of these ships.
While our work together on political and security issues
commands the headlines, our economic ties are no less
important. We want to ensure that any U.S. firm can take
advantage of export opportunities to France. We must keep
engaging France on the benefits of the Trans-Atlantic Trade and
Investment Partnership, and we want to encourage French
investment in the United States that creates jobs. French firms
already employ 500,000 Americans. If confirmed, I will build on
these already strong trade links that bind our countries.
I believe that my experience as a private sector business
executive has especially qualified me for this opportunity. For
20 years, I have been the CEO of a global macroeconomic and
political consulting firm. Also, as a board member of a public
company and as former vice chair of the Economic Club of New
York, I have developed relationships with central bankers,
finance ministers, and business leaders throughout Europe and
particularly in France.
If confirmed, I will apply my experience running
organizations to managing our large, diverse mission to France.
This talented, dedicated team advances our national interests
and protects U.S. citizens every day. It would be an honor to
lead them and to serve with them.
My father ingrained in his children a deep belief that we
were lucky to be living in the greatest country on Earth. He
believed deeply and taught us that the highest honor anyone
could attain was to serve our country. I still remember my
parents' pride when I began my public service career 35 years
ago, first as director of congressional relations for the
Department of Housing and Urban Development, where I learned
firsthand the importance of the legislative branch, and then
serving on President Carter's staff at the White House.
Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Johnson, and members of the
distinguished committee, if confirmed by the United States
Senate, I will do everything in my power to strengthen and
deepen the ties that have bound France and America together
since the birth of our great country.
Thank you. I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Hartley follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jane D. Hartley
Thank you, Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Johnson, and members of
the committee. It is a great honor to appear before you as President
Obama's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to France and
Monaco.
Before I begin, please allow me to introduce to you my dear
husband, Ralph Schlosstein, who has been so supportive in this process.
If you do me the honor of confirming me, Ralph is looking forward to
coming with me to Paris. My daughter, Kate, and my son, Jamie, are not
able to be present. But they're here with us in my heart and they make
me proud every day of my life.
I am deeply grateful to both the President and Secretary Kerry for
the trust they have placed in me to serve as chief of mission to our
oldest friend and ally. I hope that you will consider that trust well
placed, and that the committee and the Senate will award me the great
honor of your confirmation.
Only some 60 Americans have served as our Nation's highest
representative to France since our first Ambassador, Benjamin Franklin,
arrived in Paris over 235 years ago. Franklin was succeeded by another
American Founding Father, Thomas Jefferson.
In this century, the list is an honor roll of patriotism and
accomplishment--Bruce, Dillon, Shriver, Rohatyn, and so many others. It
is humbling--and challenging--to be nominated to join that company.
The honor is magnified because, if confirmed, I would become only
the second woman to serve in this position, after the late Pamela
Harriman.
This year's events commemorating the 70th anniversary of the D-Day
landings during World War II offered a special reminder of the long and
close relationship America has had with France over almost two and a
half centuries.
Last month, on June 6, President Obama and President Hollande stood
side-by-side at Omaha Beach in Normandy and paid tribute to the
Americans who fought to liberate France. Nine of your colleagues
attended with the Presidents that morning at the American cemetery. Our
sacrifice is remembered and deeply valued in France.
When President Hollande was here in Washington last February, he
went to Arlington and presented the Legion d'Honneur to the Unknown
Soldier--as the representative of the 16 million Americans who served
in World War II.
Today, France stands by our side on almost every major issue.
France is a unique ally in terms of its military capability and
political willingness to deploy force in harm's way in pursuit of our
common foreign policy interests. Our operational cooperation within
NATO--and beyond-- has vastly improved since France's 2009
reintegration into the Alliance's military command structure. Our work
together on counterterrorism activities is intense and growing,
especially in Africa.
Twice in the past 18 months France has led the international
community's response to crises in Africa. Its troops and airstrikes
halted the advance of al-Qaeda affiliated terrorist groups in Mali.
Another large deployment prevented humanitarian catastrophe in the
Central African Republic. France's facilities, relationships, and
expertise are a significant capability multiplier for U.S. efforts in
the region.
France is an indispensable ally in the Middle East. President
Hollande has been unequivocal that Iran must not acquire a nuclear
weapon, and France remains resolutely committed to the P5+1
negotiations. If confirmed, I will also remind French leaders this is
not the time for our companies to engage in ``business as usual'' with
Iran.
France has been a forward-leaning partner on Syria, working closely
with us to increase pressure against the Assad regime. France has
helped lead efforts to support the Syrian opposition, remove the
regime's chemical weapons, provide humanitarian assistance, and reach a
political solution. The French Government takes the threat of foreign
fighters returning from Syria very seriously and its authorities have
made several arrests in recent months. If confirmed, I will ensure the
U.S. Government works closely with France on this emerging threat to
our common security.
France has played an important role in responding to the crisis in
Ukraine, rallying its European partners to keep up pressure on Russia,
including through sanctions. We support President Hollande joining
forces with Chancellor Merkel to push for a diplomatic breakthrough
between Russia and Ukraine. As members of the committee are well aware,
France signed a contract with Russia in 2009 to deliver two ``Mistral-
class'' helicopter carrier ships to Russia. President Obama has made
clear we have concerns about ``continuing significant defense deals
with Russia'' given its actions to destabilize its neighbors. At the
same time, the President said the U.S.-French relationship ``has never
been stronger,'' which means we can discuss this issue frankly. U.S.
officials repeatedly stress our strong concerns to the French. If
confirmed, I will continue to press French leaders to make the right
decision regarding delivery of these ships.
The leaders of our two countries are in constant dialogue.
President Obama hosted President Hollande in February for the White
House's only state visit since early 2012--a reflection of the vitality
of the U.S.-French relationship. During that visit, the President took
Hollande to see Monticello--the home of our third President, who had
been our second Ambassador to France. Secretary Kerry's dozen visits to
France during the past 17 months also underscore the robust health of
our cooperation.
While our work together on political and security issues commands
the headlines, our economic ties are no less important. France is the
world's fifth-largest economy and remains one of our top economic
partners.
Drawing on my decades of experience as a CEO and a business
executive, if you do me the honor of confirming me, I will focus on
building on the trade links that bind our countries together--links
that, as you know, are already very strong.
Our transatlantic commerce creates jobs on both sides, for
enterprises large and small. We want to ensure that any U.S. firm can
take advantage of opportunities to export to France. In 2013, the
United States exported $32 billion worth of goods to France, and we are
France's top trading partner outside of the European Union. We must
keep engaging France on the benefits of a Transatlantic Trade and
Investment Partnership, making the case that an ambitious agreement can
create more economic growth and jobs on both sides of the Atlantic.
French investment in the United States creates jobs. U.S.
affiliates of 2,300 French firms employ half a million Americans at an
average annual wage of nearly $80,000. And many French firms are
looking at the U.S. rather than France for future investments. In fact,
the total stock of French foreign direct investment in the United
States is 10 times the combined FDI of the BRICS countries.
If confirmed, I will be able to use my decades of professional
experience with running organizations to lead our large, diverse
Mission to France. Around 900 U.S. and locally employed staff work at
our Paris Embassy and six constituent posts. This talented, dedicated
team advances our national interests and protects U.S. citizens every
day. It would be a true honor to serve with them.
For 20 years I have been the CEO of a global macroeconomic and
political consulting firm, with a particular focus on Europe. I am a
member of the Board of Directors of Heidrick & Struggles, a large
global executive search firm with a substantial European presence. As
the former Vice-Chairman of the Economic Club of New York, I have
moderated many sessions with key European policymakers.
I have served on the Executive Committee of the John F. Kennedy
School of Government at Harvard University. And I have been an active
member of the Committee on Foreign Relations for over 10 years.
My family and I have a deep and abiding respect for the importance
of public service. I still remember my parents' pride when I began my
public service career 35 years ago. First, as Director of Congressional
Relations for the Department of Housing and Urban Development--where I
learned first hand the vital role of the legislative branch. And, later
on, serving on President Carter's staff at the White House.
My father ingrained in his children a deep belief that we were
lucky to be living in the greatest country on earth. He believed
deeply, and taught us, that the highest honor anyone could attain was
to serve our country.
Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Johnson, and members of this
distinguished committee, if confirmed by the United States Senate, I
will do everything in my power to strengthen and deepen the ties that
have bound France and America together since the birth of our great
country. I look forward to this extraordinary challenge and hope to
have the chance to serve the United States of America at this important
moment in history.
Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Ms. Hartley.
Ambassador Bass.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN R. BASS, OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY
Ambassador Bass. Mr. Chairman, with your permission I would
like to submit my full statement for the record.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Johnson, and all
the members of the committee. I am honored to come before you
to be considered for the position of Ambassador to the Republic
of Turkey, and I am grateful for the confidence President Obama
and Secretary Kerry have shown in me. If confirmed, I pledge to
work with all of you to protect and advance our interests by
promoting security, prosperity, democracy, and human rights in
Turkey and in the many places where we work together.
I am joined today by members of my family: my wife, Holly,
who also serves the Nation as a career officer; my sister,
Kristin Bass, my mother-in-law, Mary Holzer. I am also joined
by colleagues who served with me in Baghdad and became family
during my time there.
I have spent much of my career working to achieve a
cornerstone of U.S. policy--completing the project of building
a Europe whole, free, and at peace. In each chapter of that
process, Turkey has figured prominently. As you noted, Mr.
Chairman, our partnership has never been more important or more
complex. A NATO ally for 62 years, Turkey is an important
security partner, helping us foster stability from Kosovo to
Afghanistan and from Libya to the Horn of Africa.
Turkey faces very real threats from conflict in Iraq and
Syria. ISIL's gains in Iraq indeed pose dangers for all of us,
as its seizures of Turkish citizens demonstrate, and we
continue to urge their immediate release. Turkey has borne a
significant burden from hosting more than one million Syrians
displaced by the conflict.
Turkey is a key member of the Friends of Syria Core Group
and we work together to support the moderate opposition and to
pursue a political solution to the conflict. We also work with
Turkey to address risks from terrorists and foreign fighters
exploiting Turkey's geography.
Turkey is acutely aware of the threat posed by a nuclear-
armed Iran and understands the importance of supporting the
sanctions regimes in place.
The instability in the region means Ankara needs to renew
or to build stronger relations with Israel, Cyprus, and
Armenia. We encourage Turkey and Israel to normalize their
official relations. In Cyprus, Turkey's role in support of the
peace process is vital to reunifying the island as a bizonal,
bicommunal federation. There is a real chance for a just and
lasting resolution of this long-standing conflict and, if
confirmed, I will work closely with you and your colleagues and
support the U.N.-facilitated settlement talks to help Cypriots
achieve this vital goal.
We continue to encourage Turkey and Armenia to move toward
normalization, to create the peaceful, productive relationship
the people of both countries deserve. On this year's
Remembrance Day, Prime Minister Erdogan's condolences to
descendants of those Armenians killed indicates that the space
for dialogue is opening. But more can and must be done.
As President Obama said before the Turkish Parliament in
2009, democracies ``must move forward. Freedom of religion and
expression lead to a strong and vibrant civil society.'' If
confirmed, I will stand by these principles and urge the
Turkish Government to continue efforts to more fully integrate
its Kurdish and other minority populations and to reopen the
Halki Seminary.
The United States will continue to uphold our values and
urge transparency, accountability, and full respect for the
rule of law. Turkey's citizens are having a robust conversation
on these issues. Success in these areas would be a strong
signal that Turkey's democracy is moving forward.
Mr. Chairman, Turkey's strong growth has tripled its
economy in recent years and our exports to Turkey have tripled
over the last decade. But we can do more, and if confirmed I
will be an advocate for U.S. business and find new ways to
expand educational, technology, and other exchanges.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed I pledge to safeguard
those Americans in my mission and to provide great service to
all American citizens in Turkey.
Mr. Chairman, thank you very much for the opportunity to
appear here today. I look forward to continuing our work
together if confirmed and to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Bass follows:]
Prepared Statement of Ambassador John R. Bass
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you, Mr. Chairman,
Ranking Member Johnson, and all the members of the committee. I am
honored to come before you to be considered for the position of
Ambassador to the Republic of Turkey, and I am grateful for the
confidence President Obama and Secretary Kerry have shown in me. If
confirmed, I pledge to work with all of you to protect and advance our
interests by promoting security, prosperity, democracy and human
rights--both in Turkey and in the many places beyond its borders where
we work together.
I'm grateful to be joined today by members of my family--my wife,
Holly, who also serves the Nation as a career officer; my sister,
Kristin Bass; and my mother-in-law, Mary Holzer. I also want to
recognize colleagues here today who became my family during our work on
the front lines of diplomacy in Baghdad.
I have spent much of my career working to achieve a cornerstone of
U.S. policy--completing the project of building a Europe whole, free,
and at peace. In each chapter of my efforts--from conventional arms
reductions across the former Soviet bloc, through the bloody wars in
Bosnia and Kosovo and the enlargement of NATO and the EU, to our work
with European friends to address new threats further afield from
terrorism, violent extremism and a prospective nuclear Iran, Turkey has
figured prominently. I've watched Turkey's transformation into a
modernized G20 economy and a confident partner of the United States in
many new areas of the world. Our partnership has never been more
important--or more complex.
Our core security partnership has anchored our relationship for
decades--and with good reason. A NATO ally for 62 years, Turkey has
bordered potential or active conflicts for that entire period. In
recent years, it has stood with us in Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Libya.
It hosts key elements of NATO's missile defense architecture. Turkey
has joined fellow allies in rejecting Russia's attempted annexation of
Crimea and encouraging de-escalation of the ongoing crisis. It also is
contributing military assets to reassurance activities in Central and
Eastern Europe.
At the same time it supports collective security, Turkey faces very
real challenges on its own borders. ISIL's gains in Iraq pose
significant dangers for regional and international security, as the
group's seizure of Turkish citizens and diplomats demonstrates; we
continue to urge their immediate release. Turkey is working closely
with us and other partners to help Iraqis achieve the objective of a
federal, democratic, pluralistic, and unified Iraq.
Even before ISIL's metastasis into Iraq, Turkey was grappling with
the spillover of terrorism and violence from the war in Syria. Over 70
Turks have died as a result of cross-border fire or terrorism emanating
from Syria. Just as the United States has provided more than $2 billion
in humanitarian assistance for Syrians affected by this conflict,
Turkey has also borne a significant burden from hosting more than 1
million displaced Syrians. The Turkish Government has dedicated
enormous resources to operating 22 refugee camps, while facing ongoing
challenges in providing services to the many Syrians who struggle to
survive in urban areas.
Turkey has been a critical facilitator of U.S. assistance to Syrian
people in need and to the moderate Syrian opposition. Turkey is a key
member of the Friends of Syria Core Group, and we are working closely
with Turkey to find a political solution to the conflict and reinforce
support for the moderate opposition. Concurrently, we are working with
the Turkish Government to mitigate the risk posed by violent extremists
and foreign fighters exploiting Turkey's geography. If confirmed, I
will work closely with Turkey and other regional partners to stem the
flow of fighters, money, and expertise to and from Syria.
Our cooperation has been similarly important on Iran, with respect
to nonproliferation matters generally and on sanctions specifically. As
a neighbor, Turkey is acutely aware of the threat posed by a nuclear-
armed Iran, and understands the importance of supporting the sanctions
regime to spur Iran to meet international obligations on its nuclear
program.
The instability along Turkey's southern border gives renewed
urgency for Ankara to build stronger relationships with other
neighbors--Israel, Armenia, and Cyprus. We continue to encourage Turkey
and Israel to restore positive official relations by completing the
normalization process, which would enhance regional stability and
complement their continued strong trade and investment relationship. In
Cyprus, Turkey--along with Greece--is playing an important and
constructive role in supporting the peace process. As Vice President
Biden reiterated during his historic May visit to Cyprus, the United
States remains committed to supporting the U.N.-led effort to reunify
the island as a bizonal, bicommunal federation. After four decades of
division, there is a real chance for a lasting settlement that would
bring positive benefits to the entire Eastern Mediterranean. Mr.
Chairman, if confirmed, I will work closely with you and your
colleagues to help the parties achieve this vital goal.
One issue that confronts all democracies as they look to the future
is how they deal with the past. We continue to encourage Turkey and
Armenia to move toward normalization as a means of creating the
peaceful, productive, and prosperous relationship that the people of
both countries deserve. On this year's Remembrance Day, Prime Minister
Erdogan expressed his condolences to the grandchildren of those
Armenians killed during World War I. That gesture and other positive
efforts by the Turkish Government in recent months indicate that the
space for dialogue is opening. But more can be done, and we encourage
both sides to pursue a full, frank, and just acknowledgement of the
facts surrounding the tragic events of 1915.
Turkey is one of the oldest democracies in the region. But as
President Obama noted when visiting Ankara in 2009, ``Democracies
cannot be static--they must move forward. Freedom of religion and
expression lead to a strong and vibrant civil society that only
strengthens the state, which is why steps like reopening the Halki
Seminary will send such an important signal inside Turkey and beyond.''
Five years later, events have led to questions--including from members
of this committee--about the trajectory of Turkish democracy: whether
media and online freedoms are adequately guaranteed; whether rule of
law is sufficiently protected; whether citizens have the right to free
assembly and expression; whether the judicial system is free from
political interference; and whether the voices of all minorities are
being heard.
These are, ultimately, questions Turks will answer through the
choices they make, but we will continue to advocate--as we do around
the world--for transparent and accountable government. As Turkey
prepares for its first direct Presidential election in August, the
ongoing debates in Turkey could lead to an even stronger and more
successful democracy--if Turks embrace tolerance and respect for a
diversity of viewpoints. If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, I will urge Turkey
to live up to all the universal democratic principles, enshrined in its
own foundational documents and international commitments, that
undergird true national strength. Allowing space for free and
independent media, strengthening the rule of law and checks and
balances, empowering women, and encouraging a robust role for civil
society--these steps not only make countries freer, but also help them
grow. In the same vein, we commend the important steps to advance peace
talks between the government and Turkey's Kurds, which could bring an
end to 30 years of armed conflict and lead to a more stable and
prosperous Turkey.
Mr. Chairman, Turkey's democratic progress over the past decade has
spurred strong growth, tripling the size of its economy. U.S. exports
to Turkey also tripled in the last decade. But for all the growth in
bilateral trade, Turkey is still just our 34th-largest trade partner,
at about $18 billion in total trade in 2013. We can, and should, do
much better than this. If confirmed, I will be an advocate for U.S.
business who leads our mission in Turkey to strengthen business-to-
business ties, identify opportunities for Turkish investment in the
U.S., and promote the National Export Initiative. I further expect that
my work promoting the integrity of independent institutions, the rule
of law, and respect for fundamental freedoms will serve to bolster
Turkey's reputation as a country with which U.S. companies want to do
more and better business.
Investment in our political, security, and economic ties with
Turkey and the surrounding region would yield little without the ties
between our two peoples and societies that are so fundamental to U.S.-
Turkey relations. In 2012-2013, Turkey sent more students to American
universities than any other European country. If confirmed, I will
sustain and amplify our public outreach in Turkey, finding new ways to
connect our two societies through education exchange programs, science
and technology partnerships, and entrepreneurship programs.
And finally, a word about a core purpose of our overseas missions:
service to Americans--whether they are your constituents with an
interest in Turkey, or our fellow citizens visiting or living in
Turkey. I pledge to provide the highest level of service to all of them
with the same focus and energy which I and my colleagues will apply to
promoting American interests and values. Mr. Chairman, thank you again
for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look forward to
continuing our work together.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Ambassador.
Mr. O'Malley.
STATEMENT OF KEVIN F. O'MALLEY, OF MISSOURI, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO IRELAND
Mr. O'Malley. Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I am
honored and pleased to be here as President Obama's nominee to
be the United States Ambassador to Ireland. I would like to
publicly thank the President and Secretary Kerry for their
confidence and their trust, and I am grateful to Senators
McCaskill and Blunt for their support and for being here with
me today.
I am so fortunate to be able to be here today as an
American asked to represent my country, one that I love and
that has given so much to me, in Ireland, a land and a people
that has given so much to America and that so many of us hold
so dear. Both of my parents were Irish, and I trace my most
recent Irish roots to my grandparents and my aunts and my
uncles, who came from Westport in County Mayo at the beginning
of the 20th century. I have always enjoyed traveling in their
footsteps, crisscrossing Ireland from Dublin to Galway, from
Cork to Mayo. I found there is an unbreakable bond and a deep
kinship between the people of the United States and the people
of Ireland.
From the time of our Nation's founding, thousands of
courageous Irish men and women came to the New World. They
signed our Declaration of Independence, they fought in our
Revolutionary War, and they drafted our Constitution. The sons
and the daughters of Ireland are etched into the cornerstone of
the United States of America.
I learned to love Ireland and all things Irish initially
seated at the feet of my parents and my aunts and my uncles and
both sets of grandparents. But Ireland, I learned, was more
than just a place; it was a way of life--hard work, spiritual
values, family, determination, and wit.
Today, to no one's surprise, Ireland is one of our closest
friends and most stable trading partners. More than $38 billion
in trade passes between the United States and Ireland each
year. The United States exports more than $6 billion of goods
to Ireland each year. I am confident that even that can be
improved upon. Trade and investment ties between the United
States and Ireland will be further strengthened if we can reach
agreement on the ambitious Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment
Partnership.
While always adhering to its neutrality, Ireland is our
constant partner in dangerous peacekeeping missions throughout
the world. Irish troops participate, for example, in the NATO
mission in Afghanistan, and it has sent much-needed troops to
the Golan Heights and has given millions of dollars in
humanitarian aid to Syria's refugees.
But the United States and Ireland also face several
challenges together. The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 has
brought years of reduced strife and reduced bloodshed to
Northern Ireland, but this work is not yet done. Very
courageous people were willing to take the first steps toward
peace and reconciliation 16 years ago. While real tangible
progress has been made, much more needs to be done in order to
completely devolve the government, to achieve a vibrant
economy, and to create a pluralistic shared society in Northern
Ireland.
President Obama has asked me, a trial lawyer, a writer, and
an educator, to firmly represent our values in Ireland. But he
has also asked me to listen to our friends there. In dealing
with the peace process, for example, he trusts that I will be
both steadfast and flexible, standing by our convictions while
seeking conciliation.
Another issue affecting the special kinship between our two
countries is the changing face of Ireland. Today Ireland looks
very different from what President Kennedy saw when he visited
50 years ago. We must be careful not to rely only upon our
historical friendships, but must constantly renew our alliance
to keep it healthy and vital. For example, 30 percent of
Ireland's population today is under the age of 24 and one in
six is born outside of Ireland. As Ireland transforms into a
more multicultural society, we must include Irish citizens with
ancestry in Asia and Africa and the Middle East in that special
bond shared between previous generations of Irish and
Americans.
The new generation of Irish seeks connection to the United
States through business and technology partnerships, music, and
the arts. We must therefore build bridges to ensure that our
special friendship remains timeless. Both the young and the old
in Ireland should understand that they have no better friend in
the world than the United States of America. It is my
intention, if confirmed as the United States Ambassador to
Ireland, to broaden and strengthen our special bonds, to
increase the opportunities for trade and prosperity, and to
work for a just and a permanent peace. No American, and
particularly no Irish-American, could ask for a more meaningful
undertaking.
Thank you very much for considering my nomination. I would
like to submit my complete statement for the record and I will
be happy to answer any questions that the committee might have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. O'Malley follows:]
Prepared Statement of Kevin F. O'Malley
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to be here
today as President Obama's nominee to be the United States Ambassador
to Ireland. I would like to publicly express my gratitude to the
President and to Secretary Kerry for the confidence and trust they have
shown in me by this nomination. I also thank you and this committee for
considering the nomination.
I am so fortunate to be before you today as an American asked to
represent the United States--a country that I love and that has given
so much to me--and to represent my country in Ireland--a land and a
people that has given so much to us and that so many of us hold so
dear. Personally, I trace my Irish roots to my grandparents who came
from Westport, County Mayo, in the beginning of the 20th century. I
have enjoyed discovering the land of my grandparents, crisscrossing
Ireland from Dublin to Galway, from Cork to Mayo. There is an
unbreakable bond and a deep kinship between the people of United States
and the people of Ireland. How did this come to pass? What makes this
relationship so very special?
The United States is, of course, a nation of immigrants. From the
time of our Nation's founding, thousands of Irish men and women came to
the new world. This legacy is forged into the very cornerstone of the
United States of America. Nine of the 56 signers of the Declaration of
Independence were Irish. Six of the 36 delegates to the convention
which drafted our Constitution were Irish. An estimated 30 percent of
the soldiers in the Revolutionary Army were Irish. These immigrants
from Ireland were not just looking for a better life; they were
prepared to build one in the new world. From this start, Irish
immigrants made contributions to the United States in construction,
railroads, and commerce. They contributed to our Nation as policemen,
firefighters, politicians, educators, as well as winners of Oscars,
Emmys, Grammys, Pulitzer, and Nobel Prizes.
I learned to love Ireland and all things Irish seated at the feet
of my parents, aunts, uncles, and grandparents. Ireland, I learned, was
more than just a place--it was a way of life: Hard work; Spiritual
values; Determination, and, Wit.
When Ireland won its independence, the United States was one of the
first nations to recognize its status as a country and to send an
ambassador. We have been with Ireland and Ireland has been with us ever
since.
Ireland is today one of our most reliable allies and stable trading
partners. More than $38 billion of trade passes between United States
and Ireland each year, with the United States exporting more than $6
billion worth of goods to Ireland. I am confident we can build on that.
Irish companies employ over 120,000 persons in the United States. Some
700 U.S. firms employ approximately 115,000 people in Ireland. These
U.S. companies generate approximately 26 percent of Ireland's GDP.
Ireland is one of the largest sources of direct foreign investment in
the United States. Last year Forbes Magazine listed Ireland as the best
country in the world within which to do business. Trade and investment
ties between the United States and Ireland will be further strengthened
if we can reach agreement on an ambitious Trans-Atlantic Trade and
Investment Partnership
Although always adhering to its neutrality, Ireland is our constant
partner in peacekeeping missions throughout the world. Irish troops
participate in the NATO mission in Afghanistan. Ireland also sent much-
needed troops to the dangerous Golan Heights during the Syrian crisis,
when no other developed country answered the call. They also send
peacekeepers to places like Lebanon, Mali, Western Sahara, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Kosovo.
As a meaningful way to honor the victims of its own famine, Ireland
provides nutritional assistance to infants and mothers in Zambia. And
recalling its own efforts to emerge from its own economic crisis,
Ireland has offered millions of dollars of humanitarian assistance to
those suffering in Syria's crisis.
The United States and Ireland face several challenges together. The
Good Friday Agreement of 1998 ended years of strife and bloodshed to
Northern Ireland, but this work is not done. Courageous people were
willing to take the first steps toward peace and reconciliation 16
years ago. While there has been real progress, more must be done to
fully devolve government and achieve a vibrant economy and pluralistic,
shared society. As President Obama said in his speech to Northern
Ireland youth in Belfast last June, the people of Northern Ireland will
``have to choose whether to keep going forward.'' The United States
will be there to help.
Another issue affecting the kinship between our two countries is
the changing face of Ireland. We must be careful not to rely only upon
the historical friendship, but must constantly renew our alliance to
keep it healthy and vital. We must continue to build new connections,
to and with young American and Irish leaders, entrepreneurs, and
innovators.
Today's Ireland, after all, looks very different from the one
President John F. Kennedy visited 50 years ago. Among the 28 countries
of the European Union, Ireland has the fastest growing population due
to both increased immigration and higher birthrates. Approximately 33
percent of the population of Ireland is under the age of 24. One in six
people residing in Ireland today was born elsewhere. In just a few
years, our fond memories and family ties, although a strong historic
foundation for relations, will simply not be enough. The new generation
of Irish seeks connections to the United States through business and
technology collaboration, music, and the arts, too. As Ireland
transforms into a more multicultural society, we must include Irish
citizens with ancestry in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East in the
special bonds shared between previous generations. We must, build new
bridges to ensure this friendship remains timeless.
I believe that the relationship between United States and Ireland
is truly unique--molded in cultural and family ties, strengthened by
trade and commercial successes, and celebrated through politics, music,
literature, the arts, and shared concern for peoples beyond our own
borders. It is my intention, if confirmed as the United States
Ambassador to Ireland, to represent our great country to one of our
greatest and closest friends, to broaden and strengthen our bonds, to
work for a just and permanent peace, and to increase opportunities for
better lives. No American, and particularly no Irish-American, could
ask for a more meaningful undertaking.
Thank you for considering this nomination. I would be happy to
answer any questions you may have.
Senator Murphy. Thank you all three of our panelists. We
will now engage in a round of 7-minute question periods.
First let me start with you, Ambassador Bass. There is a
real story to be told about Turkish impressions and opinions of
the United States before the war in Iraq and after the war in
Iraq. We have almost come to accept that there is going to be a
general negative feeling about the United States in the Middle
East, but in a place like Turkey, under the Clinton
administration the Pew polling work that is done on an
intermittent basis in countries around the world showed a
fairly robust reservoir of goodwill for the United States.
Things are very different today, to the point that your
predecessor, the Ambassador that you are going to be replacing,
has been at times roughed up pretty badly by the Erdogan
administration and the press, being accused of several
outlandish conspiracy theories.
Our ability to work with the Turks on, let us say,
something as important as the new NATO missile shield is
dependent in part about what the people of Turkey feel about
the United States. It is a long time since we made the decision
to invade Iraq and so what are the things that need to be done
that you can help work on that will improve the opinion of
Turks with respect to the United States? What is the underlying
reasons for the level of distrust? How can we make it better so
as to give Erdogan or whoever is going to be the follow-on
leader of that country more political impetus to cooperate with
us?
Ambassador Bass. Senator, thank you for that question. I
think we have to do several things simultaneously. I would
characterize it as investing in the long aspects of this
relationship, the important pieces of the relationship, and not
simply the urgent pieces. We have to be able to do both and we
have to expand, even as we address the urgent issues of the
day, our work together on those other deep, important pieces.
Historically, there has long been suspicion of United
States or western motives in Turkey that come out of its
creation as a modern state, as you know. It is clear that there
on top of those potential cultural predispositions is a degree
of either lack of information or misinformation about the
United States and its policy. I think one of the things we need
to be focused intently on is intensifying our efforts to tell
our story and reach more populations in Turkey, and
particularly the generation that is now coming of age that will
inherit whatever relationship we have.
Senator Murphy. You spoke a little bit about the Kurdish
population there. We tend to talk about the conflicts in Syria
and Iraq as binary, Shia and Sunni, and yet in both there is a
very complicated question about the future of the Kurdish
populations in both of those places. What is the ability to
work with the Turks as leaders to try to figure out the future
of Kurdish Government, autonomy, other related issues, not just
within Turkey itself, but within Iraq and Syria?
Ambassador Bass. First off, let me say we are pleased by
the degree to which the government in Ankara is working to
continue and reinforce the ongoing peace talks with those of
its Kurdish citizens who have been engaged in conflict over the
past 30 years. To the extent that conflict can be brought to a
final close, that is good for the region, it is good for
Turkish stability. Only recently, we have seen some good steps
forward to legalize the ongoing peace talks so that folks can
negotiate freely.
With respect to the broader Kurdish populations in
neighboring states, I think it is important that the Turks
continue to have a strong, productive relationship,
particularly with the Kurdistan Regional Government in Northern
Iraq, but to do so in a way that reflects our overarching
commitment to the unity and stability of Iraq. That is
something we have been working quite closely with Ankara on as
we have been trying to help the Iraqis develop and put in place
a new government.
Senator Murphy. Ms. Hartley, let me turn to you. The name
of the company today is the Observatory Group, but it was
previously the G7 Group, which speaks to the focus of a lot of
your work, primarily anchored in Europe and G7 nations. As you
mentioned in your opening statement, you know a lot about some
of the economic calculus made in France. There is a worry that
as we move forward on the TTIP negotiations that France is
going to have some special considerations that will make it
difficult for them to sign on to a final agreement. At the
outset, they were a little bit nervous about, for instance, the
protections they traditionally enjoy when it comes to their
audio-visual industry.
So maybe you can give us a little bit of insight as to what
the French disposition is as we head into the more serious
rounds of negotiations on a free trade agreement with Europe
and potentially whether there is reason to worry about their
commitment to an ultimate deal.
Ms. Hartley. Thank you, Senator, for the question. As we
know, right now the French economy is fairly weak. President
Hollande actually has said publicly that he is supportive of
the trade deal. There are issues. You are right, there are
specific areas where we still disagree, where we are still
discussing, where we are still in discussions.
I think in terms of the mission one of the things that
would be very important in terms of public diplomacy would be
to make sure the public knew what a trade deal would do for the
economy of France, because even right now if you look at
polling in France the public supports the trade deal. It is
only when you get down to the specifics.
So I look forward to working with you and I look forward
very much to reinforcing the message that trade is actually
good for jobs in both countries.
Senator Murphy. Mr. O'Malley, when we talked in my office
last week we were looking forward to the July 12 marches to see
if they came off in a peaceful manner. By and large, they did.
What does that say about the prospects for continued
discussions with respect to Northern Ireland, in particular the
Haass proposals which have been sort of the standing foundation
of the potential settlement moving forward?
Mr. O'Malley. Thank you, Senator. I think everyone is
relieved that so far the marching season has gone relatively
well. There have been, as you know, far worse periods during
these particular summer marching seasons. But we are not
through with the marching season yet.
I think we should point out the good and try to protect
against the bad. I think it is important to recognize the
courage that people exercised in renouncing violence and
stepping forward and attempting to make a new life for the
people in Northern Ireland and the border counties. But there
still remains work to be done. Dr. Haass and Dr. O'Sullivan
when they were in Ireland just recently really laid out
proposals which could make this whole marching season issue--
could resolve it in a permanent way, so that every year
everybody would not be on edge when the summer marching season
came.
So if confirmed, I would urge all parties to return to the
table and to try to adopt an agreement along the lines that Dr.
Haass recommended recently.
Senator Murphy. Senator Johnson.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me pick up on that point, because it is exactly where I
was going to go to out of your testimony. You said: ``More must
be done to fully devolve government and achieve a vibrant
economy and a pluralistic, shared society.'' Can you get into
the specifics of what that Haass agreement really is talking
about? What is the ``much more'' that needs to be done?
Mr. O'Malley. What needs to be done is to follow the Haass
recommendations. Dr. Haass recommended several things. There
were agreements that were reached about dealing with the past,
but they were not fully resolved. There were issues regarding
how to deal with flags and emblems, but they were not fully
resolved. There were issues dealing with how the government was
going to interact, but they were not fully resolved.
I think that it is important to get to--if confirmed, to be
able to meet with all of the parties involved in these talks
and find out precisely where all the sticking points were, why
this agreement, which was widely, widely praised, did not go
through.
Senator Johnson. You mentioned agreement on flags. It seems
like there has got to be more significant issues than that.
Mr. O'Malley. To the Northern Irish, those are significant
issues. They have a resonance there that you or I may not
fully, fully appreciate or fully feel. But that is very
important to a segment of the population, and that has to be
dealt with.
Senator Johnson. I appreciate that.
Northern Ireland has a 12.5 percent tax on business and as
a result there have been a number of American companies that
have started operations there, certainly part of the process of
trade between the two countries. Certainly in the political
realm here in this country it seems like there is a resentment
about that fact in some cases. I just kind of want to get your
views on, what do you think about that American investment in
Ireland taking advantage of that 12.5 percent tax rate? I just
want your views on that.
Mr. O'Malley. Sure. I think you meant Ireland has a 12.5
rate.
Senator Johnson. What did I say?
Mr. O'Malley. Northern Ireland.
Senator Johnson. Oh, I am sorry. Ireland.
Mr. O'Malley. I think it is a little bit higher in Northern
Ireland at the moment.
There are a number of reasons why American companies have
found Ireland to be an attractive place to do business in
Europe, and those are some of the compelling reasons. It is an
English-speaking country. It is a country that has a well-
educated and dedicated workforce. It is a country that
appreciates America and American goods. Ireland is in the euro
zone and is in the EU, and it is strategically located at the
entrance to Europe. I think all of those considerations and
probably many more have to do with Ireland's success in
attracting American business.
Senator Johnson. I realize there are more factors to it.
But again, addressing the 12.5 percent, there seems to be some
resentment. Do you share that resentment? Do you think that is
an appropriate thing, for governments to compete with tax
structures and regulatory structures to attract investment? Is
that a good thing or a bad thing?
Mr. O'Malley. I know, Senator, that both the United States
and the European Union are having discussions with Ireland
about that tax rate. If confirmed, I would participate in those
discussions with them.
Senator Johnson. Is your knowledge that the administration
is opposed to that 12.5 percent rate? Are they trying to entice
or induce Ireland to increase that tax rate?
Mr. O'Malley. I do not know, Senator, the precise answer to
that question. I would be happy to get back with you on that. I
do not know that the administration has taken a position one
way or the other on another country's tax rate.
Senator Johnson. OK.
Mr. O'Malley. And I do not know that anyone else has taken
a position on our tax rate.
Senator Johnson. Fair enough.
Mr. Bass, talking earlier about the issues between the
Kurds and Turkey. Certainly I have been in contact with
citizens of the Kurdish region, and they are certainly pressing
for independence. Reading the press, it is sounding like Turkey
may be more open to that prospect, even though they have been
utterly opposed to it in the past. Am I reading that right? Is
there a growing possible acceptance on the part of Turkey to
have an independent state of Kurdistan?
Ambassador Bass. Senator, in our conversations with the
Turkish Government they have continued to advocate the
importance to Turkey and its interests of a stable, unified,
federal Iraq. We are continuing to work closely with them to
try to bring that about.
It has been very painful for those of us who invested parts
of our professional lives in Iraq over the last 10, 11 years to
see the recent turn of events. If I am confirmed, I will
certainly continue to work to bring that result about in
partnership with our Turkish friends and to stay in a close
dialogue with them about their interaction and relationship
with the officials and the citizens in the KRG.
Senator Johnson. What are the current pressing issues
between the Kurdistan region and the Turkish Government?
Ambassador Bass. There is a variety of cross-border issues
of interest. Obviously, the rebels in southeastern Turkey over
the 30 years of their insurgency have crossed back and forth
from northern Iraq, so the Government of Turkey worked very
closely with the authorities in northern Iraq to enable them to
address some of those flows in both directions.
There is quite a strong trade and economic relationship as
a result of the KRG's increased self-reliance on its own
resources and there is an energy relationship between them as
well.
Senator Johnson. Can you speak to the transportation of oil
from Kurdistan through Turkey and what our policy is toward
that, and then really how Turkey is viewing that?
Ambassador Bass. We do not take a position on the merits of
the specific sales. We have expressed to both parties concerns
that the disputes within Iraq about legal title to that
commodity may wrap those cargoes up in ongoing litigation once
they are out.
I think the most important thing from our perspective is to
help stabilize oil exports from Iraq, to make sure those
revenues are available to all the citizens of Iraq and shared
equitably within a Federal unified state.
Senator Johnson. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Senator Shaheen.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you all very much for being here this morning and for
your willingness to serve this country. This is a particularly
turbulent time in the world and I think it is a time where
working with our allies is particularly important. So you will
be in critical places at a time in our history which will
really be important.
I am also especially pleased to see my friend Jane Hartley
here and share in your enthusiasm at being only the second
woman nominated to be Ambassador to France and hopefully to
serve in that position. So thank you.
I am going to begin with you. It was very interesting to
see the recent elections in the European Parliament and
France's anti-EU party, the National Front, won the most seats
with 25 percent of the vote. I wonder if you could speak to
what you think the implications of that election and the
changes might be for French policy toward the European Union?
Ms. Hartley. Well, as we spoke before, France is having a
difficult time. The economy is quite tough over there right
now. Unemployment is running at about 10 percent. That was an
issue during the parliamentary elections. The one thing I would
note on the parliamentary elections, there was low turnout, so
it is unclear what that may mean for the general elections that
are coming up in 2017. But the National Front is a force and
they will continue to be a force in French politics.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Mr. Bass, July 20 marks the 40th anniversary of Turkey's
invasion of Cyprus. I am sure we are always concerned when a
country is invaded, and particularly here where Cyprus has been
partitioned since that time, basically. I wonder if you see any
indications that Turkey may be ready to try and play a
constructive role in looking at reunifying Cyprus and if there
is more that we can do to encourage that kind of a role.
Ambassador Bass. Thank you, Senator. We continue to support
very strongly the ongoing discussions between both communities
on the island under the auspices of the U.N., with the goal of
a lasting settlement on the basis of a bizonal, bicommunal
federation. In recent months, I think we have seen the
government in Ankara, as well as the government in Athens, both
contributing to that process of helping these two communities
talk through the differences and try to identify the ways
forward to a lasting settlement.
It is something that has been quite a high priority. As you
know, Vice President Biden was in Cyprus in May; Secretary
Kerry very focused on this. I have been in a couple of
conversations with him of late where he has wanted very much to
turn to this in the coming months. If I am confirmed, I
certainly will help to the greatest extent possible my
colleagues working in Cyprus, in Greece, and here in Washington
to continue to support the efforts under way to bring this to a
lasting settlement.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Obviously, Turkey is in a critical place, not only in terms
of their influence throughout the greater Middle East, but also
in terms of their geography. As we look at conflicts in Syria,
as we look at what is happening in northern Africa, can you
talk about how we can--maybe what we are already doing to work
with Turkey to address some of those conflict areas?
Ambassador Bass. Thank you. We are already doing quite a
bit of work. Turkey cochairs with us the Global Counter-
Terrorism Forum, which is a group of about 30 like-minded
countries who are working together to help other countries
develop their own capacity to address some of these challenges
at home before they become much bigger problems for a wider
region. The Turks have taken a particular focus on the Horn of
Africa and have been doing quite a bit of work with the Somali
Government.
Within their more immediate neighborhood, of course, we
have had very good cooperation in recent months in addressing
some of the consequences of the conflict in Syria and the
increase in fighters, money, exploiting Turkey's geography in
and out of those conflict zones. Our belief is that the Turks
understand this is an acute threat for all of us and we have
seen some important steps from them to address some of the
issues that were potentially making their geography more
attractive.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Mr. O'Malley, Ireland was one of the countries hardest hit
by the financial crisis in 2008. It is my understanding that
the IMF and the EU is relatively pleased with the progress that
Ireland has made with some of the austerity measures that have
been put in place. I wonder if you can speak to whether they
are in a position now to begin to do more investing and to roll
back some of those austerity measures and what the future for
the Irish economy is based on where they are now?
Mr. O'Malley. Yes, Senator, thank you. The Irish were hit
terribly, as you correctly point out. To their credit, they
undertook very painful austerity measures in order to recover.
All of the signs, as you pointed out, have indicated that
Ireland is on its way back and has arrived at a place where
they are, for example, now their long-term sovereign debt has
been upgraded from BBB-plus to A-minus. Ireland is now--has
returned back into the bond market, where it can sell bonds.
So I think all of the indicators are that the austerity
measures have worked. What precisely the Irish are going to do
from now on I think is really a matter of internal Irish
politics. They had an election recently. They have had a
cabinet reshuffle and my guess is that they are discussing
those measures as we speak.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Senator Kaine.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you and congratulations to all of the witnesses for
your nominations. Mr. Bass, Ambassador Bass, let me begin with
you. I had visited the refugee camps, Syrian refugee camps, in
Adona. I have been very impressed, as you pointed out, with the
degree to which Turkey is doing yeoman's work to take care of
nearly a million refugees from Syria. In a population of 75
million people, a million refugees is a big chunk of people.
Similar generosity is being shown by Jordan and Lebanon in the
region.
I remember being there and wondering how the U.S. would
respond to refugees fleeing violence coming to the United
States and have not been particularly proud of recent response
to refugees fleeing violence in Central America coming to the
United States. So that should make us even appreciate what
Turkey does even more.
Yesterday the U.N. Security Council took a step that was a
positive. This committee had passed a resolution that was
passed out of the floor of the Senate in March calling for
unfettered cross-border humanitarian aid deliveries even
without the Syrian Government's approval. That had been blocked
in the U.N. Security Council by Russia and China, but yesterday
they acceded to a resolution that was passed unanimously to
basically allow cross-border aid under a U.N. sanction.
Two of the border crossings identified for this aid to be
delivered are in Turkey. I would like you, if you would, just
to talk about what you might be able to do as an ambassador,
representative of the United States, the Nation that is the
largest provider of humanitarian aid to Syrian refugees, what
you can do together with the Turkish Government to facilitate
greater humanitarian aid deliveries inside Syria?
Ambassador Bass. Thanks very much for raising that. We have
had a very good, close, collaborative relationship with the
Government of Turkey, both to address those refugee outflows
that you identified, but also to work to get more assistance
into Syria to support the moderate opposition and to enable
them to try to provide a degree of governance and services to
the populations within those areas that are under their
control.
We have a pretty extensive group of experts in and around
Adona who work directly with other relief-providing agencies
and with the Government of Turkey on these issues, and we will
certainly be looking for additional opportunities to expand and
intensify that work.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ambassador Bass.
Ms. Hartley, in your opening testimony you talked about a
concern that I just want to follow up on. The French Government
has been a very strong partner with the U.S. in the P5+1
discussions to find an end to any nuclear weaponization program
in Iran, sometimes even really playing the bad cop in the
negotiations, and we appreciate it. But at the same time, there
seems to be a little bit of a double standard, whereas the
French Government has been strong, but French businesses have
been seen to really want to get back into the investment game
with Iran.
You commented upon that as something that you might be able
to do as Ambassador, is to really point out that there should
not be a back door to allow French corporations to evade
sanctions. Talk a little bit about that challenge and how you
would intend to address it in your capacity?
Ms. Hartley. Thank you, Senator. I share your concern. As
you know, recently a group of French businessmen did go to
Iran. Secretary Kerry voiced his opposition, and I was pleased
to see the French Government back us up, and no business deals
were done.
I will make that very clear, that--I will reinforce that
statement and while I am Ambassador, until the situation with
Iran is resolved, there will be no business as usual.
Senator Kaine. Thank you. I really encourage you in that. I
think it is important to do this diplomacy, but I do worry
about companies trying to race ahead of whether--we will know
soon whether we are going to be able to find a meaningful path
forward with Iran. So I would encourage you to make that a
primary area of focus.
Mr. O'Malley, I was in Ireland during the local and EU
parliamentary elections that took place at the end of May and
the general interpretation when I was there was that the
elections sort of were antiausterity and a little bit anti-
Europe. Those were the impressions at the immediate time those
elections took place. Now that the dust has settled and I know
there has been some Cabinet reshuffling because the Taoiseach's
party, Fine Gael, kind of took it on the chin in those
elections, what is the current sort of internal politics in
Ireland surrounding--you talked a little bit about the
austerity, but even the relationships with the EU and Europe?
Mr. O'Malley. I think, Senator, that the dust really has
not quite settled yet from the elections. The Cabinet
reshuffling just took place last week and I think everyone is
still examining where it is. We know that Ireland is very
committed to the EU, and we know that Ireland is very committed
to the austerity proposals that made their assent from their
financial crisis so successful. So I do not anticipate that
there would be any dramatic change in the Irish policy toward
the austerity program.
I think there was a great deal of frustration expressed
during the elections, but I think that the Irish have adopted a
very firm course. That course has been proven to be successful,
and I do not anticipate that there will be any dramatic
changes. I look forward, if confirmed, to talking to the
Taoiseach and to get a better internal view of exactly what the
long-term plan is.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. O'Malley.
One final question. Another area of concern when I was
recently in Ireland was the announced reopening of a potential
criminal case against Gerry Adams over a very gruesome murder
that took place many, many years ago. Now, the precipitating
factor was the opening of an archive at Boston College that was
oral histories given by folks who were connected with the IRA
that were thought to be closed until everyone passed away. But
someone did pass away, the archive became available, at least
with respect to that history, and then this notion of a
criminal investigation has been restarted.
A lot of question about is that just an isolated incident
or is there some desire to now spend more time looking in the
rear view mirror than in the windshield and going back and
relitigating all of these matters that were hopefully resolved
to some significant degree in the Good Friday Accords. I know
the younger generation in Ireland, the kids, they do not even
remember anything about the Troubles. It is a pretty remarkable
story and the U.S. has a lot at stake in trying to continue on
the path forward.
Do you have any sense about that particular criminal
matter? While that is domestic politics, do you think it
suggests a broader unraveling of the Good Friday Accords and
kind of a decision by some to start looking more backward than
forward?
Mr. O'Malley. Senator, I have two thoughts on that. One,
the first is that the Boston College study, which was a totally
private academic interest here, the release of any more of the
data in that I do not believe will affect the peace process. I
think that the Accords are strong. I think there has been now
16 years of experience with them. So that the truth or whatever
is found in the Boston College study will not cause anyone to
repudiate the Accords or to go backward.
But I do think, and I feel strongly, that that incident
with the detention of Mr. Adams and the whole look backward
compels, compels us to urge the five parties to get back to the
table and to adopt the proposals that Dr. Haass recommended not
very many months ago, because there needs to be a system in
place to deal with these issues as they are going to continue
to arise. So, if confirmed, I will do my best to convince the
parties to go back, to have a comprehensive, a cohesive way to
deal with these very troubling emotional issues.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. O'Malley.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Senator McCain.
Senator McCain. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Bass, do you think the Turkish Government is in favor
of the establishment of safe areas protected by a no-fly zone
inside Syria?
Ambassador Bass. I think the Turkish Government is looking
for ways to push forward in promoting a solution to the
conflict in Syria.
Senator McCain. I would like the answer to the question.
Ambassador Bass. I would like to take that back, if I may.
[The written reply submitted by Ambassador Bass to the
requested information follows:]
Turkish officials have expressed interest in the idea of a no-fly
zone over the course of the conflict in Syria. For example, during his
May 2013 visit to Washington, Prime Minister Erdogan stated publicly
that the decision to establish such a zone would need to come through
the U.N. Security Council, and if it did, Turkey would support the
idea. Turkish officials also made clear their desire for close
consultations with the United States and the international community to
find the means for a negotiated, political transition in Syria. If
confirmed, I will continue to work closely with Turkey to coordinate
support for the moderate Syrian opposition, to provide humanitarian
support for refugees in Turkey and cross-border assistance to Syrians
in need, and to bolster our already-strong bilateral military ties with
Turkey.
Senator McCain. Turkey has been, I think you would agree,
has been a principal channel for the flow of people, arms, and
logistical assistance to the rebels. Has the Turkish Government
changed its border policies in light of ISIS' so far successful
campaign in Iraq?
Ambassador Bass. My understanding, Senator, is that the
Turkish Government has been very careful about people flowing
across those borders, and we have had good cooperation in
recent months to address these challenges of additional
fighters and potentially money flowing in and out of the
conflict zones.
Senator McCain. Are you concerned about Prime Minister
Erdogan's desire to change the constitution and other actions
that we have seen on the part of Erdogan as a drift toward
authoritarianism?
Ambassador Bass. Prime Minister Erdogan is the leader of a
democratically elected parliamentary democracy.
Senator McCain. I am aware, I am aware of that.
Ambassador Bass. We will obviously look closely at whatever
steps he takes----
Senator McCain. Do you believe that many of the things,
actions that he has taken--suppressing the social media,
YouTube and Twitter, restrictions on Internet freedom and
independent media--is this a drift toward authoritarianism?
Ambassador Bass. I would say they are inconsistent with our
concept of a strong vibrant democracy.
Senator McCain. I would like a yes or no. I would like a
yes or no answer.
Ambassador Bass. I can tell you that we will continue to
underscore our concerns----
Senator McCain. I would like a yes or no answer, Mr. Bass.
You are putting your nomination in jeopardy by not answering
the question. Do you believe--it is a pretty simple,
straightforward question--that, with his repression of social
media, his desire to change the constitution to give more power
to the Presidency, which he obviously will be, do you believe
that that is a drift toward authoritarianism?
Ambassador Bass. I think if those steps were taken without
appropriate checks in place----
Senator McCain. He is taking those steps, Mr. Bass. Again,
this is really a little frustrating. I would like an honest
answer. Do you believe that there is a drift toward
authoritarianism?
Ambassador Bass. Senator, I think if these possibilities
become realities in law, then those would be----
Senator McCain. You do not think they have become realities
now?
Ambassador Bass. Well----
Senator McCain. The suppression of YouTube, the suppression
of Twitter.
Ambassador Bass. We have seen the constitutional court----
Senator McCain. Mr. Chairman, I am not going to support
this nominee's nomination and I will hold it until I get a
straight answer.
I think it is a fairly straightforward, question, Mr. Bass.
Is it a drift toward authoritarianism?
Ambassador Bass. It is a drift in that direction, yes,
Senator.
Senator McCain. Thank you. It took 3 minutes and 25 seconds
of my 5-minute time.
Mr. O'Malley, there is a question of the Shannon Airport
preclearance agreement. I do not know--for our men and women in
uniform. I hope that you will have a look at that. We would
like to facilitate that process as so many of our military
personnel flow through the Shannon Airport, where they are, as
you know, most hospitable and very nice people there, no matter
what hour of the day or night we happen to arrive there on our
CODELs.
Ms. Hartley, as you know, President Hollande has indicated
his government plans to honor its contract to sell two Mistral-
class amphibious warships to Russia. The first ship will arrive
in October. Do you think that that is a good idea?
Ms. Hartley. No, I think it is a terrible idea. I share
your concern. The President has communicated with President
Hollande, has told him that we do not think this is the time to
be doing defense deals with Russia. I completely agree with
that and if I am confirmed I will reinforce that message when I
arrive in France.
Senator McCain. As you know--thank you. As you know, they
have had significant involvement in Mali. In fact, we visited
there and have seen the significant French and excellent
professional capabilities. Do you think we ought to be
assisting them and cooperating more in this effort in Mali?
Ms. Hartley. My impression is that we are working with
them, providing technology and other things. They clearly are
the boots on the ground. I think having France there, it is
very sophisticated. It is a force multiplier for us. France has
continued to spend I think 1.9 percent on its defense budget
and that is a positive. So working with them helps both of us,
and they help us a lot by being the boots on the ground in
Africa.
Senator McCain. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator McCain.
I just have one followup for you, Ambassador Bass. It is on
this question that Senator McCain raised. Let me ask it in just
a slightly different way. What are the U.S. levers to try to
slow this march toward the suppression of speech. We have got a
problem in that there is a pretty weak opposition in Turkey
that should be doing a lot of that work by itself. Without it,
it is left to the international community to put pressure on
them. Senator Johnson and I have been very vocal, for instance,
about the suppression of Twitter.
You are going to have a lot of irons in the fire when you
are sitting with Erdogan and his deputies. How do you continue
to raise these issues amidst all sorts of other very important
diplomatic and military cooperation that are happening? And
will you commit to us as a committee to make sure that these
issues related to the suppression of free speech and free
assembly are still top of mind for our Embassy there?
Ambassador Bass. Absolutely. It will be very important to
continue to press the Turkish Government, to be clear about our
beliefs, our values, our commitment to democratic values and
human rights, and to find ways to try to influence the
discussion in Turkey in a way that shows the potential
consequences for Turks if they continue down a path that would
make Turkey less democratic. I do not think there is any
question that that would be of enormous concern to us going
forward.
Senator Murphy. Thank you.
Any further questions for this panel? [No response.]
If not, thank you very much for joining us today. We look
forward to moving your nominations as quickly as possible
through the committee. You are excused and we will now seat our
second panel.
Ms. Hartley. Thank you.
Senator Murphy. We are now pleased to welcome our two
panelists in the second round, considering the nomination of
James Pettit to be Ambassador to Moldova and Brent Hartley, our
second Hartley of the morning, to be Ambassador to Slovenia.
Despite the recent ratification of an association agreement
with the EU, Moldova finds itself in a tenuous position between
the West and Russia. As the poorest country in Europe and a
former Soviet state, Moldova's economy at times seems
inextricably linked to that of Russia as it continues to
struggle with Russian export bans, instability in Transnistria,
and a crushing debt to Gazprom. While Moldova celebrates its
newly signed agreement and visa-free travel to Europe, it also
desires to regain a positive relationship with Russia. The two
should not be mutually exclusive.
If confirmed, Mr. Pettit, you will need to navigate these
geopolitical challenges in find new ways in which the United
States can support Moldova's important political and economic
reform efforts.
Senator Shaheen and I, along with other members of the
committee, recently introduced a bipartisan resolution
outlining the United States commitment to Moldova's sovereignty
and territorial integrity, and we look forward to engaging in
an open dialogue about U.S. support for Moldova.
Moving west geographically speaking, the United States has
long considered Slovenia as important strategic NATO ally in
the western Balkans. Like Moldova, Slovenia is also still
grappling with its past as an ex-Communist state. While it is
considered to be one of the most politically and economically
stable countries in the EU, it is currently undergoing
significant political upheaval as a result of alleged
corruption and economic crises.
If confirmed, Mr. Hartley, you are going to be facing the
challenge of navigating these domestic difficulties as well as
broader European security challenges.
Let me quickly introduce our witnesses and then we will get
right to your testimony. Mr. Pettit has been nominated to be
Ambassador to Moldova. He is a career member of the Foreign
Service, currently serving as Deputy Assistant Secretary of
Consular Affairs at the Department of State. He has spent a
third of his career living in the former Soviet Union,
previously serving as deputy chief of mission in Kiev and as
deputy general counsel and political officer in Moscow. He has
served in Vienna, Taipei, Guadalajara, as well as back here in
the State Department.
He speaks Russian, Spanish, German, Mandarin Chinese,
received his B.A. from Iowa State University and a master's
degree from the National War College.
Brent Hartley has been nominated to be Ambassador to
Slovenia, as mentioned. He is a highly distinguished Foreign
Service officer, currently serves as Deputy Assistant Secretary
for European and Eurasian Affairs at the Department of State.
We welcome both of you to the panel today, and we will
start, Mr. Hartley, with your testimony, and then move to Mr.
Pettit.
STATEMENT OF BRENT ROBERT HARTLEY, OF OREGON, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA
Mr. Hartley. Thank you very much, Chairman Murphy, Ranking
Member Johnson. I would like to submit my full statement for
the record if I may. I am honored to be here before you today
as President Obama's nominee to be the eighth Ambassador of the
United States to the Republic of Slovenia. I am deeply grateful
for the confidence the President and Secretary Kerry have
placed in me. If confirmed, I will do my utmost to justify
their faith and yours in my ability to advance our strategic,
economic, and political interests with Slovenia.
I am also grateful for the love and flexibility of my wife,
Elizabeth Dickinson, who is here today with us, my daughter,
Eleanor, and my son, Charlie. My 33-year Foreign Service career
has been largely dedicated to strengthening our relations with
European allies and partners, and my wife has been with me
every step of the way.
If confirmed, I will seek to sustain and deepen our
political and security cooperation with Slovenia. This year
Slovenia is celebrating its 10-year anniversary of NATO and EU
membership. Slovenian soldiers have served side by side with
U.S. Forces in Afghanistan since 2003. Slovenians have served
in international peacekeeping missions around the world,
including Lebanon and Syria. It has also been a close U.S.
partner in defending human rights, combating human trafficking,
and safeguarding religious freedom around the globe.
We share a particular priority on promoting stability in
the Balkans, including by encouraging the integration of Balkan
States into NATO and the EU. Slovenian soldiers deployed in
NATO stabilization operations in Bosnia and Kosovo and they
continue to contribute to the EU successor mission in Bosnia
and maintain over 300 soldiers in Kosovo in the KFOR operation.
As a result of its Balkan experiences, Slovenia also remains
dedicated to addressing the safety of civilians during
conflict, demining, and conventional weapons destruction.
We welcome Slovenia's continued strong support for
Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity and its
implementation of international sanctions in the face of
Russia's occupation of Crimea. We are also working together to
address urgent humanitarian challenges in Syria, Iran's nuclear
proliferation, and Libya's stability, and we are working with
Slovenia, as we are doing throughout the EU, on energy security
and diversification of energy resources.
Our military-to-military relations are excellent,
characterized by hundreds of military exchanges, six
codeployments with the Colorado National Guard in Afghanistan,
and a rich foundation for future cooperation. Unfortunately,
severe defense budget cuts resulting from recent economic
difficulties have left Slovenia well below the NATO goal of
spending 2 percent of GDP on defense. If confirmed, I will work
to encourage the Slovenian Government to reverse cuts in
defense and to address the structural challenges exposed by the
country's economic downturn.
Outgoing Prime Minister Bratusek's government and the
central bank took a positive step in 2013 to recapitalize
Slovenia's banking sector and restore market confidence, and
the euro zone recovery has brought some economic relief as
well. Yet many challenges remain. The United States and
European Union agree that the country's next leaders must
stabilize the banking sector, rationalize public finances, and
follow through on commitments to privatize state-owned
enterprises.
We are looking forward to working with the new government,
once it is formed following the July 13 elections, on these
challenges. These vital economic reforms will help ensure a
level playing field for U.S. business. If confirmed, I will
seize every opportunity to build Slovenian support for the
Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and to open
doors for U.S. trade and investment.
Even as Slovenia works to recognize its economic potential,
it has only recently begun to deal with a complex and painful
historical legacy concerning different narratives of violence
during and after World War II. This legacy profoundly affects
contemporary political, social, and even economic life. Some
Slovenian leaders, most notably President Pahor, have stepped
forward to urge dialogue and reconciliation. We support this
effort because it is in both our interests. Slovenia will be a
stronger ally and trade partner as it finds a way to deal with
its past.
Finally, if confirmed, my Embassy team and I will continue
to engage the Slovenian public on all levels. We will work to
promote our top policy priorities through exchange and
educational programs. We will advocate accurate reporting on
the United States to a media often overly skeptical of U.S.
policies. And we will go directly to the people to talk about
U.S. policy and values through our ever-expanding social media
toolkit.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
would be pleased to answer any questions you might have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Hartley follows:]
Prepared Statement of Brent Robert Hartley
Thank you Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member and distinguished members of
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
I am honored to be here before you today as President Obama's
nominee to be the eighth Ambassador of the United States to the
Republic of Slovenia.
I am deeply grateful for the confidence the President and Secretary
Kerry have placed in me. If confirmed by the Senate, I will do my
utmost to justify their faith in my ability to further enhance the
strong U.S.-Slovenia relationship.
My 33-year Foreign Service career has been largely dedicated to
advancing our relations with European Allies and Partners. If
confirmed, I will work with the excellent Country Team at Embassy
Ljubljana to promote our strategic, economic and political interests
with Slovenia.
In its 23 years of independence, Slovenia has built a laudable
record of international engagement and commitment. This year, Slovenia
is celebrating its 10-year anniversary of NATO and EU membership.
Slovenian soldiers have served side by side with U.S. and NATO Forces
in Afghanistan since 2003. Slovenians have served in international
peacekeeping missions in hot spots around the world, from Lebanon to
Kosovo, from Syria to Mali. Slovenia has also been a close U.S. partner
in the United Nations and other international venues to defend human
rights, combat human trafficking, and safeguard religious freedom
around the globe. In particular, Slovenia has raised the profile of the
critical challenge of protecting civilian populations during conflict.
In this regard, Slovenia has placed a high priority on promoting
stability and development in the Balkans by encouraging the integration
of Balkan States in Euro-Atlantic structures such as NATO and the EU.
From an operational standpoint, Slovenian soldiers deployed to Bosnia
and Herzegovina as part of NATO's Stabilization Force (SFOR) in 1997,
and they continue to reinforce Bosnian stability by contributing to the
EU's successor mission, ALTHEA. Slovenia has been a major KFOR
contributor in Kosovo from the very beginning and still maintains a
strong presence of over 300 soldiers. Slovenia also remains dedicated
to addressing the safety of civilians and twin challenge of demining
and conventional weapon destruction through ITF Enhancing Human
Security initiative.
Our security relationship is only getting broader. We welcome
Slovenia's continued strong support for Ukraine's sovereignty and
territorial integrity and its implementation of international sanctions
in the face of Russia's occupation of Crimea. We are working together
to address the urgent humanitarian challenges in Syria, respond to
Iran's nuclear program, and to promote Libya's stability and
prosperity. And we are working with Slovenia and throughout the EU on
energy security issues, including the need to diversify energy sources
to mitigate dependence on Russian gas.
Slovenia's relationships with the U.S. European Command and the
Colorado National Guard through the State Partnership Program are
excellent. In the context of the U.S. European Command (EUCOM) and
NATO, Slovenia hosts several top-tier training exercises annually. The
Slovenian Armed Forces' 21-year relationship with the Guardsmen of
Colorado has resulted in hundreds of military exchanges, six
codeployments in support of the ISAF mission in Afghanistan, and a rich
foundation for future cooperation.
Unfortunately, severe defense budget cuts resulting from the last
several years of economic difficulties have left Slovenia well below
the NATO goal of spending 2 percent of GDP on defense.
If confirmed, I will work with the Country Team to encourage the
Slovenian Government to reverse this worrying trend in defense budget
cuts and to address the structural economic challenges exposed by the
country's economic downturn since 2009.
Outgoing Prime Minister Bratusek's government and the Slovenian
Central Bank took a positive step in 2013 to recapitalize Slovenia's
banking sector and restore market confidence. Yet many challenges
remain. The United States and the European Union agree that Slovenia
needs to reduce the public sector's role in the economy and repair
significant fiscal imbalances.
Although the Eurozone recovery has brought some economic relief,
the country's next leaders must take urgent action to stabilize the
banking sector, rationalize public finances, and follow through on
commitments to privatize state-owned enterprises. We are looking
forward to working with the new government, once it is formed following
the July 13 elections, on these challenges.
These vital economic reforms will help ensure a level playing field
for U.S. business, a high priority for any chief of mission. If
confirmed, I will seize every opportunity to build Slovenian support
for the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and to open
doors for U.S. trade and investment in an EU market with real untapped
potential for U.S. companies. Approximately 60 U.S. companies already
operate in Slovenia--including for example a significant Goodyear
production facility. Through continued intensive commercial diplomacy,
I am confident that Slovenia will become more open to American
investments and a more attractive destination for American exports.
Even as Slovenia works to recognize its economic potential, it has
only recently begun to deal with a complex and painful historical
legacy--concerning different narratives of violence during and after
World War II--that profoundly affects contemporary political, social,
and even economic life. Some Slovenian leaders, most notably President
Pahor, have stepped forward to urge dialogue and reconciliation.
Embassy Ljubljana supports this effort because it is in both U.S. and
Slovenian interests: open dialogue regarding these events can help
create a political environment more conducive to addressing, for
example, Slovenia's difficult economic circumstances. Slovenia will be
a stronger ally and trade partner as it finds a way to deal with its
past.
Finally, if confirmed, my Embassy team and I will continue to
engage the Slovenian public on all levels to realize these goals. In
addition to continuing joint cultural initiatives that have proven
popular with Slovenians, we will work to promote our top policy
priorities through exchange and educational programs that encourage
entrepreneurship, innovation, and greater regional and international
cooperation. We will advocate accurate reporting on the United States
to media that are often overly skeptical of U.S. foreign policy. And we
will go directly to the people to talk about U.S. policy and values
through our ever-expanding toolkit of social media products.
Ultimately, it's the people-to-people outreach and diplomacy that can
provide the foundation for us to achieve our policy objectives.
Thank you very much for the opportunity to appear before you today,
and I would be pleased to answer any questions you might have.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much. I shorted you on your
bio, by the way. I just additionally add your service as
Director for European Security and Political Affairs at the
Department of State and Country Director for Pakistan, in
addition to your receipt of two Senior Foreign Service
Performance Awards, 11 Superior Honor Awards. The list goes on.
We are very pleased that you are here before this committee.
Mr. Pettit.
STATEMENT OF JAMES D. PETTIT, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA
Mr. Pettit. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Johnson. It is indeed an honor and a privilege to appear before
you today as the President's nominee to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Moldova. I deeply appreciate the confidence that
President Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me. If
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with Congress to
promote U.S. interests in Moldova.
Today represents an important point in a journey over the
last three decades that has taken me to numerous parts of the
former Soviet Union at various critical junctures. If
confirmed, I hope to continue that journey and play my own
small role in seeking a happy and successful outcome for the
people of the Republic of Moldova.
I am accompanied today by my wife Nancy, who has witnessed
the many changes in the region along with me and whose own
insights and wisdom continue to help me on the way. Also here
with me today are my brother, Gerry, my nephew, Brett, and his
wife, Suzy.
Secretary Kerry visited Moldova in December 2013 and Prime
Minister Leanca visited the White House in March of this year,
in part to launch our bilateral strategic dialogue and reaffirm
U.S. engagement in and support for Moldova's independence and
European future. Our engagement is key to promoting security
not just in Moldova, but in neighboring Ukraine and the region.
If confirmed, I will build upon this progress while seeking
to fulfill our chief strategic objective, for Moldova to become
a fully democratic, economically prosperous state, firmly
anchored to Europe, within its internationally recognized
borders and with an effective and accountable government. We
believe European integration is the best road for Moldova's
security and prosperity.
On June 27, the Moldovan Government signed an association
agreement that includes provisions for establishing a deep and
comprehensive free trade area, which will bring Moldova closer
to the EU politically as well as benefit the country
economically. This year the United States will provide over $31
million in assistance to Moldova to continue supporting these
and other objectives.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the Moldovan
Government and in coordination with Moldova's European partners
to support Moldova's efforts as it continues down its European
path.
2014 is an election year for Moldova, with parliamentary
elections scheduled for late November. While the country has
made great strides since independence, challenges remain to
consolidate its democracy and recent EU-oriented gains.
Corruption continues to be the primary vulnerability plaguing
Moldova's democracy, particularly its justice sector. To its
credit Moldova's ministry of justice initiated a justice sector
reform strategy to modernize Moldova's legal system and meet
European standards. If confirmed, I will continue to press the
Moldovan Government to implement these reforms.
Moldova remains Europe's poorest country. Around 22 percent
of Moldova's GDP comes from remittances sent from Moldovans
working abroad, the bulk of whom work in Russia. The United
States seeks to strengthen Moldova's economy by promoting
regulatory reform as well as increasing the competitiveness of
core export industries. If confirmed, I will continue to
advance these programs as well as work with the Moldovan
Government to take further steps to buffer its economy against
Russian pressure.
Moldova's primary security challenge is its unresolved
conflict with the Transnistria region. The 5+2 negotiations on
a political settlement involve not only the parties to the
conflict, but also Russia, Ukraine, and the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe as mediators, and the United
States and EU as observers.
Although Russia continues to be an important partner in
this process, Russia's efforts to derail Moldova's European
integration aspirations and its refusal to withdraw its troops
from Transnistria pose significant threats. Russia has used a
number of political and economic levers against Moldova,
banning the import of Moldovan wine, increasing scrutiny of
Moldova's agricultural exports, and threatening to cut off
Moldova's gas supply and deport Moldova's migrant workers.
If confirmed, I will continue my predecessor's efforts to
mitigate the negative effects of Russian pressure, help Moldova
find new markets for its exports, and increase government-to-
government coordination through the strategic dialogue.
I thank you again for the opportunity to share my thoughts
about the relationship with Moldova. If confirmed, I look
forward to working closely with you and this committee. I would
be happy to answer any questions you may have and will submit
the remainder of my remarks to the record with your permission.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Pettit follows:]
Prepared Statement of James D. Pettit
Chairman Murphy, Ranking Member Johnson and members of the
committee, it is an honor and a privilege to appear before you today as
the President's nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova. I
deeply appreciate the confidence and trust that President Obama and
Secretary Kerry have placed in me. If confirmed, I look forward to
working closely with Congress to promote U.S. interests in Moldova.
Today represents an important point in a journey over the last three
decades that has taken me to numerous parts of the former Soviet Union
at various critical junctures. If confirmed, I hope to continue that
journey and play my own small role in seeking a happy and successful
outcome for the people of the Republic of Moldova. I am accompanied
today by my wife, Nancy, who has witnessed the many changes in the
region along with me and whose own insights and wisdom continue to help
me on the way.
Over the last year, relations with Moldova strengthened
significantly, with Secretary Kerry visiting Moldova in December 2013
and Prime Minister Leanca visiting the White House in March this year
in part to launch our bilateral Strategic Dialogue and to reaffirm U.S.
engagement in, and support for, Moldova's independence and European
future. Continuing to strengthen our engagement is key to promoting
security not just in Moldova but also in neighboring Ukraine and the
region. If confirmed, I will build upon this progress while seeking to
fulfill our chief strategic objective; for Moldova to become a fully
democratic, economically prosperous state firmly anchored to Europe
within its internationally recognized borders and with an effective and
accountable government. With your permission, I would like to take a
moment to touch upon core aspects of this objective--European
integration, democratic development, market development, and security.
first: european integration
We believe European integration is the best road for Moldova's
security and prosperity. Over the last year, Moldova has made
significant strides toward this goal. On April 28, the EU lifted its
visa regime for Moldova, allowing Moldovan citizens with biometric
passports to visit the Schengen region for up to 90 days without a
visa. Within the last 2 months alone, 78,000 Moldovans traveled to
Europe visa free. On June 27, the Moldovan Government signed an
Association Agreement that includes provisions for establishing a Deep
and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, which will bring Moldova closer to
the EU politically, as well as benefit the country economically by
eliminating import duties on Moldovan products going to the EU--it is
expected to boost Moldova's GDP by 5.4 percent. U.S. assistance has
helped Moldova progress toward its European integration goal through
programs that enhance government transparency, accountability, and
responsiveness to citizen interests, as well as improve the business
climate. This year the United States will provide over $31 million in
assistance to Moldova to continue supporting these and other
objectives. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Moldovan
Government and in coordination with Moldova's European partners to
support Moldova's efforts as it continues down its European path.
second: democratic development
2014 is an election year for Moldova with Parliamentary elections
scheduled for late November. While the country has made great strides
since independence, challenges remain to consolidate its democracy and
recent EU-oriented gains. Corruption continues to be the primary
vulnerability plaguing Moldova's democracy, particularly its justice
sector. Besides hampering government effectiveness and rule of law,
corruption has led to high voter disillusionment with the current
governing coalition and could harm Moldova's continued European
integration aspirations. To its credit, Moldova's Ministry of Justice
initiated a justice sector reform strategy to modernize Moldova's legal
system and meet European standards. The impact of this strategy can
already be seen in the adoption of several pieces of new legislation,
including anticorruption laws targeting judges and other public
officials. U.S. efforts are focused on supporting this strategy by
improving judicial administration, increasing the skills of judges and
prosecutors, and supporting civil society advocacy. The other key
component of our assistance program in this sector focuses on enabling
local government to improve services for its citizens, as polling shows
that locally elected officials are the most respected institutions in
Moldova. Much work remains to be done. If confirmed, I will continue to
press the Moldovan Government to implement these reforms and others
necessary to fulfill the desires of Moldovan citizens for an
accountable and corruption free government.
third: market development
Moldova remains Europe's poorest country with an approximate
average salary of $290 a month. Around 22 percent of Moldova's $7.2
billion GDP comes from remittances sent from approximately 700,000
Moldovans working abroad, equal to one-fifth of the country's
population--the bulk of whom work in Russia. While Moldova exceeded
international expectations and saw its GDP grow by 8.9 percent in 2013,
further growth is in question due to lack of transparent, substantial
legal safeguards for business and pervasive corruption, which deters
foreign investments. The United States seeks to strengthen Moldova's
economy by promoting regulatory reform, as well as increasing the
competitiveness of core export industries, such as wine and fashion,
enabling them to take advantage of the opportunities created through
closer economic ties with Europe. In addition, through the 5-year $262
million Millennium Challenge Corporation compact that will close in
September 2015, the United States is rebuilding a 93 kilometer road
that will serve as a modern transportation corridor in Northern
Moldova, and is rehabilitating irrigation systems, which will help
strengthen the transition to higher value agricultural products. If
confirmed, I will continue to advance these programs, as well as work
with the Moldovan Government to take further steps to buffer its
economy against Russian pressure.
fourth: security
Moldova's primary security challenge is its unresolved conflict with
Russian-backed separatists in the Transnistria region. Closely related
to this is the presence of Russian military forces in this same region,
without Moldova's consent. Although there has been no armed conflict
between the Government of Moldova and its separatist region in two
decades, Russia insists its peacekeeping presence must remain until
there is a resolution to this ``frozen conflict.'' The 5+2 negotiations
on a political settlement involve not only the parties to the conflict,
but also Russia, Ukraine, and the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) as mediators, and the United States and EU
as observers. The talks have stalled due in part to Russian and the
separatists' unwillingness to engage in a political dialogue on the
region's final status. Of continuing concern are media reports of
increased Russian military activity in Transnistria, reports which
remain unconfirmed in part due to the ongoing restrictions by
Transnistrian authorities of access to the region by observers from the
OSCE's Mission to Moldova. If confirmed, I will support OSCE efforts to
find a peaceful resolution to this frozen conflict that guarantees
Moldova's sovereignty and territorial integrity, while providing for a
mutually acceptable special status for its Transnistria region. I will
also work to ensure that the OSCE has unfettered access to all of
Moldova, including its Transnistria region.
Although Russia continues to be an important partner in the ongoing
5+2 process and plays a large role in Moldova's economic and trade
activity, Russia's efforts to derail Moldova's European integration
aspirations and its refusal to withdraw its troops from Transnistria
pose significant threats to the country's sovereignty, security,
stability, and prosperity. Since September 2013, Russia has used a
number of political and economic levers against Moldova, including
banning the import of Moldovan wine, increasing scrutiny of Moldova's
agricultural exports, and threatening to cut off Moldova's gas supply
as well as to deport up to 265,000 of Moldova's migrant workers. In
addition, Russian interests control much of Moldova's financial sector
and its assets. Combined with the constant stream of anti-EU rhetoric
from Russian television, a major source of news for Moldovan citizens,
Russia's actions threaten Moldova's sovereignty, economic well-being
and its European path. If confirmed, I will continue my predecessor's
efforts to mitigate the negative effects of Russian pressure, help
Moldova find new markets for its exports, increase government-to-
government coordination through the Strategic Dialogue, help the
Moldovan Government secure its borders by completing the $35 million
Defense Threat Reduction Agency program that is building up the
capacity of Moldova's border guards, and assist the Moldovan
Government's efforts to counteract Russia's negative propaganda
campaign.
While Moldova has come closer to its goal of European integration,
its government still has much work to be done. If confirmed, I look
forward to helping the Moldovan Government realize its citizens'
European aspirations. At the same time, I will support any reasonable
effort Moldova wishes to make in order to maintain trade and other
relations with neighbors outside the EU on the basis of mutual respect
and common interests, not on the basis of threats or political and
economic pressure. This will contribute immeasurably to our long-
standing objective of a Europe whole, free, and at peace.
I thank you again for the opportunity to share my thoughts about
the relationship with Moldova. If confirmed, I look forward to working
closely with you and this committee.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much to both of our
nominees.
Let me start with the same question to both of you. You
both have experience in Europe, varying levels of experience
dealing with Russia. You are going to be in countries that have
long-standing relationships with Russia, while also looking
toward the West as well. One of the things that a lot of us
have been struck by--certainly Senator Johnson and I talk about
this a lot--is the major difference in the ability of Europe
and the United States to communicate information to the
countries in which you are going, to Moldova in particular,
versus the ability of Russia to do the same. Russia has
dramatically modernized and ramped up its propaganda efforts.
This is particularly relevant in Moldova, but I am sure it is
an issue in Slovenia as well.
With your broad experience in the region, what are your
recommendations as to how the United States and Europe can try
to compete in the information wars with Russia. Maybe I will
put the question to you first, Mr. Pettit, in particular
because you are going to have elections coming up in Moldova
and an imbalance in information and its sourcing can have a
pretty big impact on the outcome of those elections.
So what are your recommendations? I am more asking for your
recommendations to us as a committee as we debate this question
of how we better resource our side of the messaging operation
here, without of course getting into the same kind of, I would
argue, over-the-top propaganda that the Russians engage in?
Mr. Pettit. Thank you, Senator, for that question, Mr.
Chairman. It is indeed daunting, the competition with the
Russian propaganda tools that they have, and it is hard to
duplicate, and therefore needs to be countered in a different
way. Eighty percent of Moldovans do get their news information
from television. There are many, many Russian cable stations
that are rebroadcast in Moldova and which reach an audience of
almost the entire country. Most people in Moldova do speak and
understand Russian very well. The programming is superior, it
is very slick, it is well packaged.
In terms of countering that influence, we have to use the
tools at hand. The U.S. does have RFE-RL. We do have our radio
broadcasting programs. We do not have the equivalent of Russian
television and therefore we have to use other tools. We have to
use exchanges, we have to make ourselves available. High-level
visits are very helpful. Several members of this committee have
visited Moldova in recent months. This gives us access to
Moldovan media. It allows us to do outreach.
If confirmed, one of my priorities will be to have mission
members go out and do outreach throughout Moldova, including
Transnistria, which we already do. These efforts are very, very
important. We have 100 Peace Corps Volunteers in Moldova. All
of these tools in their own way do help spread the message.
But of course, what is critical is that our EU partners
also assist us in this effort, particularly since the signing
of the association agreement.
Mr. Hartley. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would second what
Jim indicated with regard for the priority that we need to put
on this issue and for the engagement of the entire Embassy
staff in these efforts. I think the challenge that we face in
this regard in Slovenia is far less than what Jim will face in
Moldova and other states closer to Russia and in countries
where they have a Russian-speaking minority.
But nonetheless, it is critical that we get out and we are
as active and creative as we can be. As I indicated in my
statement, that is going to be a key priority for me if I am
confirmed. The Embassy currently has a very active social media
program, creative, educational, and other exchanges, including
bringing interns in, partnering with the American Chamber of
Commerce to bring interns in to work with American businesses
during the summer months, in addition to some of the more
classic exchanges that we have in the Fulbright scholarships,
things like that.
I certainly agree with Jim that high-level visits help.
General Breedlove, the Supreme Allied Commander and Commander
of U.S. Forces in Europe, was there recently and we would
certainly welcome members of the committee visiting as well.
Senator Murphy. We will look forward to your thoughts on
this subject. I think it is time that this committee has a more
robust conversation about what new assets we can provide the
information programs we already run. We made a commitment to
Radio Free Europe when radio was the primary means by which
people received information. That is not true today and it is a
little hard to understand, if we still have a commitment to a
concept like that, why we have not upgraded the technology to
recognize how people get their information.
Back to you, Mr. Pettit. Talk a little bit about the
association agreement. A big step forward for the Moldovans,
but the question is how does it operate? What needs to happen
in order to make the potential benefits of that agreement real?
What do we need to be saying to the Europeans in order for
Moldova to take advantage of the newfound abilities they have
under that trade pact?
Mr. Pettit. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Obviously, the
economic benefits for Moldova are almost immediate. Some
analysts estimate that GDP should rise approximately 5.4
percent just in the first year because of the favorable
treatment of Moldovan products. However, there is a lot of hard
work to comply with EU standards, and that is going to be the
most difficult part for the Moldovan economy, the Moldovan
Government.
We have programs in place, as does the EU, to specifically
assist Moldovan government, industry, with compliance. This is
across the board. This is regulatory, this is meeting
standards, this is rules applying to agriculture and tariffs
and all sorts of things, including social components, such as
human rights and governance. We have programs in all those
areas. The EU has programs in all those areas. We see our role
assisting Moldova in this aspect with attaining the necessary
compliance with EU standards. It will be a definite benefit for
the economy of Moldova, including Transnistria.
Senator Murphy. People have posited that the sort of next
shoe to drop in terms of Russia's ambitions to gain control
over the near abroad is an increased level of Russian activity
in Transnistria. They may not have to do that, given the fact
that there are upcoming elections that are going to be hotly
contested, and should the Communists win you could see a so-
called democratic reorientation of Moldova back to being within
a closer sphere of influence with Russia.
So my guess was always that Russia was going to put its
efforts into winning these elections, which may get them most
of what they want anyway. What do we know about level of
Russian activity in the early stages of the November elections?
What is going to be the U.S. disposition on those elections and
making sure that they are, at the very least, conducted in a
free and fair manner?
Mr. Pettit. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. There is definitely
Russian activity behind the political scenes in influencing
electorates, particularly the more disaffected groups. As you
may know, there are some ethnic divisions within Moldova, such
as specifically Gagauzia, also places in the north that are
more--that have more of a tilt linguistically and historically
toward Russia.
The Russians definitely take advantage of that. As we had
already discussed, the Russian propaganda machine is enormous.
That said, the last parliamentary elections had many foreign
observers and were deemed and fair and transparent. I am not as
concerned about the process itself as what the results could
be. We will work with whatever coalition emerges from the
November elections. We have high hopes on the pro-European
inclinations of the current coalition, but it bears noting
that, even when the communists were in power, they were very
amenable toward European integration and actually implemented
some of the preliminary steps that led to the signing of the
association agreement.
So the election results are impossible to predict. The
Communist Party remains the largest single party, but it is not
a majority. They would have to enter into a coalition with
others. We are hopeful that the current European path will not
be disrupted regardless of what the results are of the
election.
Senator Murphy. The Communist Party did oppose the
association agreement, so it seems that for the time being they
have cast their lot against European integration. We certainly
know there is high levels of coordination between that party
and the Russian Government. So I understand it is difficult for
the United States to press political levers within a country
when it comes to an election, but I hope we are not going into
these elections with an optimism that a Communist majority is
going to automatically continue a pathway toward European
integration. I am not sure that that is a forgone conclusion.
Mr. Pettit. You are absolutely correct, Mr. Chairman, that
the Communists are publicly stating that they do oppose the
association agreement. We are really talking about hearts and
minds. Unfortunately, the polls do indicate waning support for
the association agreement. A lot of that is based on
misperceptions of what the result will be. So I think it is
really in the arena of public opinion and outreach is where we
have our work cut out for us, we, the EU, and the Moldovan
Government, which also has to take responsibility to explaining
to the electorate just exactly what the benefits are, which to
us seem very clear, but have not been made clear to the
electorate.
Senator Murphy. Mr. Hartley, we had a hearing last week on
European energy security. In my opening comments I told a story
about a recent visit that Senator McCain and Senator Johnson
and I made to Bulgaria, in which during our time there an
announcement was made that Bulgaria was going to for the time
being suspend work on the South Stream pipeline, and thereafter
we were criticized in some sectors of the country as being
Americans coming into Bulgaria and telling them how to run
their business.
It struck me and still strikes me that the United States is
in a no-win position. When we attempt to exert leadership to
benefit our interests and European interests, we are criticized
for being too heavily involved in other nations' business, and
then if we are not showing that level of leadership we are told
that the United States is sitting back and failing to show the
same kind of leadership that we have in the past.
Slovenia is a member of the South Stream coalition. They
have shown a willingness to move forward with the project, that
is in contravention with the Third Energy Package from the EU.
What is the current state of affairs with respect to South
Stream in Slovenia? What are the things that you can do to try
to convince them to stay on the same page as Europe when
dealing with these complicated questions of energy transmission
in and through the continent?
Mr. Hartley. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. That is a big
question. The Slovenians seem very interested in their
participation in the South Stream project, which is interesting
in light of the fact that they only get about 10 percent of
their energy from gas and they have access to hydroelectric
power, nuclear power, and other alternatives. In some ways they
are better set for pursuing a diverse energy base than many
other countries in that area.
But nonetheless, they remain interested. From what I
understand from public statements by Slovenian officials,
however, they are not prepared to take on the European
Commission's rulings with regard to how the South Stream
project has been structured and the EU Commission's, the
European Commission's opposition to it.
If confirmed, energy security and energy diversification
will be an important priority. It is a very big issue,
especially in light of Russian behavior toward Ukraine and the
ability and the willingness it has shown to use its energy
resources as a political tool. I would want to promote greater
interconnectedness between--within the European gas and
electrical network and encourage Slovenian interest that is
already evident in the possibility of building a second nuclear
reactor, the first of which they share with Croatia.
Senator Murphy. All right. You guys got off the hook
relatively easily today. Really important postings; looking
forward to working with both of you; very excited to have such
eminently qualified individuals going into very important posts
for the United States.
We are going to keep the record open for members to pose
additional questions to you and our first panel, only until the
close of business tomorrow, in an effort to try to move your
nominations as quickly as possible. So if you do receive
questions, we hope that you will turn around answers as quickly
as possible so that we can move your nominations, as well as
the first panel's, through the committee in as expeditious a
manner as possible.
With that, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:46 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Questions and Answers Submitted for the Record
Responses of Ambassador John R. Bass to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. In the past few years in Turkey, some Turkish citizens
have been organizing and participating in events to commemorate the
Armenian Genocide. The United States consulate has sent representatives
to some of these commemorations in Istanbul.
Will you make participating in the commemoration of the
100th anniversary of the genocide a priority for you and your
staff? How do you personally characterize the events that took
place between 1915-23 that resulted in the deportation of
nearly 2,000,000 Armenians and the killing of as many as
1,500,000 men, women, and children?
Answer. The U.S. Government acknowledges as historical fact and
mourns that 1.5 million Armenians were massacred or marched to their
death in the final days of the Ottoman Empire. In recent years, a
senior representative from our consulate in Istanbul has attended the
April 24 commemoration event in Istanbul. This is typically the largest
and most public event held in Turkey on Remembrance Day itself, and
Istanbul is where the vast majority of Armenian citizens in Turkey now
live. If confirmed, I will continue to make attendance at such
commemoration events a priority, particularly in light of the upcoming
100th anniversary of one of the worst atrocities of the 20th century.
The administration has commemorated the Meds Yaghem, and remains
engaged in diplomatic efforts that support the President's call for ``a
full, frank, and just acknowledgement of the facts.'' If confirmed, my
role would be to represent faithfully the President's policies and
priorities. I will continue to support the courageous steps taken by
individuals in Armenia and Turkey to foster a dialogue that
acknowledges their shared history.
Question. For over 20 years, Turkey has maintained an illegal
blockade against landlocked Armenia, despite public calls from
successive U.S. administrations for it to open Europe's last closed
border without any preconditions.
What steps will you take to move this issue forward and
bring an end to the blockade?
Answer. It has been and remains the administration's policy to
encourage Turkey and Armenia to reconcile their past and normalize
relations as a means of creating the peaceful and prosperous bilateral
relationship that the people of both countries deserve. The status quo
is not beneficial for either side, and both countries would benefit
greatly from increased direct trade and normal relations. Facilitating
Armenia's regional integration by opening its border with Turkey is a
priority for the United States.
If confirmed, this would be one of my key goals as Ambassador. I
would work closely with colleagues in Washington and in our Embassy in
Yerevan on this common objective, including taking every opportunity in
meetings with government and civil society leaders to encourage greater
dialogue. In addition, I would continue to support increased cross-
border cooperation between the people of Armenia and Turkey through
research initiatives, conferences, and exchange programs.
Question. Will you commit to meeting periodically with the Greek
and Armenian American communities on a regular basis when you are in
the United States?
Answer. If confirmed, it will be my honor and duty to serve as the
representative of the U.S. Government and fellow American citizens to
the Republic of Turkey. To that end, I look forward to engaging
regularly with American citizen groups of all ethnic backgrounds who
have an interest in our relations with Turkey, including and especially
the Armenian American and Greek American communities.
Question. The recent conversion of two historic churches in Turkey
into mosques and the threat of legislation that would convert the
historic Hagia Sophia is of grave concern. Will you raise these
concerns with Turkish authorities when you arrive in Ankara?
Answer. The State Department views the Hagia Sophia museum as a
unique and historic symbol for Turkey and the surrounding region, and
we strongly support maintaining the current status of this UNESCO World
Heritage Site. We recognize and continue to emphasize U.S. concerns
over the challenges religious minority groups face in Turkey, including
by highlighting instances of the conversion of other historic religious
sites to mosques in our annual International Religious Freedom Report.
The Government of Turkey has taken positive steps over the past year to
return some properties to active religious communities, including the
Mor Gabriel Monastery and 47 acres of property surrounding Halki
Seminary, but more can be done. We currently have no confirmation of
any serious effort to convert the Hagia Sophia to a mosque.
If confirmed, I will continue to stress to Turkish officials the
global sensitivity of any move to change the current character of the
Hagia Sophia. I also pledge to continue our policy and practice of
regularly raising these concerns with Turkish officials and encouraging
additional measures to strengthen religious freedom in Turkey.
Question. Less than 100 years ago, there was a vibrant and large
Christian population in Turkey. Because of genocide and persecution,
the population has been decimated and accounts for less than point 2
percent of the population today. In January 2011, President Obama noted
the importance of ``bear[ing] witness to those who are persecuted or
attacked because of their faith.''
How will you address issues of religious persecution
against Christians and other religious minorities with Turkish
authorities?
Answer. Religious minority groups face continuing challenges in
Turkey, as noted in our annual ``International Religious Freedom
Report.'' The State Department regularly engages at all levels with
Turkish officials regarding the importance of religious freedom,
including legal reforms aimed at lifting restrictions on religious
groups, property restitution, and specific cases of religious
discrimination. To this end, we strongly support efforts to reopen
Halki Seminary on terms acceptable to the Ecumenical Patriarch.
Furthermore, we condemn in the strongest terms violence toward all
religious minorities, and we urge Turkish authorities to pursue
investigations and bring perpetrators to justice.
If confirmed, I will encourage the Turkish Government to follow
through on the return of religious minority properties and to take
additional steps to promote religious freedom, such as allowing more
religious communities to own property, register their places of
worship, and train clergy.
Question. This year marks the 40th anniversary of the Turkish
invasion and occupation of Northern Cyprus. Peace talks restarted in
February with the aim of creating a bizonal, bicommunal federation on
the island. Thus far, confidence-building measures have been a sticking
point, and other issues, such as property, are proving to be as
difficult as they have been over the course of the last four decades.
What efforts will you exert to encourage Turkey to
proactively and productively engage in these talks in order to
reach a final resolution that will reunify the island?
Answer. We welcome the constructive roles of both Turkey and Greece
in support of the settlement process, including hosting historic visits
by the Turkish-Cypriot negotiator to Athens and the Greek-Cypriot
negotiator to Ankara. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will work closely
with my colleagues in Greece and Cyprus and give my full support to the
efforts under the auspices of the United Nations Good Offices Mission
to reunify the island as a bizonal, bicommunal federation that would
bring security and economic prosperity to all Cypriots. I will also
engage senior Turkish officials to promote a just and lasting
comprehensive settlement on Cyprus.
Question. The Eastern Mediterranean could contribute to European
energy security, but many analysts believe that the main impediment to
greater oil and gas exploration is the lack of regional cooperation.
Turkey's provocations in Greek Cypriot waters, such as its insistence
on deploying small research and exploration ships off the island's
southern coast, exemplify a barrier to greater regional cooperation.
What do you believe are the opportunities for greater
regional cooperation in exploring these resources? What is your
plan for bringing Turkey to the table to negotiate in good
faith? Are there any positive signs?
Answer. The discovery of offshore hydrocarbon resources in the
Eastern Mediterranean has the potential to change the landscape for
many countries in the region. If managed correctly, these resources
could be a catalyst for increased cooperation and stability. If
confirmed as Ambassador, I will continue ongoing U.S. efforts to ensure
energy is used to promote cooperation and prosperity, rather than
conflict.
There have been some encouraging signs. For example, a recent
conference held in the buffer zone brought together Turks, Greeks,
Israelis, Lebanese, Turkish Cypriots, and Greek Cypriots to discuss the
future of hydrocarbon developments in the Eastern Mediterranean. The
gathering sent an important message about the potential role that
hydrocarbon development can play in promoting greater regional
cooperation and, ultimately, increased economic prosperity and energy
security for Cyprus and its neighbors in the region.
The United States recognizes the Republic of Cyprus' right to
develop its resources in its Exclusive Economic Zone. We also believe
the island's resources should be equitably shared between both
communities within the context of an overall settlement. Collaboration
with regional partners such as Israel and Egypt could enable efficient
development of these resources while also expanding potential for
future cooperation on a wider range of issues.
Question. Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew is the spiritual head of
300 million Orthodox Christians who compose the world's second-largest
Christian Church. As U.S. Ambassador, what will you do to encourage the
Turkish Government to allow the reopening of the Halki theological
seminary, cease interference in the election of church leadership, and
encourage the return of other religious properties belonging to the
Patriachate?
Answer. The United States strongly supports efforts to reopen Halki
Seminary on terms acceptable to the Ecumenical Patriarchate. Secretary
Kerry and Vice President Biden have consistently called for the
reopening of the seminary without preconditions, and the U.S. Embassy
in Ankara and consulate general in Istanbul have engaged the Turkish
Government on this issue regularly. If confirmed, I will continue to
urge Turkish officials at the highest levels to reopen the seminary as
a symbol of Turkey's commitment to religious freedom.
In addition, we support the Church's right to choose its own
Patriarch, obtain citizenship for Church Metropolitans, and gain
recognition of the Patriarch's ecumenical status from the Turkish
Government. If confirmed, I will urge the Turkish Government to work
cooperatively with the Patriarchate to resolve these and other matters
of importance to Orthodox Christians and other religious minorities in
Turkey. I will also continue to encourage Turkey to take additional
steps to strengthen religious freedom, including allowing more
religious communities to own property, register their places of
worship, and train their clergy.
Question. In 2013 Turkey announced that it would procure the
Chinese FD-2000 (HQ-9) air defense system. This system is not
compatible with the evolving ballistic-missile shield being built in
Europe.
What is the administration doing, and what will you do, if
confirmed, to ensure that Turkey does not coproduce an air and
missile defense system with a Chinese Government-owned company
which has repeatedly been sanctioned by the United States?
If Turkey does pursue such cooperation with the Chinese,
how would this affect other elements of U.S. and NATO defense
cooperation with Turkey, including on missile defense and
coproduction of the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter?
Answer. We have serious concerns about Turkey's decision to
negotiate with a sanctioned Chinese company for an air and missile
defense system that will not be interoperable with NATO. We remain
actively engaged--at the highest levels--in urging Turkey to end
negotiations with the Chinese and turn to a NATO interoperable tender.
We have enlisted NATO and our allies in this effort; they share our
concerns. Turkish officials have reaffirmed that negotiations with the
Chinese have not concluded and have extended the tender period through
August 28. They have indicated the door remains open for a revised U.S.
proposal. We have made clear that if Turkey does choose a Chinese
system, it cannot and will not be connected to NATO systems and may
have other consequences for our defense relationship.
Other aspects of our defense cooperation with Turkey remain strong,
including the strategically important access that Turkey continues to
provide us to key bases and its hosting of the AN/TPY-2 missile defense
radar. The Raytheon-Lockheed Martin bid would be NATO-interoperable and
contribute to a stronger U.S.-Turkey defense relationship. Turkey
remains a key partner in the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter program, and
announced on May 6 its plans to order two F-35 aircraft. We have told--
and will continue to reinforce to--Turkish officials that if they
procure an air defense system from a sanctioned Chinese firm, it could
inhibit our shared goal of expanding our economic and defense
relationship.
If confirmed, one of my highest priorities will be to support and
advocate on behalf of U.S. companies and investors, including those
competing for business and contracts in the defense and security
sectors, consistent with applicable U.S. law and regulations. That
includes advocacy to promote the American consortium's bid for this air
defense tender.
Question. Turkey ranks 154th among 180 countries on the World Press
Freedom Index. What concerns do you have about freedom of expression in
Turkey in the aftermath of efforts by the government to ban Twitter and
YouTube and enforce regressive new Internet laws? What can the United
States do to raise these concerns, including in international fora, and
to provide a forum for public opinion and the press in Turkey?
Answer. I share your concern regarding government actions that have
weakened freedom of expression in Turkey, which the administration has
conveyed both publicly and privately to the Government of Turkey. We
believe that democracies are strengthened by the diversity of public
voices, while an independent media operating without fear of
retribution is crucial to ensuring transparency and accountability. The
State Department has urged the Turkish Government to unblock its
citizens' access to social media and ensure free access to all such
platforms; we welcomed the Turkish constitutional court rulings in
favor of restoring Twitter and YouTube. If confirmed, I will continue
to call on the Turkish Government to ensure open access to information
from many sources--including social media.
Question. The U.S. innovative pharmaceutical industry faces severe
challenges in Turkey, including an arbitrary fixed exchange rate system
that saddles the industry with an extra 50 percent erosion of their
prices. This is on top of a pricing regime that already forces the
industry to accept some of the lowest prices in the world, in a market
that hopes to be a top 10 global economy by 2023.
What will you to do to help resolve this long-standing,
market-distorting, unfair trade practice?
Answer. I agree the fixed exchange rate currently utilized by the
Turkish Government in connection with reimbursements for imported
pharmaceutical products impedes access to the Turkish market by U.S.
pharmaceutical companies. It also acts as a barrier to Turkey's access
to the latest innovative medicines. The U.S. Government takes this
issue very seriously and continues to urge changes in the pricing
regime with senior Turkish officials. Most recently, Commerce Secretary
Pritzker and Ambassador Froman raised pharmaceutical reforms with
Deputy Prime Minister Babacan and Minister of Economy Zeybekci during
the 2014 U.S.-Turkey Framework for Strategic Economic and Commercial
Cooperation (FSECC) meeting in May.
If confirmed, I will encourage Turkey to work with the U.S.
pharmaceutical sector to better understand their market needs. I will
also work with our Foreign Commercial Service and U.S. companies to
urge Turkey to implement key pharmaceutical sector reforms--and in
doing so, to build momentum for a broader U.S.-Turkey trade
relationship.
Question. Turkey has identified the pharmaceutical sector as a top
priority for its government. However, U.S. innovative pharmaceutical
companies continue to face a rash of highly punitive market access
barriers that impede Turkish patients' access to medicines that are
available to patients around the world, including in Europe and the
United States. These barriers include marketing authorization and good
manufacturing practices delays, uncertainty surrounding intellectual
property protection, growing protectionist policies, a government-
pricing regime that distorts the market through mandatory price
discounts, and a draconian exchange rate system for pharmaceuticals.
This exchange system is especially burdensome, as the industry must
accept a forced devaluation that is currently 50 percent below market
levels, despite a law and court rulings requiring the government to
adjust the rate upward. This has been a top commercial priority for the
Embassy and the former Ambassador.
How will you work to improve the market conditions for the
U.S. research-based pharmaceutical industry in Turkey?
Answer. I agree that the fixed exchange rate currently utilized by
the Turkish Government in connection with reimbursements for imported
pharmaceutical products acts as a barrier to Turkey's access to the
latest innovative medicines. The issue of delayed marketing approvals
as a barrier to access is also an area of concern for the United
States.
During this year's Framework for Strategic and Economic Commercial
Cooperation (FSECC), the Ministry of Health suggested Turkey would
begin implementing a ``parallel processing'' approach to pharmaceutical
product applications for good manufacturing practices inspections and
marketing authorizations, which should accelerate the entry of
innovative drugs into the market.
If confirmed, I will monitor these and other developments and
encourage prompt implementation of such provisions. I will also press
the Turkish Government to improve market conditions for the U.S.
pharmaceutical industry in Turkey.
Question. Since the beginning of the Syrian civil war, foreign
fighters and funding have flowed through Turkey and into Syria in ever-
increasing numbers to extremist groups, giving them a major advantage
over moderate, local, Syrian opposition forces. Many foreign fighters
moving through Turkey come from North Africa, Western Europe, and even
North America. Now there is a threat that these battle-seasoned
fighters could return from Syria, via Turkey, intent on attacking their
home countries. Furthermore, representatives of Syrian extremist groups
are operating from eastern Turkey, where they meet with wealthy
benefactors to raise funds.
What should the Turkish Government be doing to stem the
flow of fighters and funding through Turkey into Syria? How
will you engage with the Turkish Government on this critical
set of issues that pose security threats to the United States,
regional partners, and NATO allies?
Answer. This is a critical issue for the United States and Turkey,
as well as for the ``source'' countries from which foreign fighters are
departing and then returning. Turkey faces particular challenges as
violent extremists take advantage of its geographical location and high
volume of legitimate travelers. As the conflict in Syria has continued,
the increasing threat from violent extremists has prompted stronger
action by the Turkish Government to counter foreign fighters traveling
or moving money across its borders. For example, the Turkish Government
is working to tighten entry and exit controls. The Turkish Government
has also made significant progress in implementing terrorist
designations.
If confirmed, I will continue our ongoing dialogue with Turkey to
strengthen and intensify collective action to counter the threat posed
by foreign fighters. I will also urge more focused, intense efforts to
cut off financial flows to terrorist organizations through continued
work with the multilateral Financial Action Task Force (FATF).
Finally, I will work to ensure that U.S Government agencies present
in Turkey--including the Departments of Homeland Security, Justice, and
Defense--are continuing to provide advice and technical expertise to
help the Turkish Government share information about suspected or
designated extremists and further strengthen border security.
Question. In March 2009, Assistant Secretary of State Phil Gordon,
in response to a question I asked at his confirmation hearing before
the Foreign Relations Committee, expressed his hope that the Turkey-
Armenia border would be opened by October 2009. Today, nearly 5 years
later, Turkey has refused to end its blockade of landlocked Armenia.
In the past year, what adjustments has the executive branch
made to its approach and policies to accomplish our repeatedly
stated interest in seeing Turkey open this border? What
progress can you report on this issue? Do you believe that
Turkey's nearly 20 year strategy of blockading Armenia has been
effective?
Answer. Both Turkey and Armenia are important friends and partners
of the United States, and improving bilateral relations between them is
an important priority for the administration. The status quo is
unsustainable and detrimental to Turks and Armenians. It does not serve
the interests of either society or contribute to stability across the
region. Both countries would benefit from reopening the border.
Increasing direct trade and contact between the two peoples would
foster greater trust and understanding, and would help facilitate the
necessary reconciliation between these two nations.
The administration has been focused on this goal for many years.
Despite our best efforts, progress has unfortunately been limited, with
fewer advances than we would have liked to achieve. In the last year,
the administration has stepped up support and encouragement of
government-to-government discussions. We have also sought new ways to
actively promote greater people-to-people contacts and partnerships as
well as other cross-border and regional initiatives. We will continue
our efforts to build and expand commercial, social, and cultural ties
between Turks and Armenians in order to foster good will and
understanding, and to encourage their governments to reconcile their
past and normalize relations.
The countries of the South Caucasus region are increasingly
important strategic security and commercial partners for the United
States and Europe. Armenia's full integration into the region remains a
focus of U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed, I will work closely with
colleagues in Yerevan and in Washington to promote normalization of
Turkish-Armenian relations, including by reopening their shared border,
which remains key to providing people in both countries with the
stability and prosperity they deserve.
Question. What specific actions will you take, if confirmed, to
mark the 100th anniversary of the Armenian genocide?
Answer. As the 100th anniversary of one of the worst atrocities of
the 20th century approaches, Turkey must be proactive in seeking to
come to terms with its past. If confirmed, I will personally encourage
Turkish leaders to take meaningful steps toward reconciliation. The
administration acknowledges the Meds Yeghern and mourns for the 1.5
million Armenians who were massacred or marched to their death in the
final days of the Ottoman Empire. U.S. Government officials have
commemorated this tragedy at Remembrance Day events in Washington and
Yerevan, as well as in Istanbul, where the largest and most public
event in Turkey takes place.
If confirmed, I would ensure senior-level representation by our
mission to Turkey at such commemoration events. I would also do
everything I could to advance concretely President Obama's call for ``a
full, frank, and just acknowledgement of the facts.'' In advance of
this important anniversary year, I would seek opportunities to support
publicly the courageous steps taken by Armenian and Turkish individuals
to engage in honest dialogue about their shared history. Finally, I
would be happy to provide briefings to Congress on the status of these
efforts and discuss additional steps that might also stimulate further
progress.
Question. What assistance can you provide to American citizens who
are the heirs of victims and survivors of the Armenian Genocide with
respect to their legal claims to property?
Answer. Though the U.S. Government is not a party to these cases,
we continue to follow closely developments in the litigation.
California's courts have dismissed several cases filed by Armenian
descendants on procedural grounds, but some litigation remains pending.
We recognize these cases are more than just legal claims for the
heirs of victims and survivors of the tragic events of 1915; they
represent a deep and passionate search for resolution of one of the
worst atrocities of the 20th century. These cases are also a stark
reminder of the importance of ongoing U.S. Government efforts to
encourage the Turkish and Armenian people and governments to heal the
wounds of the past. If confirmed, I would seek to intensify support for
the ongoing reconciliation efforts between these two nations, to allow
them to move forward together toward a future relationship grounded in
security and prosperity.
Question. What will you do to promote free speech about the
Armenian Genocide within Turkey and end the gag-rule to allow their own
history to be discussed freely?
Answer. I share your commitment to supporting freedom of
expression, as democracies are strengthened by diverse voices in the
public sphere. If confirmed, I will be a champion for this and other
universal values, as I was during my tenure as U.S. Ambassador to
Georgia, and urge the Turkish Government to demonstrate full respect
for its citizens' right to engage in open debate and free discussion
without fear of retribution.
The Department of State has supported civil society and people-to-
people initiatives to encourage reconciliation between Turkey and
Armenia, including programs that further the President's call for ``a
full, frank, and just acknowledgement of the facts'' regarding the
tragic events in 1915. The upcoming 2015 anniversary of the Meds
Yeghern presents an opportunity for Turkey to expand the political
space for dialogue on this issue and chart a new course for the future.
Both Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan and Foreign Minister Davutoglu have
taken helpful steps in this direction in the last year, acknowledging
the events of 1915 were ``wrong'' and ``inhumane,'' and offering
condolences for the lives that were lost. This was the first time in
history that Turkish leaders have publicly made such statements.
If confirmed, I would encourage Turkish leaders to build off these
statements and engage further in honest and open dialogue. I would also
pursue opportunities to highlight the human dimension of this tragedy,
including by continuing our current practice of meeting with courageous
individuals in Turkey who are working to move forward the conversation
about these countries' shared history.
______
Response of Kevin F. O'Malley to Question
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. The International Fund for Ireland (IFI) promotes
economic development and reconciliation in Northern Ireland and the
border areas of the Republic most affected by the conflict.
Appropriations for the IFI averaged $23 million annually during the
1990s, and $18 million annually from 2000-10. Since FY 2011, funding
has fallen to just $2.5 million, with the administration asking for no
funding in its budget request.
How has this significant decrease in funding affected our
ability to promote development and reconciliation?
Answer. The United States continues to support Northern Ireland as
it works to build a strong society, vibrant economy, and enduring
peace. Since 1986, the United States has supported Northern Ireland's
movement toward a shared future of peace and prosperity with over $530
million in U.S. foreign assistance to the International Fund for
Ireland (IFI) programs. Through the years, the fund has contributed to
establishing stability and promoting peace and reconciliation in
Northern Ireland and the border counties.
Given significant budget constraints and the need to focus scarce
resources on the highest priorities globally, the administration did
not request funding for IFI in FY 2015. However, with the funding
provided from FY 2011 to FY 2013, and funding the administration
expects to allocate for FY 2014, the United States will meet an
existing $7.5 million commitment to the IFI's Peace Impact Program. The
Peace Impact Program is part of a commitment to a lasting and sustained
peace, targeting those communities in Ireland and Northern Ireland most
prone to dissident recruitment and activity.
If confirmed, I will make it my priority to continue the United
States support for the Northern Ireland peace process through
diplomatic engagement and cultural and educational exchanges.
______
Responses of Ambassador John R. Bass to Questions
Submitted by Senator Barbara Boxer
Question. If confirmed as the U.S. Ambassador to Turkey, you will
be Ambassador during the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide.
If confirmed, will you make participating in observances
within Turkey that commemorate the 100th anniversary of the
Armenian Genocide a priority for you and your staff?
Answer. The U.S. Government acknowledges as historical fact and
mourns that 1.5 million Armenians were massacred or marched to their
death in the final days of the Ottoman Empire. In recent years, a
senior representative from our consulate in Istanbul has attended the
April 24 commemoration event in Istanbul. This is typically the largest
and most public event held in Turkey on Remembrance Day itself, and
Istanbul is where the vast majority of Armenian citizens live in
Turkey. If confirmed, I will continue to make attendance at such
commemoration events a priority, particularly in light of the upcoming
100th anniversary of one of the worst atrocities of the 20th century.
Question. Despite death threats and intimidation, Turkish scholars
and writers have affirmed the Armenian Genocide.
If confirmed, will you commit to meeting with these Turkish
citizens who are risking their lives to urge their government
to openly acknowledge the Armenian Genocide?
Answer. Over the last several years, the Department of State has
supported civil society and people-to-people initiatives to encourage
Turkey-Armenia reconciliation, including programs that would support
the President's call for a full, frank, and just acknowledgement of the
facts regarding the tragic events in 1915. If confirmed, I will
continue our current practice and meet with individuals in Turkey
involved in these and similar efforts and support their courageous
steps to foster a dialogue that acknowledges Turkey's shared history
with Armenia.
Question. In your testimony, you mention the importance of
normalizing relations between Turkey and Armenia as a means to creating
a peaceful, prosperous relationship that will benefit people of both
countries.
How does the failure of the Turkish Government to openly
acknowledge the Armenian Genocide impede efforts to normalize
relations between Turkey and Armenia?
Answer. To achieve full reconciliation, Turkey must come to terms
with its past. While progress has been slow, there have been some
recent signs of change, such as remarks by Prime Minister Erdogan this
past April expressing condolences to the grandchildren of Armenians who
suffered the tragic events of 1915. The administration will continue to
encourage a full, frank, and just acknowledgement of the facts in order
to promote understanding between Turkey and Armenia. In addition, we
will continue our efforts in support of the normalization of diplomatic
relations between the two countries and the opening of their land
border. If I am confirmed, I will also promote government-to-government
discussions, as well as people-to-people, cultural and economic
contacts and partnerships. Such interaction begins to build trust,
which is an important step toward reconciliation. I stand ready to
support all such efforts in service of reconciliation.
Question. For two decades, Turkey has maintained its illegal
blockade of landlocked Armenia despite public calls by successive U.S.
administrations for an end to Europe's last closed border.
If confirmed, how will you work to end this illegal
blockade?
Answer. It has been and remains the administration's policy to
encourage Turkey and Armenia to reconcile their past and normalize
relations as a means of creating the peaceful and prosperous bilateral
relationship that the people of both countries deserve. The status quo
is not beneficial for either side, and both countries would benefit
greatly from increased direct trade and normal relations. Facilitating
Armenia's regional integration by opening its border with Turkey is a
priority for the United States. If confirmed, this would be one of my
key goals as Ambassador. I would work closely with colleagues in
Washington and our Embassy in Yerevan on this common objective,
including taking every opportunity in meetings with government and
civil society leaders to encourage greater dialogue. In addition, I
would continue to support increased cross-border cooperation between
the people of Armenia and Turkey through research initiatives,
conferences, and exchange programs.
Question. Will you commit to meeting with the Armenian American,
Greek American, Assyrian American and Kurdish American communities on a
regular basis?
Answer. If confirmed, it will be my honor and duty to serve as the
representative of the U.S. Government and fellow American citizens to
the Republic of Turkey. To that end, I look forward to regularly
working with American citizen groups of all ethnic backgrounds who have
an interest in our relations with Turkey, including and especially
Armenian American, Greek American, Assyrian American, and Kurdish
American communities.
______
Responses of Ambassador John R. Bass to Questions
Submitted by Senator Edward J. Markey
Ambassador Bass, if confirmed as the United States Ambassador to
Turkey, your tenure will coincide with the 100th anniversary of the
Armenian Genocide. Commemorating this anniversary will be greatly
important to Armenian communities around the world, including in Turkey
and the United States.
Question. How do you believe the United States can help advance
broader recognition of the Armenian Genocide in Turkey?
Answer. Over the last several years, the Department of State has
supported a number of civil society and people-to-people initiatives to
encourage Turkey-Armenia reconciliation. This includes programs that
support the President's call for a full, frank, and just
acknowledgement of the facts regarding the tragic events in 1915 which
resulted in one of the worst atrocities of the 20th century. If
confirmed, I will continue to promote these initiatives and explore
whether there are other avenues that could further reinforce U.S.
efforts to promote a full, frank, and just acknowledgement of the facts
and reconciliation between the two countries. I also look forward to
meeting with the courageous individuals in Turkey who are taking steps
to foster a dialogue that acknowledges Turkey's shared history with
Armenia. Turkey must come to terms with its past, and I stand ready to
support all such efforts.
Question. What role do you believe the U.S. Embassy and consulates
should play in marking this important occasion?
Answer. The U.S. Government acknowledges as historical fact and
mourns that 1.5 million Armenians were massacred or marched to their
death in the final days of the Ottoman Empire. In recent years, a
senior representative from our consulate in Istanbul has attended the
April 24 commemoration event in Istanbul. This is typically the largest
and most public event held in Turkey on Remembrance Day itself, and
Istanbul is where the vast majority of Armenian citizens in Turkey now
live. If confirmed, I will continue to make attendance at such
commemoration events a priority, particularly in light of the upcoming
100th anniversary of one of the worst atrocities of the 20th century.
Question. How do you believe the failure to properly recognize the
Armenian Genocide hinders the normalization of relations between
Armenia and Turkey?
Answer. To achieve full reconciliation, Turkey must come to terms
with its past. While progress has been slow, there have been some
recent signs of change, such as remarks by Prime Minister Erdogan this
past April expressing condolences to the grandchildren of Armenians who
suffered the tragic events of 1915. The administration will continue to
encourage a full, frank, and just acknowledgement of the facts in order
to promote understanding between Turkey and Armenia. In addition, we
will continue our efforts in support of the normalization of diplomatic
relations between the two countries and the opening of their land
border. If I am confirmed, I will also promote government-to-government
discussions, as well as people-to-people cultural and economic contacts
and partnerships. Such interactions begin to build trust, which is an
important step toward reconciliation. I stand ready to support all such
efforts in service of reconciliation.
Question. Do you agree with the accounts of U.S. diplomats,
including Ambassador Henry Morgenthau, who served as U.S. Ambassador to
the Ottoman Empire from 1913 to 1916, regarding the attempted
annihilation of the Armenian people?
Answer. I am aware of the history of the tragic massacres and
forced exile that occurred at the end of the Ottoman Empire, and with
U.S. policy during that period. Ambassador Morgenthau's accounts, and
the reporting of other U.S. diplomats, serve as important historical
records of these tragic events from various perspectives. The
individual stories of the tragedy are horrifying.
The U.S. Government acknowledges as historical fact and mourns that
1.5 million Armenians were massacred or marched to their death in the
final days of the Ottoman Empire. If confirmed as Ambassador, my role
would be to represent faithfully the President's policies, as it has
been in all of my previous assignments.
NOMINATIONS OF ERICA RUGGLES, GEORGE KROL, ALLAN MUSTARD, DAVID
PRESSMAN, AND MARCIA BERNICAT
----------
THURSDAY, JULY 17, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Erica J. Barks Ruggles, of Minnesota, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Rwanda
Hon. George Albert Krol, of New Jersey, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Kazakhstan
Allan P. Mustard, of Washington, to be Ambassador of the United
States of America to Turkmenistan
David Pressman, of New York, to be Alternate Representative for
Special Political Affairs in the United Nations, with
the rank of Ambassador; Alternate Representative to the
Sessions of the General Assembly of the United Nations,
during his tenure of service as Alternate
Representative for Special Political Affairs in the
United Nations
Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat, of New Jersey, to be
Ambassador to the People's Republic of Bangladesh
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2 p.m., in room
SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Tim Kaine,
presiding.
Present: Senators Kaine and Risch.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FOR VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. This meeting of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will come to order.
We have five nominees to consider today and forward to the
full committee for their consideration. I appreciate that we
have a little bit of a--some kind of a demonstration is
blocking a couple of the nominees from being here right at the
minute, but we will get started, nevertheless. I will do some
opening statements.
And I think I will just go ahead and tell you about all
five of the nominees in my opening statements, and then we will
begin with testimony from Ms. Ruggles and Mr. Pressman, and we
will allow the other three nominees to do their testimony when
they arrive.
First, congratulations to you, and to all five of the
nominees. It is an honor to be nominated to represent the
United States in the capacities for which you are nominated. As
a member of the Foreign Relations Committee, it has been a
privilege to work on the committee, and one of the things that
is so exciting is the opportunity to meet Foreign Service
officers of every grade and every capacity, both in Washington
and around the world. We are served very, very well by some
dedicated public servants, and many of them live in Virginia.
So, I want to make sure I say that right up front.
The five nominees that we have today for a variety of
positions are as follows: Marcia Bernicat to be Ambassador to
the People's Republic of Bangladesh; George Krol to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Kazakhstan; Allan Mustard to be
Ambassador to Turkmenistan; and then two witnesses who are
here, David Pressman, who is the Alternative Representative for
Special Political Affairs to the U.N., with the rank of
Ambassador, and an Alternate Representative to the Sessions of
the General Assembly of the U.N.; and Erica Barks-Ruggles to be
Ambassador to Rwanda.
I am chairing this hearing, as the Chair of the
Subcommittee on Near East, South, and Central Asia, where a
number of these positions are in that real estate.
A few words about each of our five nominees: Ambassador
George Krol is a career member of the Senior Foreign Service,
class of Minister Counselor, currently serving as the U.S.
Ambassador for the Republic of Uzbekistan, previously the
Ambassador in Belarus, with many other assignments in Eastern
Europe and Central Asia.
Welcome, to all of you. You came in quicker than I thought
you were going to come in. I am very glad to have you here.
Just starting the introductions.
Ambassador Krol has served much of his career in the former
Soviet Union, developing deep knowledge of the region, and we
are very, very pleased to welcome him here.
Ambassador Krol, welcome.
Ambassador Marcia Bernicat, who served previously as the
Ambassador to Senegal and Guinea-Bissau, and she was confirmed
by the Senate for those positions in 2008. Ambassador Bernicat
is a Senior Foreign Service officer who has 33 years of
experience. She is currently serving as Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State in the Bureau of Human Resources, and
previously she has served in many capacities, including
overseas postings in Barbados, Malawi, India, Mali, France, and
other positions.
Welcome. We are very, very glad to welcome you here.
Allan Philip Mustard is the most Senior Foreign Service
officer in the Foreign Agricultural Service at U.S. Department
of Agriculture, currently serves as Agricultural Minister
Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi, India. He has broad
experience in guiding economic reform assistance throughout
Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. An expert leader
and manager, he served twice in Russia and speaks excellent
Russian. He will be bringing essential skills to the task of
furthering bilateral relations with the Government of
Turkmenistan as it transitions to a market economy.
David Pressman is an American human rights attorney and
former aid to U.N. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright. He
currently serves as Samantha Powers' counsel at the United
Nation. David served as an advisor to Secretary Janet
Napolitano and chief of staff to the Deputy Secretary of
Homeland Security, also served as Assistant Secretary of
Homeland Security responsible for policy development on global
criminal justice issues. He was appointed by President Obama to
serve as the director for the War Crimes and Atrocities on the
National Security Council.
And finally, Erica Jean Ruggles is a career member of the
Senior Foreign Service, currently serves as consul general at
the U.S. consulate in Capetown, South Africa, a position she
has held since 2011. During her career, she has served as
Deputy to the U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., on detail as
Director of the National Security Council, and Deputy Assistant
Secretary in the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
She has also had postings abroad in Norway, India, and
elsewhere.
These five public servants have already demonstrated their
mettle in difficult positions and are well qualified for the
positions for which they have been nominated.
We are pleased to welcome you today. And what I would like
to do is just begin with opening statements from each of the
witnesses. I know you have submitted testimony for the record.
It will be accepted in the record, but please take the time
that you need.
We will begin with Ms. Ruggles, and we will work our way
across the dais, and we will then prepare for my withering
cross-examination. [Laughter.]
Ms. Ruggles.
STATEMENT OF ERICA J. BARKS RUGGLES, OF MINNESOTA, NOMINEE TO
BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF RWANDA
Ms. Barks-Ruggles. Thank you, Chairman Kaine. And thank
you, to the members and staff who are here today.
It is, as you said, an honor and a privilege to appear
before you today and to have been nominated as the next U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Rwanda. I am humbled by the trust
that has been placed in me by the President and the Secretary
of State, and I hope that you will also find me worthy of your
trust. If confirmed, I will work closely with this committee
and other interested Members of Congress to advance U.S.
interests in Rwanda.
I would like to start, if you would not mind, by
acknowledging the presence of--behind me, of my husband and
fellow Foreign Service officer, Taylor Ruggles. Without him and
without our family's love and support, I would not be here
today.
Mr. Chairman, I sit before your committee today an
embodiment of what so many people in so many countries admire
about the United States, the fact that, through hard work and a
good education, anyone in America can become anything they want
to be. In my 22-year career, I have seen people just like me,
from modest backgrounds, with hardworking families, who have
not had the opportunities I did simply because they were of a
different race, tribe, ethnic group, religion, or gender. And,
because of that, I have become a committed advocate for
ensuring that every individual has--the opportunities they need
to succeed.
Rwanda is a country that has been deeply riven by cycles of
conflict, tragedy, and survival. Although Rwanda is still
recovering from the 1994 genocide that killed more than 800,000
innocent people, Rwandans have shown that recovery,
reconciliation, and healing are possible, even in the aftermath
of a genocide that no one believed possible in our time.
More, however, needs to be done to secure peace and
democracy and further expand prosperity in Rwanda for the next
generation of its citizens. Since 1994, Rwanda has made
enormous progress in rebuilding itself by investing in the
health and education of its people, laying the needed
foundation for economic prosperity and sustainable growth. In
the past 10 years alone, it has pulled over 1 million of its 11
million citizens out of poverty, doubled GDP, and had economic
growth that has averaged over 6 percent.
Rwanda is working not only to create immediate short-term
jobs and employment, but to develop a vibrant economy by
meeting the basic needs of its population through building
roads, providing safe water, transportation, and health care.
Rwandan children have the highest primary enrollment rates in
all of Africa. For both boys and girls, Rwanda is on track to
achieve universal access to primary education by 2015, with a
primary net enrollment rate of over 95 percent since 2012. And,
unlike many countries in the developing world in which girls
have limited access to education, Rwanda's young girls are
enrolling in primary rates at above 98 percent.
To strengthen its economy, Rwanda has aggressively pursued
a privatization policy that encourages foreign and local
investment. It has diversified trade outflows and has worked
strategically to achieve its goal of developing into a middle-
income country by 2020 and becoming an important hub within the
East African community for regional financial services,
aviation, information technology, and tourism.
In addition to its economic progress, Rwanda has drawn on
its own tragic history to try to alleviate conflicts elsewhere
in the region. Rwandan police and troops are serving with
distinction in U.N. and regional peacekeeping forces in Darfur,
South Sudan, Mali, and Central African Republic. The United
States has worked closely with Rwanda since 2006 in this
regard, providing over $60 million in training, nonlethal
equipment, and logistics support to enable Rwandan deployments
in these missions.
The United States, in partnership with the international
community, has also supported real developmental change in
Rwanda. We remain Rwanda's largest bilateral donor, providing
more than $200 million in foreign assistance in fiscal year
2013, including $90 million through the PEPFAR program.
Although Rwanda has made much progress over the last 20
years, there is still much we can do to encourage and support
its development, particularly in the area of respect for human
rights and the rule of law, ensuring freedom of expression for
political activities and the media, and deepening Rwanda's
democracy.
If confirmed as Ambassador to Rwanda, I will continue to
urge the Rwandan Government to abide by its international human
rights commitments, including respect for the freedoms of
assembly and expression, which are crucial to the success of
any democratic system of governance.
If confirmed, I will also continue to encourage Rwanda to
play a constructive role in restoring peace and stability in
eastern Congo, including the full implementation of its
commitments to the Peace, Security, and Cooperation Framework,
the regional peace process, signed in February 2013. One of the
core objectives of that framework is the eradication of all
armed groups, including increased international regional
efforts to neutralize the Democratic Forces for the Liberation
of Rwanda, or the FDLR, as they are commonly known, a group
whose members include individuals responsible for the genocide
in Rwanda.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will commit all of my energy
and experience toward strengthening the relationship between
our two countries and advancing, to the best of my abilities,
the U.S. goals of a democratic, prosperous Rwanda that is at
peace with its neighbors.
Thank you, again, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to
appear before you today, and I will welcome your questions at
the end.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Barks-Ruggles follows:]
Prepared Statement of Erica Barks Ruggles
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, and members of the
committee, it is an honor and a privilege to appear before you today
and to have been nominated by President Obama to be the next United
States Ambassador to the Republic of Rwanda. I am humbled by the trust
placed in me by President Obama and Secretary Kerry in nominating me
for this position. I hope that you will also find me worthy of that
trust. If confirmed, I will work closely with this committee and other
interested Members of Congress to advance U.S. interests in Rwanda.
I would like to acknowledge my husband and fellow Foreign Service
officer, Taylor Ruggles. Without him, and our strong families' love and
support, I would not be here today.
Mr. Chairman, I sit before your committee today an embodiment of
what so many people in so many countries admire about the United
States--the fact that through hard work, effort, and good education,
anyone in America can become anything they want to be. I was born in
the Midwest and had never even been on an airplane until I was 18,
heading to university. As I did so, I felt the weight of ensuring I
made the most of every minute of my education to further myself as I
knew how much my family was sacrificing financially for me to go to
college. That education opened up the world for me.
In my career, I have seen people just like me--from modest
backgrounds with hard working families--who have not had the
opportunities I did sometimes simply because they were of ``another''
race, tribe, religion, or gender. And because of that I have become a
committed advocate for the need to give every child, every individual,
the respect and opportunities they need to succeed.
Rwanda is a country that has been deeply riven by cycles of
conflict, tragedy, and survival. Although Rwanda is still recovering
from the 1994 genocide that killed more than 800,000 innocent people,
Rwandans have shown that recovery, reconciliation, and healing are
possible, even in the aftermath of a genocide that no one believed
possible in our times. More, however, needs to be done to secure peace
and democracy, and further expand prosperity in Rwanda for the next
generation of Rwandan citizens.
Since 1994, Rwanda has made enormous progress in rebuilding itself
by investing in the health and education of all of its people, laying
the needed foundation for economic prosperity and sustainable growth.
It has pulled over one million of its 11 million citizens out of
poverty in the past 10 years, and doubled per capita GDP in that same
period. Economic growth has averaged over 6 percent for the past 3
years.
Rwanda is working not only to create immediate short-term jobs, but
to develop a vibrant economy by meeting the basic needs of its
population for potable water, roads, transportation, and health care.
Rwandan children have the highest primary school enrollment rates in
Africa. For both boys and girls, Rwanda is on track to achieve
universal access to primary education by 2015, with a primary net
enrollment at over 95 percent since 2012. And, unlike many countries in
the developing world in which girls have limited access to education,
Rwanda's young girls are enrolling in primary school at a rate of about
98 percent. Rwanda has also increased to well over 70 percent the
number of children staying in school to complete their education.
To strengthen its economy, Rwanda has aggressively pursued a
privatization policy that encourages foreign and local investment. It
has diversified its trade outflows beyond traditional exports of tea
and coffee to products such as pyrethrum
(a natural insecticide), hides and skins, textiles, minerals, and
specialty coffee. Rwanda is also partnering with foreign investors to
increase its capacity in the areas of technology, telecommunications,
and alternative forms of energy such as solar and hydropower. Rwanda
has worked strategically to achieve its goal of developing into a
middle-income country by 2020 and becoming an important regional hub
within the East African Community for regional financial services,
aviation, information technology, and tourism.
In addition to its economic progress, Rwanda has drawn on its own
tragic history to try to alleviate conflicts elsewhere in the world.
Rwandan police and troops have distinguished themselves as among the
most capable and professional contingents to support United Nations
peacekeeping missions in Haiti, as well as in regional and U.N.
missions in Sudan, South Sudan, Mali, and most recently, Central
African Republic. The United States has worked closely with Rwanda
since 2006 in this regard, providing over $60 million in training,
equipment, and, in some cases, logistical support to enable Rwandan
deployments for these missions.
The United States, in partnership with the international community,
has supported real, positive change in Rwanda. We remain Rwanda's
largest bilateral donor, having provided more than $200 million in
foreign assistance in fiscal year 2013, of which more than $90 million
is used to support the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief
(PEPFAR).
Though Rwanda has made much progress over the last 20 years, there
is still much we can do to encourage and support its development,
particularly in the areas of respect for human rights and the rule of
law, ensuring freedom of expression for political activities and the
media, and deepening Rwanda's democracy to permit peaceful political
discourse and competition. If confirmed as Ambassador to Rwanda, I will
continue to urge the Rwandan Government to abide by its international
human rights commitments, including respect for the freedoms of
assembly and expression, which are crucial to the success of any
democratic system of governance. As Nelson Mandela, that great icon and
statesman of South Africa said, ``To deny people their human rights is
to challenge their very humanity.''
If confirmed, I will also continue to encourage Rwanda to play a
constructive role in restoring peace and stability in eastern Congo,
including through full implementation of its commitments to the Peace,
Security, and Cooperation Framework, the regional peace process signed
in February 2013 that is intended to end the recurrent, devastating
cycle of conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo and its
negative impacts on the surrounding Great Lakes region. One of the core
objectives of the Framework is the eradication of all armed groups, and
this must include increased international and regional efforts to
neutralize the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a
group whose members include individuals responsible for the Rwandan
genocide.
I believe the broad range of experience I have gained in my 22-year
career as a Foreign Service officer will assist me in further advancing
our goals with the Republic of Rwanda. As the Deputy Assistant
Secretary in the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, and as
the Deputy to the U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations,
I dealt with many of the kinds of issues that I would face, if
confirmed, as the U.S. Ambassador to Rwanda. Having worked on Africa
issues on and off since 1994, I have followed Rwanda's progress--and
its ongoing challenges--with interest. My most recent posting in South
Africa has only confirmed for me the important role that strong,
independent democratic institutions--including independent courts, a
free press and a vibrant civil society--play in safeguarding
democracies and building more inclusive, more tolerant, and more stable
societies.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, if confirmed, I will
commit all of my energy and experience toward strengthening the
relationship between our two countries and to advancing to the best of
my ability the U.S. goal of a democratic, prosperous Rwanda that is at
peace with its neighbors.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you, Ms. Ruggles.
Ambassador Krol.
STATEMENT OF HON. GEORGE ALBERT KROL, OF NEW JERSEY, NOMINEE TO
BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN
Ambassador Krol. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you for
this opportunity to appear before you today in connection with
my nomination to be the next United States Ambassador to the
Republic of Kazakhstan. And I am honored by the trust and
confidence the President and Secretary Kerry have demonstrated
in me with this nomination. And, if confirmed, I will endeavor
to fulfill their, and your, high expectations of me to advance
our country's interests in Kazakhstan.
And I am also honored to be sitting here before you today
with my colleagues, with whom I have served and whom I greatly
admire for their professionalism and their dedication to our
country.
As a 32-year career officer of the United States Foreign
Service, I can think of no greater honor and privilege to serve
our country and represent the American people as Ambassador of
the United States. And I am grateful for the support and
inspiration my family members and friends have provided me
through the years. And I count on their love and support in the
future.
Encompassing the size--or, the territory the size of
Europe, Kazakhstan possesses immense natural resources and is
located at the crossroads of east and west and north and south,
and its population is young and increasingly connected with the
world around them. And, for the United States, our strategic
goals in Kazakhstan are to facilitate and strengthen
Kazakhstan's sovereignty and independence, its stability, its
prosperity, and its democracy.
Our strategic partnership with Kazakhstan has become
increasingly important as Kazakhstan assumes its rightful place
on the world stage as a country of consequence. From the
earliest days of its independence 22 years ago, Kazakhstan has
made numerous wise decisions. It gave up its Soviet-legacy
nuclear arsenal, which, at the time, was the fourth-largest in
the world, and has become a leader in nonproliferation efforts
around the world. And, from the beginning, Kazakhstan has
pursued economic reform, and, as a result, is now a middle-
income nation with the most advanced economy in the region.
Kazakhstan has also actively promoted trade links east and west
and north and south, and shares our vision of developing a New
Silk Road to connect Central and South Asia.
Another wise early decision was to send many of its young
citizens abroad for education, which is an investment that
should pay off handsomely in both the public and private
sectors of Kazakhstan.
Long a provider of humanitarian and development assistance
in Afghanistan, as well as being an integral part of the
northern distribution network into Afghanistan, Kazakhstan is
now standing up, in collaboration with our own USAID, its own
international development body, called KazAID.
And, in short, Mr. Chairman, Kazakhstan is a country with
which the United States can work. United States investment in
Kazakhstan has grown to roughly $31 billion, making Kazakhstan
our most important economic partner in the region. We have
expanded our ties in the security sphere and in the areas of
economic reform, education, and growth of Kazakhstan's civil
society. And, if confirmed, I would use my diplomatic
experience in the Central Asian region, where I now serve as
Ambassador to Uzbekistan, and previously as Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State, to lead our mission in advancing our
growing engagement with Kazakhstan in pursuit of our broad
national interests, which are: strengthening long-term
stability in Central Asia and the world, promoting American
business, encouraging respect for universal human rights, and
preventing any threats to our national security from emerging
in this region.
Mr. Chairman, mutual interests and mutual respect underlie
our relations with Kazakhstan, and only the people of
Kazakhstan can, and should, freely determine their future
development without outside interference or pressure.
Respecting Kazakhstan's traditions and transition from its
Soviet past, our approach is not to dictate to Kazakhstan its
path of development, but to provide the people of Kazakhstan a
strong example of a prosperous, rule-based democracy on which
to build durable economic, social, and political stability. The
choice will be Kazakhstan's to make, but the United States will
always be a reliable, principled influence and partner for
Kazakhstan's efforts to advance market reform and to develop
into a free democratic society respectful of the rights and
choices of its citizens.
As a current Ambassador and a U.S. taxpayer, I also
understand the importance of being a responsible steward of the
public trust, of public funds, property, programs, and
personnel. And I recognize that security of the mission and its
personnel is one of the highest priorities of any Ambassador,
as is ensuring that the mission is a place where no one should
ever suffer from discrimination, harassment, or exploitation of
any sort. If confirmed, I would maintain these high standards
of ethical conduct, fiscal responsibility, and security for our
mission in Kazakhstan.
Mr. Chairman, I have spent most of my adult life in the
diplomatic profession, and I have learned that the key to
successful diplomacy is establishing and maintaining effective
relationships. Clear communication is essential. At the end of
the day, it is all about trust. This applies not only to
engagement with foreign governments and societies, but also to
engagement with Congress. And, if confirmed, I will always be
available to this committee, its members and its staff, to
discuss and work with you in pursuit of our national interests
in Kazakhstan.
Again, I thank you for this opportunity and look forward to
your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Krol follows:]
Prepared Statement of George A. Kro
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and other members of the committee.
Thank for you for the opportunity to appear before you today in
connection with my nomination to be the next United States Ambassador
to the Republic of Kazakhstan.
I am honored by the trust and confidence the President and
Secretary Kerry have demonstrated in me with this nomination. If
confirmed, I will endeavor to fulfill their and your high expectations
of me to advance our country's interests in Kazakhstan.
As a 32-year career officer of the U.S. Foreign Service and as an
American citizen, I can think of no greater honor and privilege than to
serve our country and represent the American people as Ambassador of
the United States. I am grateful also for the support and inspiration
my family members and friends have provided me through my years of
service to our Nation and I count on their love and support in the
future.
Encompassing a territory the size of Europe, Kazakhstan possesses
immense natural resources and is located at the crossroads of east and
west, north and south. Its population is young and increasingly
connected with the world around them. For the United States, our
strategic goals are to facilitate and strengthen Kazakhstan's
sovereignty and independence, its stability, its prosperity and its
democracy.
Our Strategic Partnership with Kazakhstan has become increasingly
important as Kazakhstan takes its rightful place on the world stage as
a country of consequence. From the earliest days of its independence 22
years ago, Kazakhstan has made wise decisions. It gave up its Soviet-
legacy nuclear arsenal, which at the time was the fourth-largest in the
world, and has become a world leader in nonproliferation. From the
beginning, Kazakhstan has emphasized economic reform and, as a result,
is now a middle-level-income nation with a financial system that
largely meets international standards. Another wise, early decision was
to provide international education for many of its young citizens, an
investment that has paid off handsomely in both the public and private
sectors of Kazakhstan. Long a provider of humanitarian and development
assistance for Afghanistan, Kazakhstan is now standing up, in
collaboration with our own USAID, its own international development
body, KAZAid. This is a country the United States can work with.
United States investment in Kazakhstan has grown to roughly $31
billion, making Kazakhstan our most important economic partner in the
region. We have also expanded our ties in the security sphere and in
the areas of education and growth of Kazakhstan's civil society.
Kazakhstan has been a generous partner in Afghanistan and a vital
link in the Northern Distribution Network, and is a strong supporter of
building greater transport and commercial links across the region and
beyond. Kazakhstan has also directly supported international efforts
regarding Iran's nuclear program and has been not only a responsible
partner but also a world leader in global nonproliferation efforts,
having given up at its independence what was, at the time, the fourth-
largest nuclear arsenal in the world. As Kazakhstan increases its role
and voice in regional and international affairs, the United States
wishes to be Kazakhstan's trusted strategic partner.
If confirmed, I would intend to use diplomatic experience in the
Central Asia region where I now serve as Ambassador to Uzbekistan and
previously as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, as well as my
interagency contacts, to lead our mission team in advancing our growing
engagement with Kazakhstan in pursuit of our broader national interests
of strengthening long-term stability in the Central Asia region and the
world, promoting American economic and business interests, encouraging
respect for universal human rights and preventing any threats to our
national security emerging from this region.
Mutual interest and mutual respect underlie our relations with
Kazakhstan. Only the people of Kazakhstan can and should freely
determine their future development without outside interference or
pressure.
Respecting Kazakhstan's traditions and transition from its Soviet
past, our approach is not to dictate to Kazakhstan its path of
development but to provide the people of Kazakhstan a strong example of
a prosperous, rule-based democracy on which to build durable economic,
social and political stability.
The choice will be Kazakhstan's to make, but the United States will
always be a reliable principled influence and partner for Kazakhstan's
efforts to advance market reform and to develop into a free, democratic
society respectful of the rights and choices of its citizens.
Having served as an ambassador twice before, and as a U.S.
taxpayer, I understand the importance of being a responsible steward of
the public trust, of public funds, property, programs, and personnel.
Security of the mission and all its personnel is one of the highest
priorities for any ambassador as is ensuring that the mission is a
place where no one should ever suffer from discrimination, harassment
or exploitation of any sort. If confirmed, I would maintain these high
standards of ethical conduct and security for our missions in
Kazakhstan.
Mr. Chairman, I have spent most of my adult life in the diplomatic
profession. I have learned that the key to successful diplomacy is
establishing and maintaining effective relationships. Clear
communication is essential.
At the end of the day, it's all about building trust. This applies
not only to engagement with foreign governments and societies but also
to engagement with Congress.
If confirmed, I will always be available to this committee, its
members and staff to discuss and work with the committee in pursuit of
our national interests in Kazakhstan.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ambassador Krol.
Mr. Mustard.
STATEMENT OF ALLAN P. MUSTARD, OF WASHINGTON, NOMINEE TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO TURKMENISTAN
Mr. Mustard. Chairman Kaine, it is a great honor to appear
before you today, sir, as the nominee to serve as the next U.S.
Ambassador to Turkmenistan. I am humbled by the confidence and
the solemn trust bestowed upon me by President Obama and
Secretary Kerry by this nomination. And, if confirmed, I look
forward to working closely with you and your committee to
advance America's interests in Turkmenistan.
The United States and Turkmenistan have a growing
relationship that spans a broad range of issues, from regional
security to energy cooperation to expanding economic
engagement. Our nations share an abiding interest in
Afghanistan's future, and Turkmenistan has been a strong
partner in contributing to Afghanistan's stabilization and
economic development, including by permitting humanitarian
overflights for our military.
Boeing and GE are just two examples of American companies
that have experienced great success in the Turkmen market, and
I believe there are many more opportunities to expand our
commercial relations.
However, our bilateral relationship is constrained by
significant human rights concerns, because the government seeks
to exert control over the lives of its citizens. If confirmed,
I will work actively with the government to address the full
range of human rights issues, including limitations on freedom
of movement, freedom of expression, undue restrictions on
religious practice, reports of arbitrary arrests and detention,
and torture of prisoners. I believe that the sign of a mature
bilateral relationship is one where we can have frank, open
discussion with our counterparts on issues where we disagree.
And, if confirmed, I will ensure that we maintain a
constructive dialogue with the Government of Turkmenistan
across the full spectrum of issues, even these tough ones.
The United States has made clear to Turkmenistan our
enduring support for its sovereignty and territorial integrity,
and the administration has also emphasized that U.S. interest
in the region is long-term. Turkmenistan has been an important
contributor to Afghanistan's rebirth, providing discounted
electricity, housing, hospitals, and other forms of
humanitarian aid to its neighbor. Turkmenistan is also making
major investments in infrastructure that will connect
Afghanistan to the region and open its economy to Western
markets. If confirmed, I will encourage Turkmenistan to
continue to provide all possible support to Afghanistan.
As Turkmenistan seeks to diversify distribution of its
significant natural gas reserves, the administration continues
to encourage Turkmenistan to move forward with the
Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India, or TAPI, Pipeline,
which could strengthen economic ties between Central and South
Asia. U.S. firms have the experience needed to put the
Galkynysh gas field, which would supply the TAPI Pipeline, into
production. If confirmed, I would use my decades of experience
in overseas commercial advocacy to support American companies
in their efforts to invest in energy projects in Turkmenistan
and, likewise, work with the top levels of government in
Ashgabat to ensure their clear understanding of international
energy projects and markets.
As noted earlier, the United States has a growing
commercial relationship with Turkmenistan, and American
companies are active across a growing range of sectors of the
Turkmen economy, including energy, agriculture, and civil
aviation. If confirmed, I will apply my more than 30 years of
analytical, marketing, and trade policy expertise to advancing
the interests of U.S. firms. I will also use my experience with
Russia's accession to the World Trade Organization to encourage
Turkmenistan also to join the WTO.
Mr. Chairman, I have spent 20 of my 29 years in the Foreign
Service at U.S. missions overseas. Through my experiences
abroad, I have come to believe that we make our greatest impact
on a country through direct engagement with its people. My
first job for the U.S. Government was as a Russian-speaking
exhibition guide in the U.S.S.R., explaining American culture
and our way of life to citizens of a one-party state with
state-controlled media and a command economy. Later, as an
agricultural officer, I was privileged to have opportunities to
drive deep into the hinterlands of Russia, Mexico, Syria, and
other countries, both to observe local crop conditions and to
talk to local residents about America and our democratic form
of government. These experiences proved to me the value of
outreach at the grassroots level. Public diplomacy programs,
educational exchanges, cultural programming, and engagement
through American Corner libraries embody and convey our most
cherished values and build enduring people-to-people ties that
are the foundation for so much of what we do. In a country like
Turkmenistan, which remains one of the most closed societies in
the world, public diplomacy efforts can have an outsized
impact. I will make these programs a priority, if confirmed as
Ambassador.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, I know that, if confirmed as
Ambassador, I will ultimately be responsible for the safety and
welfare of my Embassy colleagues and their families in a remote
part of the world. Their safety and the safety of all Americans
in Turkmenistan will be my top priority.
Thank you. I look forward to your questions, sir.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Mustard follows:]
Prepared Statement of Allan P. Mustard
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a great honor to
appear before you today as the nominee to serve as the next U.S.
Ambassador to Turkmenistan. I am humbled by the confidence and solemn
trust bestowed upon me by President Obama and Secretary Kerry by this
nomination, and, if confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
you to advance America's interests in Turkmenistan.
The United States and Turkmenistan have a growing relationship that
spans a broad range of issues, from regional security to energy
cooperation, to expanding economic engagement. Our nations share an
abiding interest in Afghanistan's future, and Turkmenistan has been a
strong partner in contributing to Afghanistan's stabilization and
economic development, including by permitting humanitarian overflights
for our military. Boeing and GE are just two examples of American
companies that have experienced great success in the Turkmen market,
and I believe there are many more opportunities to expand our
commercial relations.
However, our bilateral relationship is constrained by significant
human-rights concerns because the government seeks to exert control
over the lives of its citizens. If confirmed, I will work actively with
the government to address the full range of human-rights issues,
including limitations on freedom of movement, freedom of expression,
undue restrictions on religious practice, reports of arbitrary arrests
and detention, and torture of prisoners. I believe that the sign of a
mature bilateral relationship is one where we can have frank, open
discussion with our counterparts on issues where we disagree and, if
confirmed, I will ensure that we maintain a constructive dialog with
the Government of Turkmenistan across the full spectrum of issues, even
these tough ones.
The United States has made clear to Turkmenistan our enduring
support for its sovereignty and territorial integrity and the
administration has also emphasized that U.S. interest in the region is
long term. Central Asia stands at the crossroads of the New Silk Road,
connecting Asian and European markets, and Afghanistan is integral to
the effort to strengthen the region through economic cooperation.
Turkmenistan has been an important contributor to Afghanistan's
rebirth, providing discounted electricity, housing, hospitals, and
other forms of humanitarian aid to its neighbor. Turkmenistan is also
making major investments in infrastructure that will connect
Afghanistan to the region and open its economy to Western markets. If
confirmed, I will encourage Turkmenistan to continue to provide all
possible support to Afghanistan.
As Turkmenistan seeks to diversify distribution of its significant
natural gas reserves, the administration continues to encourage
Turkmenistan to move forward with the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-
Pakistan-India, or ``TAPI,'' pipeline which could strengthen economic
ties between Central and South Asia. U.S. firms have the experience and
expertise needed to put the Galkynysh gas field, which would supply the
TAPI pipeline, into production. If confirmed, I would use my decades of
experience in overseas commercial advocacy to support American
companies in their efforts to invest in energy projects in Turkmenistan
and, likewise, work with the top levels of the government in Ashgabat
to ensure their clear understanding of international energy projects
and markets.
As noted earlier, the United States has a growing commercial
relationship with Turkmenistan and American companies are active across
a growing range of sectors of the Turkmen economy, including energy,
agriculture and civil aviation. If confirmed, I will apply my more than
30 years of analytical, marketing and trade policy expertise to
advancing the interests of U.S. firms. I will also use my experience
with Russia's accession to the World Trade Organization to encourage
Turkmenistan also to join the WTO.
I have spent 20 of my 29 years in the Foreign Service at U.S.
missions overseas. Through my experiences abroad, I have come to
believe that we make our greatest impact on a country through direct
engagement with its people. My first job for the U.S. Government was as
a Russian-speaking exhibition guide in the U.S.S.R., explaining
American culture and our way of life to citizens of a one-party state
with state-controlled media and a command economy. Later, as an
agricultural officer, I was privileged to have opportunities to drive
deep into the hinterlands of Russia, Mexico, Turkey, Syria, Bosnia-
Herzegovina, and other countries, both to observe local crop conditions
and to talk to local residents about America and our democratic form of
government. These experiences showed me the value of outreach at the
grassroots level. Public diplomacy programs--educational exchanges,
cultural programming, and engagement through American Corner
libraries--embody and convey our most cherished values, and build
enduring people-to-people ties that are the foundation for so much of
what we do. In a country like Turkmenistan, which remains one of the
most closed societies in the world, public diplomacy efforts can have
an outsized impact. I will make these programs a priority if confirmed
as Ambassador.
Finally, I know that, if confirmed as Ambassador, I will ultimately
be responsible for the safety and welfare of my Embassy colleagues and
their families in a remote part of the world. Their safety, and the
safety of all Americans in Turkmenistan, will be my top priority.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Pressman.
STATEMENT OF DAVID PRESSMAN, OF NEW YORK, NOMINEE TO BE
ALTERNATE REPRESENTATIVE FOR SPECIAL POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN THE
UNITED NATIONS, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR; ALTERNATE
REPRESENTATIVE TO THE SESSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE
UNITED NATIONS, DURING HIS TENURE OF SERVICE AS ALTERNATE
REPRESENTATIVE FOR SPECIAL POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN THE UNITED
NATIONS
Mr. Pressman. Chairman Kaine, distinguished members of the
committee, I am honored to appear before you as the President's
nominee to serve as the Alternate Representative for Special
Political Affairs at the United Nations. I am grateful to
President Obama, Secretary Kerry, and Ambassador Power for this
opportunity and for their confidence in me.
I would like, if I could, to briefly acknowledge the
members of my family, who are spread out across the country
from San Diego to New York watching this hearing. In
particular, my twin boys, Conrad and Ezra, who are 18 months
old, who are at home in New York with my partner, Daniel. They
are the lights of my lives. And when you have twins, you are
constantly exercising your multilateral diplomacy muscles at
all times. [Laughter.]
Mr. Chairman, I have dedicated my professional life to
public service at the State Department under two Presidents, as
a human rights advocate and attorney, and as an Assistant
Secretary at the Department of Homeland Security. I served in
the Multilateral Affairs Directorate of the National Security
Council, and, since last fall, have served as the counselor to
Ambassador Power at the U.S. Mission to the United Nations. I
have had the chance to work with, around, and for the U.N. I
have seen both its promise and its success, as well as its
failures and its shortcomings. I have looked into the eyes of
displaced and desperate people who counted on protection from
nearby U.N. peacekeepers, but who were instead left to fend for
themselves. I have also seen, however, the U.N. accomplish the
seemingly impossible; deliver vaccines, despite government
obstruction, to those who would otherwise perish; families
evacuated from aerial bombardments that would otherwise have
killed them.
From its founding almost 70 years ago, the U.N.'s record
has been a mixed one. The organization is far from the panacea
that some of its most fervent backers hoped it would become,
nor is it the failure its most ardent opponents feared. Its
record is truly mixed. It is both indispensable and it is
flawed. But, it can advance our interests; and, as such, we
must lead it, and we must reform it.
As our lives and our world become increasingly
interconnected, so, too, do the threats to our security and
liberty. Terrorists, proliferators, aggressors, cyber warriors,
criminals, traffickers, and peddlers of repression do not
respect borders. In responding to them, our efforts must
transcend borders, as well. And, while no country can lead as
effectively as ours can, it is not America's job to police
every problem, to solve every crisis. That burden must be
shared. And the United Nations, with strong and assertive
American leadership, can help us protect our interests and
promote international peace and security while more equitably
distributing the burden for doing so.
If confirmed, I would be honored to join Ambassador Power
in her determined work to make the U.N. more responsible,
effective, and efficient. That means ensuring U.N. peacekeeping
missions are well designed, properly resourced, and responsibly
led. It means ensuring that peacekeepers who are supposed to be
out patrolling and protecting civilians are not instead
hunkering down on their bases. It means ensuring budget
discipline, increasing transparency, and making sure that those
who seek to report abuse in the U.N. system can do so without
fear of retribution. It means ensuring that we live up to the
spirit of the U.N.'s own charter by putting an end to the
campaign of bigotry and discrimination directed against the
state of Israel at the U.N. It means ensuring that voices of
liberty and freedom are not muffled by noises of repression and
extremism at the U.N. We can, and we should, make the U.N. work
to advance our interests and security.
Because of U.S. leadership today, U.N.-backed and African
Union-led peacekeepers are playing important roles in repelling
terrorist organizations operating in Somalia while U.N.
peacekeepers are helping stabilize northern Mali against the
threat posed by al-Qaeda-affiliated and other extremist groups.
Because of U.S. leadership, the U.N. is on the front lines of
preventing regional instability by trying to end conflict and
curb suffering in Sudan, South Sudan, the Central African
Republic, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Because of U.S.
leadership, the United Nations helped lift Cote d'Ivoire out of
the arms of a strongman intent on defying the democratic will
of Ivoirians.
Mr. Chairman, in closing, let me just say that I believe we
can, and we should, use the United Nations to advance our
security, protect our interests, and promote our values, and
that, by so doing, we can make the world a safer, more just,
and more humane place.
It is to those ends that I pledge my best efforts, if
confirmed. And it is with gratitude that I thank you and the
members of this committee for the opportunity to appear before
you today. And, of course, I would be pleased to answer any
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Pressman follows:]
Prepared Statement of David Pressman
Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished members of the
committee, I am honored to appear before you as the President's nominee
to serve as the Alternate Representative for Special Political Affairs
at the United Nations. I am grateful to President Obama, Secretary
Kerry, and Ambassador Power for this opportunity and for their
confidence in me.
I would like briefly to acknowledge members of my family who are
spread out across our country from San Diego to New York watching this
hearing.
I have dedicated my professional life to public service--at the
State Department under two Presidents, as a human rights advocate and
attorney, and as an Assistant Secretary of the Department of Homeland
Security. I served in the Multilateral Affairs Directorate of the
National Security Council and, since last fall, have been Counselor to
Ambassador Power at the U.S. Mission to the United Nations.
I have had a chance to work with, around, and for the U.N. I have
seen both its promise and its success; as well as its failures and its
shortcomings. I have looked into the eyes of displaced and desperate
people who counted on protection from nearby U.N. peacekeepers, but who
were instead left to fend for themselves. I have also seen, however,
the U.N. accomplish the seemingly impossible: deliver vaccines despite
government obstruction to those who would otherwise perish; families
evacuated from aerial bombardments that would otherwise have killed
them.
From its founding almost 70 years ago, the U.N.'s record has been a
mixed one; the organization is far from the panacea that some of its
most fervent backers hoped it would become, nor is it the failure its
most ardent opponents feared. Its record is truly mixed. It is both
indispensable and it is deeply flawed. But it can advance our
interests, and as such we must lead it and we must reform it.
As our lives and our world become increasingly interconnected, so
too do the threats to our security and liberty. Terrorists,
proliferators, aggressors, cyber warriors, criminals, traffickers, and
peddlers of repression do not respect borders. In responding to them,
our efforts must transcend borders as well. While no country can lead
as effectively as we can, it is not America's job to police every
problem, to solve every crisis. That burden must be shared; and the
United Nations, with strong and assertive American leadership, can help
us to protect our interests and promote international peace and
security, while more equitably distributing the burden for doing so.
If confirmed, I would be honored to join Ambassador Power in her
determined work to make the U.N. more responsible, effective, and
efficient. That means ensuring U.N. peacekeeping missions are well-
designed, properly resourced, and responsibly led. It means ensuring
that peacekeepers who are supposed to be out patrolling and protecting
civilians are not instead hunkering down on their bases. It means
ensuring budget discipline, increasing transparency, and making sure
that those who seek to report abuse in the U.N. system can do so
without fear of retribution. It means ensuring that we live up to the
spirit of the U.N.'s own Charter by putting an end to the campaign of
bigotry and discrimination directed against the State of Israel at the
U.N. It means ensuring that voices of liberty and freedom are not
muffled by the noises of repression and extremism at the U.N.
We can and we should make the U.N. work to advance our interests
and our security. Because of U.S. leadership, today, U.N.-backed and
African Union-led peacekeepers are playing important roles in repelling
terrorist organizations operating in Somalia, while U.N. peacekeepers
are helping stabilize northern Mali against the threat posed by al-
Qaeda-affiliated and other extremist groups. Because of U.S.
leadership, the U.N. is on the front lines of preventing regional
instability by trying to end conflict and curb suffering in Sudan,
South Sudan, the Central African Republic, and the Democratic Republic
of Congo. Because of U.S. leadership, the United Nations helped lift
Cote d'Ivoire out of the arms of a strongman intent on defying the
democratic will of Ivoirians.
Mr. Chairman, in closing, let me just say that I believe we can and
should use the United Nations to advance our security, protect our
interests, and promote our values; and that by so doing, we can make
the world a safer, more just, and more humane place.
It is to those ends that I pledge my best efforts, if confirmed,
and it is with gratitude that I thank you and the members of this
committee for the opportunity to appear before you today.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Pressman.
Ambassador Bernicat.
STATEMENT OF HON. MARCIA STEPHENS BLOOM BERNICAT, OF NEW
JERSEY, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF
BANGLADESH
Ambassador Bernicat. Mr. Chairman and members of the staff,
I am honored to appear before you today. I would like to
sincerely thank the President and the Secretary of State for
the trust and the confidence they have placed in me as their
nominee for Ambassador to the People's Republic of Bangladesh.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce Kathryn Bloom White
and Luther White, my sister and brother-in-law, and Thomas
Darby, a dear friend with whom my sister and I share a proud
Jersey Shore upbringing. Not here today, my sons, Sumit
Nicolaus and Sunil Christopher, hail from the subcontinent,
and, like their father, Olivier, and me, have enthusiastically
called the world our classroom.
It is an honor to be nominated to serve the United States
in such a strategically important country at such a critical
time for our bilateral relationship. As the world's eighth-
largest country by population and third-largest Muslim majority
nation, Bangladesh is known for its moderate, secular,
pluralistic traditions.
With a consistent annual economic growth rate of roughly 6
percent, Bangladesh aspires to become a middle-income country
and is an increasingly important trading partner and
destination for U.S. investment. Strategically situated between
a growing India and a newly opening Burma, it is well
positioned to play a key role in linking South and Southeast
Asia.
Labor rights and workplace safety remain a top U.S.
priority. We need Bangladeshis to ensure there will be no more
heartrending tragedies like the Rana Plaza building collapse or
the Tazreen Fashions factory fire. With support from the United
States and other international partners, Bangladesh has begun
to make progress in transforming its garment sector. If
confirmed, I pledge to you that I will actively further our
efforts to strengthen respect for labor rights and to improve
workplace safety.
Bangladesh is on pace to meet many key U.N. Millennium
Development goals. Its development success story spans the past
two and a half decades, and the United States has been proud to
assist in achieving those successes. Bangladesh is the largest
recipient of U.S. assistance in Asia, outside of Afghanistan
and Pakistan. It is a focus country for three of the
President's key development efforts: global health, global
climate change, and Feed the Future. The United States also
works closely with Bangladesh to combat trafficking in persons,
mitigate the threat of natural disasters, strengthen
counterterrorism, maritime security, and peacekeeping efforts,
and combat trafficking in drugs and arms. I look forward, if
confirmed, to continuing robust support for these important
partnership efforts.
The strong U.S.-Bangladesh relationship allows us to
discuss our differences in a spirit of candor and openness. The
United States remains concerned about recent trends in
democracy and human rights in Bangladesh. The parliamentary
elections of January 5 were undeniably flawed, and Bangladesh's
main political parties urgently need to engage in constructive
dialogue that leads to a more representative government. We
remain gravely concerned, as well, about a tax on religious and
ethnic minorities, political violence, and extrajudicial
killings. If confirmed, I will work hard to support efforts to
promote accountability and strengthen human rights and
democracy in Bangladesh. We will work with the government,
civil society, and Bangladeshis of all walks of life to ensure
an environment that encourages the broadest and fairest
participation. I will, if confirmed, passionately advocate
policies that enshrine respect for human rights and diversity,
room for civil society to flourish, space for the free and
peaceful discussion of political differences, and adherence to
the rule of law by an independent judiciary.
The United States supports bringing justice to those who
committed atrocities in the 1971 war with fair and transparent
trials held in accordance with international standards. I will,
if confirmed, continue to support the right of civil society
organizations to operate independently and to express their
views openly. We also encourage the government to ensure the
continued effectiveness of Grameen Bank and protect its unique
governance structure.
The most serious responsibility of any chief of mission is
to ensure the safety and security of our staff abroad. Our
Embassy in Dhaka works closely with Bangladeshi counterparts to
ensure protection of personnel and facilities, which will
remain a top priority of mine, if confirmed.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your strong interest in South
Asia and the positive role that the United States can play. If
confirmed, I welcome the opportunity to work with you, your
committee, and other Members of Congress to advance America's
interests in Bangladesh and throughout the region. It would be
a great privilege to serve the American people.
I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Bernicat follows:]
Prepared Statement of Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today. I would like to sincerely thank the President and the
Secretary of State for the trust and confidence that they have placed
in me as their nominee for Ambassador to the People's Republic of
Bangladesh.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce Kathryn Bloom White and
Luther White, my sister and brother-in-law; and Thomas Darby, one of my
dearest friends since third grade with whom my sister and I share a
proud Jersey Shore upbringing. My sons, Sumit Nicolaus and Sunil
Christopher, hail from the subcontinent and have enthusiastically
called the world their classroom, as has their father, Olivier
Bernicat. It has been my privilege to serve the American people in
eight countries across five geographic regions over the past three
decades.
It is an honor to be nominated to serve the United States in such a
strategically important country, at such a critical time for our
bilateral relationship. As the world's eighth-largest country by
population and third-largest Muslim-majority nation, Bangladesh is
known for its moderate, secular, pluralistic traditions. With an annual
economic growth rate of roughly 6 percent each year, Bangladesh aspires
to become a middle-income country and is an increasingly important
trading partner and destination for U.S. investment. It is
strategically situated between a growing India and a newly opening
Burma, and therefore is well-positioned to play a key role in linking
South and Southeast Asia.
Labor rights and workplace safety in Bangladesh remain a top U.S.
priority. We need Bangladeshis to ensure there will be no more heart-
rending tragedies like the Rana Plaza building collapse or the Tazreen
Fashions factory fire. With support from the United States and other
international partners, Bangladesh has begun to make progress in
transforming its garment sector. If confirmed, I pledge to you that I
will actively further our efforts to strengthen respect for labor
rights and to improve workplace safety in Bangladesh.
Bangladesh's growth extends beyond its economy, as the country is
on pace to meet many key U.N. Millennium Development Goals. It has been
a development success story over the past two and half decades and the
United States has been proud to assist Bangladesh in achieving these
successes. Bangladesh is the largest recipient of U.S. foreign
assistance in Asia outside of Afghanistan and Pakistan. It is a focus
country for three of the President's key development efforts: Global
Health, Global Climate Change, and Feed the Future. The United States
has also worked closely with Bangladesh to combat trafficking in
persons and mitigate the threat of natural disasters, to which
Bangladesh, due to its geography, is particularly prone. I look forward
to the opportunity, if confirmed, to continue to support these
important partnership efforts. In addition, if confirmed I look forward
to continuing to advance our cooperation on strengthening security,
including on issues of counterterrorism, maritime security,
peacekeeping and combating trafficking of drugs and arms.
The strong U.S.-Bangladesh relationship allows us to discuss our
differences, when they occur, in a spirit of candor and openness. In
this context, we have noted the United States remains concerned about
recent trends in democracy and human rights in Bangladesh. The
Parliamentary elections of January 5 were undeniably flawed, and
Bangladesh's main political parties urgently need to engage in
constructive dialogue that leads to a more representative government.
We remain gravely concerned about attacks on religious and ethnic
minorities, political violence, and extrajudicial killings allegedly
committed by security forces. If confirmed, I will work hard to support
efforts to promote accountability and strengthen human rights and
democracy in Bangladesh.
If confirmed, I will work with the government, civil society and
Bangladeshis of all walks of life to ensure an environment that
encourages the broadest and fairest participation. I will, if
confirmed, passionately advocate policies that enshrine peaceful
democratic values, including respect for human rights and diversity,
room for civil society to flourish, space for the free and peaceful
discussion of political differences unmarred by violence, and adherence
to the rule of law by an independent judiciary. The United States
supports bringing to justice those who committed atrocities in the 1971
war, but those trials should be fair and transparent, and in accordance
with international standards. We will also continue to support the
right of impressive Bangladeshi civil society organizations to operate
independently and to express their views openly, recognizing that such
institutions play an important role in any flourishing democracy. We
also encourage the government to ensure the continued effectiveness of
Grameen Bank and protect its unique governance structure.
The most serious responsibility of any chief of mission is to
ensure the safety and security of our staff abroad. Throughout the
tense lead-up to and aftermath of the elections this past January, our
Embassy in Dhaka worked closely with law enforcement and security
counterparts to ensure protection of personnel and facilities, which
will remain a top priority if confirmed.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your strong interest in South Asia and
the positive role the United States can play as our government
rebalances to that continent. If confirmed, I welcome the opportunity
to work with you, your committee and other Members of Congress to
advance America's interests in Bangladesh and throughout the region. It
would be a great privilege to represent the people of the United States
of America.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Madam Ambassador.
And two prefatory comments and then I will ask questions.
And I am actually going to move in a different order than the
opening statements. But, I know, first, that all of us probably
have half of our mind on this Malaysian Air downing in the
Ukraine, and it is just--there is unreported--there is
unconfirmed reports that there may have been Americans onboard.
Under any circumstance, whether or not, this is a very, very
dangerous event, and our prayers are with the victims. But,
also, it points out the high stakes of the work that you all
are doing. The world is a very, very challenging place right
now.
And, second, on a happier note, I want you to each know I
was your agent this morning. I was at a nomination hearing for
General Dunford to be the next Commandant of the Marine Corps,
and I stressed upon the General the importance of the Marine
Security Guard Program. The Marine Security Guards who police
our embassies are trained at Quantico, in Virginia, and that
program is a very important one. It is been growing, in the
aftermath of the Accountability Review Board report that came
out following the Benghazi tragedy. You each mentioned the
security of your people and the safety of your people in your
statements, those of you who are assuming mission command, and
I know that that Marine Security Guard component is going to be
a critical ally as you go forward. And so, I wanted to make
sure that General Dunford knew that, of the many issues that we
care about with respect to the Corps, the Security Guard
Program is an important one. And I think he certainly, himself,
understands that importance.
Ambassador Bernicat, if I could begin with you. You
mentioned the flaws in the January 2014 election. And there was
a boycott of the election by the BNP, and other flaws. How have
these flaws, including that boycott, affected the, sort of,
legitimacy of the elections as it is perceived by the
Bangladeshi population? And, you know, what can or is being
done to try to resolve concerns and, hopefully, plan for better
elections in the future?
Ambassador Bernicat. Thank you, Mr. Senator.
We are very concerned that the current legislature contains
the majority of members who ran unopposed because of that
boycott. That cannot be a representative body of governance.
And so, we have pressed, we continue to press, from the day
after the election, for the establishment of an all-inclusive
political process that is free and fair, and free especially of
violence, because that has been, unfortunately, a hallmark of
the last year and a half, as well, in Bangladeshi politics, to
have Bangladeshis come to resolution and develop a government
that is more representative.
That said, at the same time, we have been able to work
effectively--and continue to work effectively with Bangladesh
on a whole host of bilateral issues of concern to both our
governments and the broader region.
Senator Kaine. Madam Ambassador, how concerned are you
about Islamist militancy in Bangladesh today? Is it a major
concern or is it an issue that is not too, sort of, imminent
and urgent?
Ambassador Bernicat. Sir, I have spent the majority of my
career serving in countries with either Muslim majority
populations or significant Muslim populations, and I would
simply say, Muslim population or not, absent a free and
representative government and economic system that allows for
broad participation, the risk for terrorism and the growth of
extremism remains high. And so, we can do no more good, I
think, in Bangladesh, than to continue the programs we have to
counter those trends. Bangladesh is on a very impressive
trajectory. Our job should be to ensure that that trajectory
continues, in terms of economic growth and reinforcing what is
a deep pluralistic tradition within the Bangladeshi people to
make sure that extremism does not grow.
Senator Kaine. Let me ask you about a couple of issues of
this kind of inclusion. There is a history of inclusion. We
want to make sure it continues. You mentioned the Grameen Bank
in your testimony--is Dr. Yunus still the subject of government
harassment, or not?
Ambassador Bernicat. He is no longer associated with----
Senator Kaine. Right.
Ambassador Bernicat [continuing]. Grameen Bank.
Senator Kaine. Right.
Ambassador Bernicat. And we have made strong
representations, and will continue to do so, that a proposed
law and any other actions do not undermine a governance board
that is run by the members, specifically women. We want to make
sure that the legacy that Dr. Yunus has given the world is not
undermined, because, of course, we have all benefited from the
microfinance model he began there.
Senator Kaine. The Senate has acted recently to pass
legislation--we passed a resolution last week, we have passed
another resolution this week--dealing with increasing
complaints about oppression of religious minorities in
different regions of the world. What are we currently doing to
protect religious minorities in Bangladesh? And are recent
incidents of violence against Hindus part of a larger trend or
seen as sort of, you know, unfortunate, but not necessarily a
trend?
Ambassador Bernicat. Well, there has been a general trend
of increasing violence--political violence, extrajudicial
killings--over the last year and a half. And religious
minorities have been among those targeted, but certainly not
exclusively targeted.
First and foremost, we have shown a light on this behavior.
We bring to the government's attention reports of these acts.
We publish them in our reports on human rights and on religious
freedom. And we are working with the government, as well as
asking the government, to be accountable for these actions, to
investigate them and then to bring the perpetrators to justice;
again, within the full framework of international standards of
justice.
Senator Kaine. I would encourage you, and all of you, in
this way. You know, there are--people ask about the influence
that America has in the world. And one of the ways we best
influence is by being exemplary. And there are a number of
areas where we are exemplary. And the religious pluralism of
American society, the fact that people can live next door to
each other, work together, you know, go to school together--
that if they had been in, maybe, original countries of origin,
they would be at odds. Instead, in the United States, it works
so well. Not that we are without flaws. We have flaws in every
area. But, this is really a great example. Journalistic freedom
is another example. We often think of these as sort of, you
know, kind of soft skills. But, they really need to be held up
as beacons in the world, because they are things we should be
proud of. And I think we can help other nations embrace
religious pluralism, as well. And I would encourage all of you
in that.
In the past, the military has played an active role in
Bangladeshi politics, kind of depending upon perceived threats
either to them or the threats they perceive in the country.
What are the prospects that the military will sort of be
intervening in to the political process in the future, as you
see it today?
Ambassador Bernicat. Right. Of course, the Bangladeshi
military has a long and proud tradition. We have a very active
security assistance program. Bangladeshis have--in fact, 88
Bangladeshis have lost their lives around the world in
peacekeeping operations in 25 different countries. We continue
to work and train with the Bangladeshis to reinforce human
rights, to impress upon the government that the government
intervening--excuse me--the military intervening undermines the
democratic process, that a true and republican military is the
best defense, if you will, for a democracy. And we will
continue to do that. There have been some troubling trends, as
you are aware, of military involvement in efforts to address
counterterrorism and other violence, domestically.
Senator Kaine. Madam Ambassador, we had a hearing yesterday
in the committee about the United States-India relationship,
and the timing was really to coincide with the beginning of
Prime Minister Modi's tenure. There was a lot of discussion in
the hearing about the India-Pakistan relationship, but not
questions, really, about the India-Bangladesh relationship.
Could you talk a little bit about that relationship, especially
in light of the new government in India?
Ambassador Bernicat. Yes, thank you for that question. I
have worked in or on India, dating back to 1988, actually. And
it is refreshing to see that Prime Minister Modi has reached
out to all of India's neighbors as his first acts. And I think
that those are very positive signs.
We share with India a desire for a region that is better
and more interconnected, because it is the least interconnected
region, particularly from an economic standpoint. And we share,
also, with India a desire to see Bangladesh be a strong
pluralistic democracy that is free of political violence and
that, of course, is stable. And so, we work constantly with
India, as well as our other diplomatic partners to that end.
And I think Prime Minister Modi's early actions are very
encouraging in that regard.
Senator Kaine. They certainly are encouraging, in terms of
his own actions; and they were received that way in Bangladesh,
as well.
Ambassador Bernicat. Yes. Yes, absolutely.
Senator Kaine. The last question I would like to ask you
is--you mention in your testimony the really significant and--
tragedy in Rana Plaza last year, and the other factory, as
well. What has the--and we had a hearing on this topic,
probably about a year ago on this committee, at Senator
Menendez's instance. What progress has been made in the last
year toward addressing some of these workplace safety, building
standard, and labor rights issues?
Ambassador Bernicat. Out of the most horrific garment-
industry tragedy ever in history has arisen an extraordinary
interagency and international program, or set of programs, to
address both worker safety and worker rights, in terms of the
ability to form unions and to have their grievances heard. In
the last year, we have come together as an interagency to
support these efforts within Bangladesh, and especially--I
think we have to give a nod to the private sector--there are
over 150 unions that have been registered with the government,
and there have been over 20 factories that have been closed due
to imminent danger of physical safety. The government has
opened a public Web site, although it has not yet uploaded the
data, regarding the inspection of factories, which is ongoing.
We are supporting efforts, as is the private sector, to hire
and train more inspectors. And we will continue to press in all
of these areas.
Senator Kaine. And, Ambassador Bernicat, when you mention
the private sector, that includes U.S. companies have been
actively engaged in this effort?
Ambassador Bernicat. Yes, absolutely, and we have worked
together with the International Labor Organization, as well.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you very much.
I will now move to Ambassador Krol.
I have had a number of meetings, both in the Foreign
Relations context--I recently met with the Kazak Ambassador to
the United States, Ambassador Umarov, and I have also met with
Kazakhstan military officials as they have visited us in our
Armed Services portfolio. If you would--your background and
work in this region is pretty important--talk about, to the
extent that you have--you know, you are sort of aware of this--
how have Russian-Kazak relationships been affected by all the
controversy recently in the Ukraine?
Ambassador Krol. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I believe that, like all countries that had been all part
of the one country, the Soviet Union, they are all looking and
watching as--what is going on with Russia and Ukraine very
intently. And Kazakhstan is one of them. Kazakhstan has a
particular relationship with Russia, a long border, about 20
percent of its population are Russian-speaking up in the north.
They are members of a Eurasian Economic Union, Customs Union,
as well as the Collective Security Treaty Organization that
they have. And so, they are very intimately concerned about
developments in that region. And I believe they do believe that
there should be a peaceful resolution with full respect for the
principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and
independence. And that is something that, I think, throughout
its own independent existence, Kazakhstan has been particularly
concerned about maintaining for itself. It exists in a very
important geostrategic place, between Russia, China, and then,
to the south, the rest of Central Asia, as well, and it wants
to maintain very constructive economic and political security
relationships with its neighbors, but based on the principle of
respect for its territorial integrity and its independence. And
that is something that, as an American policy, that we have
been supporting ever since we recognized the independence of
these former republics of the Soviet Union. And we were the
first to recognize Kazakhstan's independence.
So, yes, they are very concerned, and hope that this will
resolve itself in a peaceful way before their own reasons of
their own population, but for the entire region.
Senator Kaine. What is the current state of the Kazakh-
Russian relationship?
Ambassador Krol. Well, as I said, that they have a
strategic partnership, and they----
Senator Kaine. In these organizations that you mentioned.
Ambassador Krol. That is right, that most recently they
joined a--created a Customs Union with Russia, Kazakhstan, and
Belarus, and which has been turned into a--an Economic Union
that will--basically, it creates a--one customs space and--with
tariffs, and allowing, basically, a one market of the three
countries that are members of this union. So, they are very
much entwined with that. And, as I said, they are also members
of the Collective Security Treaty Organization that--of the
former states of the Soviet Union, and Kazakhstan is a member
of that, and they are engaged in maneuvers and have a close
security relationship, as well as in the air defense of the--
this space is also included in the Russia-Kazakhstan airspace
area, as well. So, it is a very close relationship and one,
however, that is--they feel has to be based upon respect for
their independence--political independence and territorial
integrity.
Senator Kaine. Kazakhstan has been a very strong partner of
the United States in all the work that we have done in
Afghanistan--military partner; it is been of significant
assistance in a northern route to retrograde personnel and
material. Kazakhstan has done a significant job in the
education of Afghani students, college students, and has done
that pretty significantly.
What--do the Kazakh Government have concerns about the
post-2014 transition of the U.S. role in Afghanistan? And how
could we work to allay concerns, if they have them?
Ambassador Krol. Yes, Mr. Chairman, that--even though
Kazakhstan does not have a border with Afghanistan,
nevertheless, they and other countries in the Central Asian
region are quite concerned about developments in Afghanistan,
because it can affect their security. They would not like to
see Afghanistan fail, and they would not like to see it to
become a platform for extremism or terrorism that can affect
their populations and their security. And that is why
Kazakhstan and other countries in the region have been
particularly supportive of efforts to stabilize Afghanistan
politically as well as economically, and that will continue.
We keep a very close consultative relationship with
Kazakhstan and other countries in the region to keep them
abreast of our policies and what we are doing in Afghanistan,
and in emphasizing the point that we are not abandoning
Afghanistan, that we are transitioning to another relationship
with Afghanistan that is equally important and that will be
even more engaged with Afghanistan in order to see it succeed
and stabilize as a unitary state. And that is what countries
like Kazakhstan are interested in hearing from us, and not just
hearing from us, but seeing that that is the case, but also
partnering with the United States and other countries to ensure
that Afghanistan will become and remain a stable state that can
be integrated into the larger economy.
Senator Kaine. What role is the United States playing in
any current efforts to try to encourage Kazakhstan to supply
energy to Europe via the Caspian pipeline system?
Ambassador Krol. Well, the--most of Kazakhstan's energy
resources go out through a pipeline that goes mostly through
Russia, and then there is another line that goes through China,
but they have also established a line that does go through to
Turkmenistan and also to build up the port of Aktau on the
Caspian Sea, which could be used for sending liquified natural
gas across the Caspian in order to reach into the pipeline that
goes through the Caucasus. There are--they can also do tankers
and things of that nature, as well, as they are developing the
fields that are in the northern Caspian region. So, that is
another part of their own desire to diversify their--as it
were, their exports of their energy resources to--through the
Caucasus, across the Caspian, as well as in the more
traditional directions that they have had.
Senator Kaine. I think you mentioned in your testimony the
bid of Kazakhstan for membership in the WTO. Could you talk a
little bit about the current status of that bid?
Ambassador Krol. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
Kazakhstan does wish to become a member of the WTO. The
United States wishes to assist it to become a member of the
WTO. And there have been very intensive technical discussions
between the United States and Kazakhstan on their WTO
accession. The fact that Kazakhstan is a member of the Customs
Union and the Eurasian Economic Union has added some technical
issues that have to be resolved, particularly on tariffs and on
sanitary--phytosanitary, that is--international standards that
we are working on with Kazakhstan. And so, it is a very active
issue that we are working on with the Kazakhstani authorities.
And we hope that this can be concluded relatively soon.
Senator Kaine. Could you offer kind of a current status of
human rights or democratization issues in Kazakhstan?
Particularly, I asked Ambassador Bernicat about religious
freedom. I would like your thoughts on that, as well.
Ambassador Krol. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
That the issues of human rights and religious freedom and
the like are issues that have been of concern of the United
States in Kazakhstan, not that this is an area that is an area
of religious violence and the like; it is just the matter of
encouraging greater openness in--and space in their society and
in their laws in order to recognize that people could have
choices in their religious beliefs and not to be so repressed
in being able to express their religious beliefs, as well as
their political beliefs, as well as their--as well as any of
the beliefs and choices that people would have in a free and
democratic society.
I mean, coming out of this 70-some years of being part of
the Soviet system, it is a very difficult transition of the
mindset that the people can be trusted to exercise
responsibility along with the freedoms that they would have.
And this is an area that we, the United States Government and
our agencies, as well as American civil society, wish to work
very constructively with Kazakhstan in developing this
atmosphere of greater space for civil society and respect for
religious diversity, as well as diversity across the board.
And, you know, if I am confirmed, this would be certainly a
very important element of my work in Kazakhstan, and it is,
again, a matter of trying to develop a constructive
relationship on these issues, and to move from concern--
expressing of concern to really seeing developments that are
effective, you know, on the ground and affecting people's lives
and opening up this space for civil society, for political
pluralism and religious pluralism.
Senator Kaine. I know, in 2011, Kazakhstan passed a
religious registration law requiring the registration of
religious organizations if they have certain membership at a
local level or at a national level. And the justification
asserted was a concern about religious extremism. Is there a
significant challenge of religious extremism as destabilizing
to the Kazakh Government, in your view?
Ambassador Krol. Well, right now I would say no, because it
is not an area that there has been a great deal of religiously
based violence. I think they are looking at a preventative
strategy of trying to prevent influences that could lead to
religious extremism. There have been some unfortunate examples
of suicide bombings and related events in Kazakhstan in the
recent past, and I think that has caused them to look at ways
how they can deal with this issue so it does not become a
greater issue in their society. And our encouragement is not to
repress, but it is basically how to deal with the issue of
preventing violent extremism by basically allowing greater
openness for people to express themselves peacefully in their
religious beliefs, as well as in their secular beliefs. And so,
that is an ongoing dialogue and activity that we have with
Uzbekistan--with Kazakhstan because of the importance of this
for the future to prevent this situation of developing, where
there would be more homegrown religious extremism and violence
in their own society.
Senator Kaine. We see this same, you know, delicate
balancing everywhere in the world. The concerns about terrorism
and extremism, you know, often--and often in a legitimate way--
create a need to try to control, a bit. But, if you do that too
much, then you may actually create the self-fulfilling prophecy
that a feeling of repression by the government can actually
make these problems worse. And, you know, trying to assist in
challenging circumstances in this is not an easy balance to
strike.
But, thank you for your testimony.
Ambassador Krol. Absolutely.
Senator Kaine. I will now move to Mr. Mustard, with respect
to Turkmenistan.
The administration has been pretty positive in its
description of Turkmenistan as I--the quote that I saw was ``an
enabler for regional stability,'' acknowledging the importance
of economic and humanitarian support, and also support, as you
testified, of the overflights to Afghanistan. How do you see
Turkmenistan's role changing in the region as we enter into a
new phase of our involvement in Afghanistan?
Mr. Mustard. Thank you for that question, Mr. Chairman.
I see Turkmenistan becoming somewhat more important than it
already has been because of the role that it has in linking
Afghanistan to Europe and to other parts of Asia, looking at
what Turkmenistan is doing, in terms of developing a railroad
that will establish links between Afghanistan and Tajikistan,
Afghanistan connecting to the main line going up into
Kazakhstan, also the gas pipelines that will allow Central Asia
to link to Europe as well as to other parts of Asia,
particularly South Asia. And then the New Silk Road Initiative
that would--really the biggest manifestation of that, Mr.
Chairman, is the TAPI Pipeline that would have with it not only
a gas pipeline, but potentially also a road network--railroad
network that would really open up Central Asia, including
Afghanistan, to new markets in South Asia.
So, I think Turkmenistan will become more important, not
less important.
Senator Kaine. Can you talk a little bit about the progress
either--on both the TAPI Pipeline, but also on any efforts to
look at more delivery of energy to Europe?
Mr. Mustard. On TAPI, the good news is that we do have the
intergovernmental agreement in place. The bad news is that it
seems to have stalled, at this point. So, one of my priorities,
if I am confirmed as Ambassador, will be to sit down with the
Turkmenistan Government and get TAPI moving again.
On the Trans-Caspian Pipeline, that is also a priority to
try to get the connection between Turkmenbashi Port and Baku
Port so that we can start delivering gas through that pipeline,
as well. These will all be priorities.
Senator Kaine. I will ask you the same question I asked
Ambassador Krol, which is, the events in Ukraine, for a country
that has been part of the Soviet Union in the past--I know that
they--that--you know, that that has to be a huge factor right
now in Turkmen politics--what is the current status of the
relationship between Turkmenistan and Russia? And how is the
Government of Turkmenistan looking at these unfortunate events?
Mr. Mustard. The Turkmen Ambassador to Moscow made a
statement, 2 days ago, to the effect that Turkmenistan
considers Russia to be a strategic partner, but does not intend
to join the Eurasian Union. So, it will maintain its policy of
positive neutrality and will not join into security agreements
or multilateral economic agreements.
In terms of the events in Ukraine, the United States
Government has made it clear to Turkmenistan that we support
Turkmenistan's sovereignty and territorial integrity, as a
matter of policy, and that will not change.
Senator Kaine. And talk a little bit about the current
relationship between Turkmenistan and China, if you would.
Mr. Mustard. China is now Turkmenistan's largest trading
partner and is the largest consumer of Turkmenistan's natural
gas. And, conversely, China is a very large investor in
infrastructure in Turkmenistan, not only in natural gas and in
other fossil energy, but in other infrastructure, as well. So,
it is a very large and growing relationship.
Senator Kaine. And, finally, the relationship with Iran.
That is also one of the largest markets for Turkmenistan. Has
Turkmenistan generally abided by the Iran sanctions regime that
we have put in place?
Mr. Mustard. Yes, sir.
Senator Kaine. That is--thank you for that.
Talk about current human rights, kind of, status issues in
Turkmenistan, any that you--will cause you concern or would be
areas of priority as you begin this position.
Mr. Mustard. The United States Government is very deeply
concerned about the status of human rights in Turkmenistan.
And, as I said in my opening statement, we believe that a
mature relationship allows for a dialogue about these human
rights issues.
Turkmenistan is a party to international conventions,
including the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights and the Convention Against Torture. And we will continue
to call upon Turkmenistan to observe the conditions of these
agreements and to ensure that all persons on its territory
enjoy the civil rights that are under these conventions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Mustard, I
appreciate it.
Mr. Pressman, your testimony about the U.N. being both
necessary and always vexing was very true. It is an
organization that would not exist, had the United States not
shown leadership in creating it, even in the mid-1930s, as the
League of Nations was collapsing. President Roosevelt realized
there would need to be a successor and started to lay the plans
for it before World War II delayed the plans. But, I still
consider it a real mark of pride that it was America that
recognized that we really needed to create such an institution.
That said, for reasons that you have described, and others,
we often scratch our head about things that the U.N. does. And
so, I appreciate your willingness to serve in this capacity.
Maybe just a couple of questions about it. One of the
things that is been the most discouraging, in this committee,
has been the repeated votes by China and Russia in the Security
Council to block what we consider as necessary action in Syria.
Last week was a good week. After a resolution promoting cross-
border humanitarian aid that was passed in February generally
had not produced significant result, because the aid was only
to be allowed at the approval of the Syrian Government, the
Security Council, last week, did a resolution that called for
the cross-border delivery of aid whether or not the Syrian
Government allowed it. That was a positive step. And the fact
that Russia and China voted for that after blocking similar
resolutions in the past was important.
But, it does raise the question about Security Council
reform. And I know there have been a number of, you know,
thoughts and ideas thrown around about reforming the Security
Council. What is the current status of reform efforts? And what
are your thoughts about what our policy should be with respect
to reform?
Mr. Pressman. Mr. Chairman, thank you for the question.
The United States believes that the Security Council and
the United Nations as a whole needs to--as one of the central
pillars of the international security architecture, needs to
reflect the changing world that we live in. As such, with
respect to the Security Council, the administration has
articulated the view that we are open, in principle, to a
modest expansion of the permanent and nonpermanent membership
of the Council. That said, with respect to the permanent
members of the Council, it is critical that we consider their
capacity to meaningfully contribute to maintenance of
international peace and security. We do not think it would be a
productive exercise to open up the veto arrangement. And these
conversations are sensitive, and they continue in New York, but
they are important to have.
Senator Kaine. Let me ask you about one area. I mean, the
United States has been a huge financial supporter of the U.N.,
but one area where we have been falling behind is in some of
our peacekeeping dues payments. Is that affecting our ability
to pursue, or effectively pursue, our interests at the U.N., or
is that issue of the dues for peacekeeping activities not
really a factor in the influence that we have?
Mr. Pressman. Mr. Chairman, the ability of the United
States to lead at the U.N. is directly tethered to our meeting
our bills and our responsibilities. We--by virtue of meeting
our--of not going into arrears in areas like peacekeeping, we
have managed to sustain and maintain greater leverage over
troop contributors, over the way peacekeeping missions are
shaped, ensuring that they are responsible and that they are
effective. So, it is critical.
Now, underlying the question, I recognize, is a concern
that many members of the Senate have with respect to how
peacekeeping budgets are going up and up and up. And, if I
could, Mr. Chairman, is--just reflect for a moment that we were
making increasing demands on the U.N. peacekeeping system, just
in the last several years, with several new missions that we,
the United States, has turned to the United Nations, because we
see peacekeeping as an effective and cost-effective way to
advance our own national security interests around the world.
That said, we also believe that the assessment scales under
which these things are calculated--and it is complicated with
respect to the regular budget and its relationship to the
peacekeeping budget--needs to reflect the changing world in
which we live in, as well. And these are negotiated at every--
3-year intervals. And, as we approach the next round of
negotiations in 2015, one of the things that Ambassador Power
seeks to do--and, if confirmed, I would certainly support her--
is try to ensure that the way that we are assessed reflects the
realities of a changing economy.
Senator Kaine. How confident are you that the peacekeeping
mission to the Central African Republic, which I guess will
deploy in September, will have the resources that it needs to
carry out the stabilization and civilian protection missions of
that peacekeeping effort?
Mr. Pressman. Chairman, the situation in the Central
African Republic is grave. It is extremely serious. Ambassador
Power has now visited the Central African Republic twice. I was
honored to travel with her on one occasion there. It is in--
because of U.S. leadership, we--and because of a multiplicity
of commands that were on the ground--you had a African Union
contingent, you had an EU contingent, you had a French
contingent--and because of the gravity of the situation and
U.S. leadership, we decided to go ahead and authorize a U.N.
peacekeeping operation, as your question reflects.
Your question also reflects an awareness that it is hard,
given the increasing demands on peacekeeping, to find the right
enablers and the right troops, particularly in a situation like
CAR, where there really is very little infrastructure that
preexists to support the deployment of troops. So, everything
is having to be built. We are--as recently as this week, the
Security Council was briefed on this. This is something we are
tracking daily. Ambassador Power has committed that, on
September 15, when MISCA, as it is known, the African Union
troop, transitions to MINUSCA, the U.N. peacekeeping operation,
that we are in as good a position as possible. I would--it
would not be fair to say I have great confidence that we are
going to be where we need to be on September 15, but we are
trending in the right direction.
Senator Kaine. And let me ask about another one, in Africa,
the importance of U.N. efforts to assist displaced civilians
who are seeking refuge in U.N. compounds in South Sudan. Talk a
little bit about the current status there.
Mr. Pressman. It is--Senator, thank you--the situation in
South Sudan is similarly horrendous and deeply concerning. I
mean, at present, we have approximately 100,000 internally
displaced persons who are hunkered down on UNMIS, the U.N.
peacekeeping operation there, compounds, because they fear for
their lives if they leave. In addition to that 100,000, we have
approximately a million other IDPs floating about South Sudan,
we have a famine warning that was--just went into place, which
means that those million IDPs are about to become a million
hungry IDPs.
So, the--what the U.S. has done with respect to the South--
the mission in South Sudan is really important, which is, as
the crisis emerged--the most recent crisis emerged, at the
end--December of last year--we essentially reformed, almost
entirely, giving it--almost doubling its authorized troop
ceiling and trimming back its pretty expansive mandate to focus
almost exclusively on protection of civilians and monitoring
human rights abuses.
That said, Senator, I think it is clear, to you and to
anyone who looks at the situation, that fundamentally the
parties--President Kiir and Riek Machar--need to actually live
up to their Cessation of Hostilities Agreement and perform the
responsibilities that they have said that they would. And until
that happens, we are going to be living in a very dire
situation, and the lives of civilians in South Sudan will
continue to hang in jeopardy.
Senator Kaine. How important is it, in your view, that the
U.S. continue its support for the U.N. mission and also the
French forces in northern Mali?
Mr. Pressman. Senator, it is critical. What--the Mali
MINUSMA, the U.N. mission in Mali, is an excellent example of
the United States using U.N. peacekeeping to help protect our
direct national security interests. We have AQIM elements
floating around in northern Mali. We have a situation where the
Government of Mali needs the international community's help.
There is, similarly--somewhat related to CAR, there is a
division of labor, so to speak, within Mali, in which you have
Operation French--the French Operation Serval, which is taking
a more offensive counterterrorism approach; MINUSMA, which is
trying to hold the large population centers to ensure that they
are--they do not become victims to the prey of al-Qaeda-
affiliated extremists. And, similarly, you have an EU
contingent on the ground that is working to build up the
capacity of the Malian Government to deal with this crisis.
This is important work, it is hard work, it is dangerous work.
We have lost U.N. peacekeepers, including recently, in this
effort, but it is one that the United States should--and, if
confirmed, I would look forward to the opportunity to continue
to--support.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you, Mr. Pressman, for your
answers.
And now, Ms. Ruggles, I will say that Senator Coons really
wanted to be here, for you and, to some degree, to pose those
last questions to Mr. Pressman, as well. He could not be here
today, but, as he waited, he thought, giving you a quicker
hearing might be more important to you than waiting until he
could come. [Laughter.]
So, I just will say that I am speaking with some passion
from Senator Coons, obviously, as well.
Your post is a very important one. You know, one of the--
you know, Rwanda has an iconic place in, sort of, our
collective memory and thinking about human rights issues in the
world, because of the tragedies that occurred there. Now, that
creates pressure to do very well, but it also creates a
wonderful opportunity. When there have been tragedies such as
Rwandans have been impacted by, then positives can also
generate, not only attention, but a sense of hopefulness. Well,
there may be other tragic or hard situations, but look what is
happening. And I like the fact that, in your testimony, you
focused on a number of instances--school attendance and things
like that--in Rwanda that are real positive news stories. I
think it is important that we point those out, because there
are other desperate situations in the world, where people would
want to see that situations that were desperate, or more so a
number of years ago, are now pointing in the right direction.
So, I think part of your task--not that I would advise you how
to do your job, but I think part of your task is to shine the
spotlight on positives in Rwanda, because I think that has a
benefit to the U.S. relationship with Rwanda, but I think it
has a broader benefit, as well.
Let me begin with political scenarios in Rwanda. President
Kagame's term expires in 2017. What are, sort of, likely
political scenarios, post the end of his term?
Ms. Barks-Ruggles. Well, the--as you point out, Mr.
Chairman--and I thank you for adding me to this hearing, and
please thank Senator Coons on my behalf, as well--the second
term for President Kagame expires in 2017; two 2-year terms is
the term limit in the constitution. And, at this point, it is
unclear how that is going to play out. This is the first time
that--under this constitution, that they will have had that
scenario. And so, one of the things that I will focus on, if
confirmed, when I go out there is making sure I am engaging in
a broad political dialogue with all the actors, civil society
as well as the government, to hear how they are planning for
those elections, how they are planning to handle the inevitable
contest that happens when you have the--have term limits. And I
look forward to having that dialogue, because I think it is an
important signal, both for the people of Rwanda, but also for
the region.
Senator Kaine. Talk a little bit about how you envision
your--division of responsibilities of your working relationship
with the U.S. Special Envoy, Russ Feingold, to the DRC in the
Great Lakes Region. Have you talked about this challenge? It is
not a challenge; it is a great opportunity----
Ms. Barks-Ruggles. Absolutely.
Senator Kaine [continuing]. To have you both working on
this mission.
Ms. Barks-Ruggles. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I have to say, I have the greatest admiration for former
Senator Feingold in his new role as special envoy. I think he
has taken a very difficult situation, 18 months ago, when he
first came onboard, and really dug in and worked with all of
the Ambassadors in the region, as well as all the regional
actors, to try and tackle some of the very, very tough issues
that are really the underpinning for the continued instability
in eastern Congo and throughout the region--the refugee flows,
the armed groups. And the inability to build those trust bonds
has been a real issue since 1994, since the genocide. And he
has taken that head-on. And the fact that he is now working
with all the governments on implementing--truly implementing
the Peace, Security, and Cooperation Framework Agreement that
was signed in February last year, dealing with the FDLR. They
have now agreed to a 6-month timeframe, with a 3-month
checkpoint half way through that timeframe, to begin the
process of disarmament of the FDLR. Now, that has to be taken
seriously by all governments, but, if they are--if we are able,
all of us collectively, to implement that, that will go a long
way towards getting rid of the instability, the continued
distrust between the governments in the region, of each other,
and tackling some of those underlying instability issues, much
as the defeat of the M-23 last year after the U.N. Intervention
Brigade was signed off by the U.N. Security Council, has led to
a lessening of the violence and an increase in the trust
between the various parties. It is far from a perfect world,
but he has been doing a terrific job.
I would view my role, if confirmed, out there as being one
of supporting his role and working as part of a team, because
we are going to need a team approach between myself and all of
the colleagues in the region, working with Senator Feingold, if
we are going to help the governments of the region build that
trust that we need for them to have to then build the economic
prosperity that they should be building across those borders,
and to be building the cross-border roads and transportation
networks that are badly needed to make sure that economic
growth actually comes to those regions.
Senator Kaine. One of the themes in all of your testimony,
and some of the questions with the four mission chiefs here,
proposed mission chiefs, is sort of the space for civil society
in the companies--in the countries that you will--where you
will serve. There have been some reports that that space has
been kind of narrowing in Rwanda. Talk about, kind of, your
perspective on that now, and what you believe you can do, as
Ambassador, to, you know, in the right pace, a right pace for
Rwanda, see that the space opens for civil society
participation.
Ms. Barks-Ruggles. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The existence of a strong, vibrant civil society, including
free media, NGOs, watchdog groups, is important and absolutely
critical for any democratic society. It is something that we
hold dear here, and it is something I have seen in my most
recent posting in South Africa, the huge institutional
importance of those groups, as well as strong, vibrant
political opposition parties to make sure that there is that
political dialogue.
And, if I am confirmed, one of the things that I will
commit to is working with all the various actors across Rwanda
to help encourage that kind of dialogue, because they do have a
lot to deal with from their past. A huge amount of distrust
from--arising from the genocide, which is still fairly recent,
only 20 years--and recognizing that, and helping them think
about, ``How do you work through that dialogue?''--I would view
this as part of my role, but also hearing from everybody their
concerns and how they can move forward as they are now turning
to the next generation. Their youngest--their younger
generation was born after the genocide, and they do not come
carrying all of that baggage. Maybe some of it, but not all of
it. And helping them figure out how to work through that, I
view very much as part of our role, as you said, as an
exemplar, the United States being the exemplar to others.
Senator Kaine. One of the things that interests me as I
travel for Foreign Relations is the degree to which, in
countries where there has been significant sectarian schisms--
and the genocide in Rwanda would be the most extreme, certainly
more extreme than countries I have visited--but, to what degree
in a nation's military are they able to integrate throughout
the military, at every level, leadership to, you know, the
first day enlisted, a real pluralistic and inclusive sense? How
cohesive--are you aware of, sort of, this issue within the
military in Rwanda, and their capabilities? But, in a way,
more--I am just kind of more interested in how cohesive the
military is across these schisms that still are fresh with many
people.
Ms. Barks-Ruggles. Mr. Chairman, I do not have an ethnic
breakdown of the military, but what I will tell you is that the
Rwandan military and police force have both been very
professional, extraordinarily good partners for us. In
peacekeeping missions, they have stepped up to the plate in
tough places, like CAR, where we were having problems, and come
in with the Africa Union mission to stabilize--help stabilize
the situation there; similarly in AMISOM in Somalia. And they
have been one of the groups that has been the most flexible in
saying, ``We will join a regional force and then go over to a
Blue Hat.'' And the level of professionalism they have
exhibited, and cohesiveness that they have exhibited, has--is
really extraordinary.
So, as a cohesive military unit, they work very well
together. I would have to get back to you on the ethnic
breakdown.
Senator Kaine. No, that is good evidence, though, I mean,
if they are able to work together in tough circumstances. If
there was a lot of internal morale challenges, that would
demonstrate itself in performance. And so, I am happy to hear
your perception of their effectiveness in these operations.
Just one last thing, just kind of educate myself. Main
strengths and weaknesses to the current Rwandan economy.
Ms. Barks-Ruggles. The main strengths and weaknesses. They
have a great record of economic growth, but from a very low
base. So, keeping that going, and making sure that they are
actually taking what has been extraordinary reforms to make
themselves open for business, if you will--they are considered
number one by the World Bank now in the sub-Saharan Africa, for
the ease of doing business--and building upon that and taking
that to the next level. So, from a high level of growth from a
low base, and turning that into, now, the middle-income country
they aspire to be.
One of the areas where they have been really focusing on is
Internet technology and renewable energy. We have a $325
million methane gas investment from a U.S. corporation there,
and another large renewable energy investment that is going in
there. And I think all those are signs that they are taking
seriously how to move their economy into the 21st century.
However, 70 percent of their population still depends, at
least in large part, on subsistence agriculture for their
income. And so, learning how to take that and turn that into a
much more market-oriented agricultural economy and pushing
entrepreneurship so that people can come off the subsistence
farming and start growing those small businesses that grow
jobs, is going to be their challenge for the coming two
decades.
Senator Kaine. Thank you for that testimony.
All you have all demonstrated great competence and
professionalism in your answers, very thoughtful answers. And
we would be lucky to have all of you, with your expertise,
serving in the capacities for which you have been nominated.
Again, I say what I said at the start of the hearing, the
opportunity, as a member of the committee, to visit our
personnel--Foreign Service personnel abroad, whether it is
people on their first tour or whether it is seasoned
professionals like you all are, is always--I always walk away
from those, very impressed with the work that is done. And I
know a lot of Americans probably think of Foreign Service as
just--what a super-glamorous profession. And it has its
glamour, and it has its unique opportunities to consider the
world your classroom. But, there is also a great degree of
sacrifice--moving repeatedly, changing jobs--that is not easy
for spouses and kids and other family members and friends. But,
the more you know about what our Foreign Service professionals
do, the more one comes to admire the quality of the work under
the circumstances in which it is performed. So, I want to thank
you all for your service.
If members of the committee choose to file additional
questions in writing, I will ask them to do that by noon
tomorrow; and I will appreciate your responding promptly,
should those be filed. We will try to act promptly in the full
committee on these nominations.
And again, I thank you.
And, with that, the hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:20 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Questions and Answers and Letters
Submitted for the Record
Responses of Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. The 2013 State Department Human Rights Reports on
Bangladesh notes that disappearances and extrajudicial killings
continue to be committed by security forces such as the paramilitary
Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) and that human rights violators operate in
an atmosphere of impunity. Would you support the establishment of an
independent commission:
To assess the Rapid Action Battalion's performance;
To identify all those plausibly deemed to be involved in
serious violations such as extrajudicial killings who should be
excluded from a reformed RAB and prosecuted; and,
To develop an action plan to transform RAB into an agency
that operates within the law and with full respect for
international human rights norms?
Answer. If confirmed, I will maintain the U.S. Government's
insistence that the Government of Bangladesh hold its security forces
accountable for any violations of internationally recognized human
rights. I will push the Government of Bangladesh to transform the Rapid
Action Battalion (RAB) into an agency that operates within the law and
with full respect for international human rights. The establishment of
an independent commission is one such way to conduct thorough, timely,
and credible investigations of all alleged human rights violations and
abuses in a manner that is fair and transparent to both the victims and
the accused. If Bangladesh moves to create an independent commission,
we will support that effort. Meanwhile, I am encouraged by the
commitment of the Government of Bangladesh to establish the RAB
Internal Enquiries Cell, to train requisite staff as part of a campaign
to investigate misconduct and abuses, and to hold members of the RAB
accountable for their actions.
Question. Will you commit to consulting regularly with the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee on your efforts to support labor rights and
factory safety in Bangladesh?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue our active engagement with
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on the important issue of labor
reform in Bangladesh. I very much appreciate the role this committee
plays in joining our efforts to promote U.S. interests and support the
people of Bangladesh, particularly in defense of labor rights and
worker safety. I value the consultation and cooperation offered by the
committee because it strengthens our hand in promoting real and
enduring change for workers in Bangladesh. If confirmed, I will invite
committee members and staff to visit Bangladesh so we can further
collaborate to advance labor rights and safety.
Question. I am concerned about progress on expanding U.S. efforts
to assist independent workers' organizations in Bangladesh.
The FY 2014 Appropriations bill states ``Bangladesh.--Of the funds
appropriated by this act under the heading `Development Assistance'
that are available for assistance for Bangladesh shall be made
available for programs to improve labor conditions by strengthening the
capacity of independent workers' organizations in Bangladesh's
readymade garment, shrimp, and fish export sectors.'' The conference
report language states: ``The agreement provides $5,000,000 to improve
labor conditions in Bangladesh as described in the Senate report, to be
provided through an open and competitive process, and not less than the
budget request for democracy and governance programs.''
The Senate report states ``Bangladesh.--The Committee directs the
Secretary of State to prioritize assistance to labor programs in
Bangladesh and recommends $5,000,000 to improve labor conditions in
Bangladesh's readymade garment, shrimp and fish export sectors. The
Committee expects the Department of State and USAID to provide training
for workers on understanding and asserting their rights, including by
improving the capacity of independent worker organizations. The
Department of State, USAID, and the Department of Labor should
coordinate efforts to avoid unnecessary overlap and work in
consultation with the Government of Bangladesh and the International
Labor Organization on an integrated approach.''
Last month, USAID told SFRC staff that ``USAID's new $5 million
labor activity will focus on ready-made garment and shrimp/fish sectors
to increase the capacity of workers and improve conditions both in
their workplaces and communities by addressing a range of issues,
including women workers' safety, union representation, gender-based
violence, health care, education, child protection, sanitation, and
living conditions.''
While ``health care, education, child protection, sanitation, and
living conditions'' are causes worthy of U.S. support, they are outside
the scope of legislation that focuses on strengthening the capacity of
independent workers' organizations in Bangladesh's ready-made garment,
shrimp, and fish export sectors. Why are these areas included within
the scope of the $5 million procurement for labor rights?
Also, I am concerned that if a procurement vehicle is not issued by
February 1, 2015, or current programming is not extended, there will be
a lapse in programming on strengthening the capacity of independent
workers' organizations in Bangladesh. USAID told SFRC staff that it
will release the Request for Applications by the end of FY 2014. Given
that timeline, can a contract competition and final award be completed
before February 1, 2015, so that there is no lapse in programming?
Answer. I welcome this committee's continued attention to labor
rights in Bangladesh and know that congressionally funded programs to
promote freedom of association in the garment and shrimp sectors are
making a real difference on the ground to improve labor rights and
ensure workers have a voice.
Following the announcement of the Senate's FY 2014 Appropriations
bill, an interagency team from the Department of State, USAID, and the
Department of Labor visited Bangladesh to identify areas of need for
the new program and ensure there was no unnecessary overlap with
programs already in place. Based on their recommendations, I assure you
that the focus of the new program will be to directly improve labor
conditions by strengthening the capacity of independent workers'
organizations. Specifically, USAID assistance will support the ability
of workers to organize independently and strengthen the capacity of
these worker organizations to address the issues they identify as most
pressing, such as protection of labor organizers, improvement of
workplace safety, mitigation of environmental hazards, and ensuring
timely payment of wages. While workers have identified improving health
care, education, child protection, sanitation, and living conditions as
needs, this program would not directly address those issues. Rather, it
would seek to support the capacity of workers to organize independently
and address such conditions as they themselves prioritize them.
Given the timeline to implement the program, we do not foresee any
gap in funding. The existing Global Labor Program will run through
January 2016, and the new labor program will be awarded in early FY
2015. For roughly 1 year, the two programs will run concurrently and
will be closely coordinated.
______
Responses of George Albert Krol to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. I appreciate Kazakhstan's aspiration to become one of the
top economies in the world and support U.S. efforts to that end,
including for Kazakhstan's bid to join the WTO. I also believe that if
Kazakhstan seeks to be held to a higher standard in the economic realm,
it should also be held to a higher standard on democracy and human
rights and not simply compared to its neighbors. I remain concerned
about the imprisonment of Mr Kozlov and urge you to continue to raise
his imprisonment with Kazakh officials. The space for civil society
appears to be closing in Kazakhstan.
With that in mind, what do you expect the U.S. efforts to
support civil society can achieve in the coming year?
Answer. What our efforts can achieve over the next year will
ultimately depend on the choices that the Government of Kazakhstan
itself will make. The United States, however, seeks to be a partner to
the Government of Kazakhstan and Kazakhstani civil society in our
advocacy for stalled legislation designed to strengthen state support
for nongovernmental organizations by introducing an independent
grantmaking system. The U.S. mission in Kazakhstan will also work with
the government and civil society to encourage the development of
implementing regulations that ensure that the new criminal and other
related codes passed earlier this year will be implemented in ways that
do not constrain the space for civil society.
The United States strongly supports the development of a sovereign
and independent democratic Kazakhstan that seeks to protect the
universal human rights of all its people, and we strongly welcome the
government's repeated statements of commitment to meet this goal. We
also value that our strategic partnership with Kazakhstan that is the
basis for an open and frank dialogue on human rights and religious
freedoms as well as on our continuing concern about the judicial
process that resulted in the imprisonment of Mr. Kozlov.
Question. I am concerned about the ubiquitous nature of media from
Russia in Kazakhstan. What specific efforts is the U.S. taking to
support the development of the professionalism of the media sector in
Kazakhstan? If an increasingly professionalized media can be developed,
will the Kazakh Government provide space within which they can operate
and conduct genuine and credible reporting?
Answer. The United States strongly supports the development in
Kazakhstan of a professional, free, and independent media. In support
of this goal, we have provided Economic Support Funds to
nongovernmental organizations that support the Kazakhstani media's
ability to provide accurate, unbiased, and objective information to the
citizens of Kazakhstan.
Current USAID programming to strengthen the development of a
professional, independent, and commercially competitive media sector in
Kazakhstan includes a regional network that broadcasts social,
economic, political, and children's programming every day in four
languages to over 20 local partner television stations. In addition, we
are supporting the production and distribution of quality television
content to a regionwide network of 43 independent local stations.
Our mission is also increasing its outreach to Kazakhstani media
via various social platforms in both the Kazakh and Russian languages
and as a result is receiving significantly more requests for interviews
with U.S. officials. More can be done to expose the Kazakhstani public
to a broader range of information and opinions. To this end, we are
exploring the expansion of the media-hub program to create a platform
for U.S. voices, including U.S. policy experts and scholars, to engage
more broadly with media throughout the region.
______
Responses of Allen P. Mustard to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question #1. Human rights and democratic development remain
substantial hurdles to deepening our relationship with Turkmenistan.
Last May, I sent a letter to President Berdimukamedov calling for the
release of several prisoners of conscience (see attached). Will you
commit to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that you will advocate
on behalf of these and other prisoners of conscience and that you will
work with the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor to ensure a
coordinated State Department approach to addressing these issues? Will
you also commit to consulting with SFRC on human rights issues?
Answer. The State Department has been steadfast in raising human
rights concerns with Government of Turkmenistan interlocutors. Our
bilateral relations with other nations should be broad-based and true
to our fundamental values, not limited solely to those areas where we
find easy agreement. The State Department, including our Embassy in
Ashgabat, regularly engages with Turkmenistan across the spectrum of
human rights issues, and has been a strong advocate for prisoners of
conscience. We also seek to advance these issues through multilateral
venues, including funding International Organization for Migration
(IOM) and U.N. Development Program (UNDP) programs that promote
antitrafficking in persons and other human rights initiatives. If
confirmed, I am committed to continuing these practices.
The Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor provides valuable
expertise on the many difficult human dimension issues that constrain
our bilateral relationship with Turkmenistan and I look forward to
working closely with them if I am confirmed. I also commit to being at
the committee's disposal to discuss human rights or any other issues
that may be of interest to you and I look forward to our continued
collaboration to advance America's interests in Turkmenistan.
Question #2. With the intergovernmental agreement in place, and in
light of the lack of progress on the pipeline, what are the next
concrete steps that the U.S. can take to encourage the development of
Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India pipeline?
Answer. The Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India pipeline (TAPI)
is a long-term project with enormous potential long-term benefits, but
it can only succeed if it is done on a commercial, economically
sustainable basis. TAPI appears to have nearly all of the essential
elements to succeed, including strong political support. What is
missing, however, is a commercial champion. Without the involvement of
an international oil company (IOC) to work in cooperation with
Turkmengaz in the development of gas production and serve as commercial
champion for the project, it is doubtful that the project will be
financeable.
The State Department is encouraging the Government of Turkmenistan
to sign confidentiality agreements with U.S. IOCs in order to allow
those companies to evaluate the commercial viability of the project and
participate in a consortium that will both develop the gas field that
will supply TAPI and also build the pipeline. We are also working with
the downstream countries (Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India) to
encourage them to work with Turkmenistan to develop a TAPI project
based on economically and commercially sound principles. Further, the
administration consults regularly with the Asian Development Bank (ADB)
which is also providing technical assistance to the TAPI partner
countries.
While the U.S. Government negotiated the terms of a nonbinding
intergovernmental framework arrangement with Turkmenistan on energy
cooperation, the framework has not yet been signed.
Continued political investment and technical assistance by the U.S.
government will be needed to advance TAPI, particularly efforts to
convince Turkmenistan to press forward on TAPI with IOC upstream
involvement. If confirmed, I will continue to urge the Turkmen to take
the necessary steps to make TAPI a viable project.
Question #3. What are the main impediments to progress in the
Trans-Caspian pipeline? What steps will you take to address these
issues?
Answer. There are both political and commercial impediments to
progress on the Trans-Caspian pipeline. Russia and Iran have stated
that a Trans-Caspian Pipeline cannot be built unless all five littoral
states agree, and both have raised strong objections to the project.
Their opposition is based largely on ostensible environmental grounds,
despite the fact that there are hundreds of miles of pipelines already
operating in the Caspian. In fact, gas from Turkmenistan flowing to
European markets could threaten Russia's strong position in those same
markets. Long-standing disagreement between Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan
over the disputed Serdar/Kapaz field in the Caspian Sea would also need
to be resolved, although relations appear to be improving with several
high-level bilateral meetings between the two countries this year.
In addition to these political impediments, Turkmenistan will also
have to attract commercial partners, including an international oil
company (IOC), to help build, finance, and operate the pipeline. To
date, the Turkmen Government has not been willing to provide acceptable
terms for an IOC's access to its onshore gas fields (which would feed
the pipeline), and without such terms, an IOC is not likely to be
interested in the project.
If confirmed, I would encourage Turkmenistan to finalize the
trilateral agreement currently under negotiation with the European
Union and Azerbaijan that would form the legal basis for a Trans-
Caspian pipeline. I would also draw on my decades of commercial-
advocacy experience to help open opportunities for U.S. energy
companies to bring their expertise and participate in the Trans-Caspian
Pipeline consortium.
Letter Attached to Question No. 1 Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
______
Responses of Allan P. Mustard to Questions
Submitted by Senator Richard J. Durbin
Question. For years I have been urging the Government of
Turkmenistan to release a number of political prisoners languishing in
its jails, including Annakurban Amanklychev, Sapardurdy Khadzhiev, and
Gulgeldy Annaniyazov (see attached letters). Last year my staff and
that of Senator Boxer traveled to Turkmenistan to further press for
their release. Amanklychev and Khadzhiev were released early from their
sentence in 2013, but Annaniyazov remains in jail. These cases are
unfortunately only examples of a larger lack of political freedom in
Turkmenistan. Can you comment on your commitment to pursuing political
freedom and human rights should you be confirmed as Ambassador to
Turkmenistan?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador, one of my very top priorities
will be to urge Turkmenistan to strengthen respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms, ensure accountability for torture and other
human-rights violations, allow civil-society groups to function freely,
and build fully democratic institutions. As party to a number of
international human-rights conventions, including the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention against
Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman, and Degrading Treatment or
Punishment, I will remind government officials of Turkmenistan's
obligations to respect and ensure to all persons on its territory the
rights that it has recognized and guaranteed under those conventions.
The Department of State has regularly raised Gulgeldy Annaniyazov's
case directly with Government of Turkmenistan interlocutors since 2008.
The case was recently raised by the U.S. delegation at our Annual
Bilateral Consultations on January 14, 2014, in Ashgabat, and
Ambassador Robert Patterson discussed the case with Deputy Foreign
Minister Vepa Hajiev again on February 12. The Embassy followed up with
diplomatic notes requesting amnesty for Annaniyazov on the occasion of
Turkmenistan's February 19 Flag Day holiday, Constitution Day on April
22, and Night of Omnipotence at the end of July (Turkmenistan
customarily amnesties prisoners on the occasion of national holidays).
Annaniyazov's case and our related due-process concerns have also been
referenced in numerous public statements by the United States at the
annual OSCE Human Dimension Implementation Meetings (HDIM) in Warsaw.
If confirmed, I am committed to continuing the United States advocacy
for Annaniyazov's release.
Letters Submitted by Senator Richard J. Durbin
NOMINATIONS OF JOHN TEFFT, DONALD HEFLIN, CRAIG ALLEN, EARL MILLER,
MICHELE SISON, STAFFORD HANEY, AND CHARLES ADAMS
----------
TUESDAY, JULY 29, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
Hon. John Francis Tefft, of Virginia, to be Ambassador of the
United States to the Russian Federation
Donald L. Heflin, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Cabo Verde
Craig B. Allen, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to Brunei
Darussalam
Earl Robert Miller, of Michigan, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Botswana
Michele Jeanne Sison, of Maryland, to be the Deputy
Representative to the United Nations, with the rank of
Ambassador, and Deputy Representative in the Security
Council of the United Nations; and to be Representative
to the Sessions of the General Assembly of the United
Nations during her tenure of service as Deputy
Representative to the United Nations
Stafford Fitzgerald Haney, of New Jersey, to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Costa Rica
Charles C. Adams, Jr., of Maryland, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Finland
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:32 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
Menendez (chairman of the committee) presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez, Cardin, Shaheen, Coons, Udall,
Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Corker, Flake, and McCain.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. We have three panels today. I will chair the
first panel, which will be the nomination of John Francis Tefft
to be Ambassador to Russia. We will then pass the gavel to
Senator Coons, who will chair our second panel of nominees:
Donald Heflin, to be Ambassador to Cabo Verde; Craig Allen, to
be Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam; and Earl Robert Miller, to
be Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana.
Then Senator Coons will pass the gavel to Senator Kaine,
who will chair our third panel of nominees: Michele Sisan, to
be Deputy Representative to the U.N. with the rank of
Ambassador, along with two associated positions; Stafford
Fitzgerald Haney, to be Ambassador to Costa Rica; and Charles
Adams, to be our Ambassador to Finland.
Let me welcome our first nominee, John Tefft. Ambassador
Tefft has been a Career Foreign Service officer since 1972, and
deserves at this critical time to be given every consideration
by the committee. Let me say that the geopolitics is vastly
different from what we confronted during the last hearing for a
U.S. Ambassador to Russia in 2011. In my view, we cannot afford
to wait to send an Ambassador to Moscow, as Senator McCain just
urged us to do.
Before we begin, I just want to express my concern about
Russia's violation of its obligations under the Intermediate
Range Nuclear Forces Treaty. Russia's violation is a very
serious matter, and it is vital that it comply with its
obligations under the treaty and eliminate any prohibited items
in a verifiable manner.
The INF Treaty is a cornerstone of European security and
was one of the first steps the United States and the then-
Soviet Union took to end their cold war confrontation. The
treaty sought to eliminate the nuclear threat to Western Europe
and the European parts of the Soviet Union. The fact that
Russia is now violating its obligations is another sign that
under President Putin Russia is operating in a manner that
threatens the security of all European states.
In view of that reality, we cannot delay in sending
someone, not when President Putin enjoys soaring domestic
approval ratings, but continues to double down on his reckless
course in Ukraine that has resulted in terrible tragedy and
loss of innocent life with the downing of the Malaysian Flight
17 by pro-Russian rebels supported and supplied by Putin, not
when the Ukrainian Army is making advances in the east and
Moscow is answering by putting more heavy weaponry into the
irresponsible hands of rebel militias.
In fact, last week, along with the Chairs of other Senate
committees responsible for national security, I signed a letter
to President Obama asking for immediate sanctions against
Russia's defense sector, including state-owned Rosoboronexport,
to prevent Russia from providing weaponry, equipment, or
assistance and training to separatists in Ukraine.
It is my view that we must also consider broader sanctions
on Russia's energy and financial industries and other sectors
of the Russian economy, as appropriate. We also need an
ambassador in Moscow as events continue to unfold. I hope that
both sides of the aisle will agree to expedite Ambassador
Tefft's nomination at this critical time. He has served as U.S.
Ambassador a total of three times, and each time to a country
of the former Soviet Union--Ukraine, the Republic of Georgia,
and Lithuania. He is also a lifelong student of Russia and the
former Soviet republics. We need Ambassador Tefft's knowledge
and experience in Moscow to address not only the crisis in
Ukraine, but also President Putin's blatant disrespect for
human rights, complete control of media, systematic erosion of
the rule of law, and flouting of international law and norms,
all which affect our bilateral relationship.
So we welcome you, Ambassador, to the committee. I am going
to call upon Senator Corker for his remarks. When Senator
Corker is finished, please invite or recognize any of the
members of your family who are here. I understand you have had
a multidecade partner in your efforts, and we appreciate her
willingness to once again allow you to serve your Nation, and
we understand the sacrifices that she and other members of
families, both in your case as well as the other nominees, face
when they are willing to serve their country abroad.
Senator Corker.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BOB CORKER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Corker. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will be
brief. I want to second the comments, the laudable comments
that have been made about your previous service, and also thank
your spouse for her willingness to come out of retirement. I
know you were living here. I know there are grandbabies in the
region, and yet you are heading back to Russia to serve our
country.
I think everybody on this committee just about has
expressed strongly their concern about Russia's actions in
Crimea and eastern Ukraine. I think there has been a lot of
frustration, I know there has been by most, relative to the
sanctions that have been put in place. I do want to say I
applaud the sanctions that were put in place the day before the
Malaysia flight was shot down. I think there may be something
much--we have not seen the details yet, but it looks like that
us and Europe have come more closely together, and hopefully we
will know the details of that soon.
But you go to Russia at a time that, as was mentioned, it
is very important. I think your service in the other countries
nearby are very helpful, not only to all of us, but to those
countries and to Russia. I might add, everyone here knows that
Russia had to agree, in spite of his service in these other
countries which obviously geopolitically they believe pose some
threat to them, they have to agree to the fact that he is our
nominee. So you are going there under challenging
circumstances, as has been mentioned, as the chairman mentioned
this morning, the news that all of us have known previously,
that it was announced that we are actually going to bring forth
these charges relative to the INF Treaty; it really makes it an
additionally challenging time.
The type of issues that we are seeing in eastern Ukraine
and in Crimea are the kind of, that should they get out of
hand, could lead to some really terrible global issues. I think
all of us have been concerned again, many of us, that the tepid
response we have had may lead an emboldened Putin to continue
on.
It now appears that possibly he is beginning to get some
degree of pushback within the country. Hopefully that is the
case. I know he has been riding a strong nationalistic
popularity because of what he has been doing, but I do hope our
Nation and Europe will continue to work together to put
pressure on him to get him to move away from the types of
actions that he has taken.
Importantly, I hope you as Ambassador will do everything
you can as one Ambassador to make that happen. I know your
access to Putin will be a little different than the access you
had in the other countries that you served, but I am very glad
you are willing to do this and look forward to your testimony.
I will say, on the confirmation, this committee has
actually been really incredible as far as getting nominees out
on a bipartisan basis very quickly to the floor. I do hope in
this case--many of them have been held up, as we know. But I do
hope in this case we will figure out a way to get you out very,
very quickly and get you on your way to Russia. So thank you.
The Chairman. Ambassador Tefft, your full statement will be
included in the record, without objection. I may have to
interrupt you if we get--we have a 10th member who is on his
way here. I believe Senator Durbin is on his way. So I may have
to interrupt you, though I hope we will get through your
testimony before that moment comes. But I just want to excuse
myself up front.
With that, the floor is yours.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN FRANCIS TEFFT, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR TO THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
Ambassador Tefft. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I am
very grateful for the opportunity to appear before you today as
President Obama's nominee to be the next Ambassador of the
United States to the Russian Federation. I am grateful to you
and to Senator Corker and Senator McCain for the kind remarks
you have made about me and my wife. I have to say to you as
someone who has been a private citizen working in the private
sector for the better part of the last year, I have appreciated
and admired the work of this committee and the leadership you
have provided on not only the situation in Russia and Ukraine,
but also more broadly on foreign affairs. So I thank you for
that.
If I am confirmed, I will continue to work closely with the
members of this committee and your staff, as I have done before
in my various assignments. Clearly we face, as you have said,
some of the most challenging times in the relations between the
United States and Russia since the end of the cold war.
I would just like to say a couple of words from my prepared
remarks that we have submitted to the record. I would like to
say that our relations with Russia today are obviously, as you
said, in serious trouble. The future is uncertain. The United
States cannot ignore the fundamental challenge to the
international order posed by Russia's actions in the Ukraine
crisis. Russia's efforts to annex Crimea, which we will never
accept, have violated the core precepts of intelligence law and
have shredded the very fabric of freely adopted obligations
among Europe's nations that have kept the peace for nearly 70
years.
Russia's policy of destabilizing parts of eastern Ukraine
violates the sovereignty of its neighbor. They also undercut
the solemn obligations Russia itself undertook to observe the
independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine.
As you said, Mr. Chairman, and as President Obama and many
European leaders have emphasized, adherence to the structure of
European security is vital. The horrendous shootdown of the
Malaysian airliner and the loss of almost 300 innocent lives
has truly shocked the world and underlined the importance of
resolving this crisis quickly and peacefully.
In this environment, I believe we must continue to talk
clearly to our Russian interlocutors and to make sure Russian
officials and citizens understand American policy, our
interests, and our values. At the same time, managing this
crisis effectively and wisely will require that our own
government continues to know as precisely as we can what the
Russian side is thinking, what their objectives are, and why
they are taking the approaches they do even when we find them
unacceptable.
If given the opportunity to serve, I will try to do just
that, to engage in frank and difficult diplomacy.
Mr. Chairman, one of the great privileges of my career has
been to lead the teams of committed Americans serving our
country at embassies overseas. If confirmed, I will do my best
to lead the highly professional and motivated team that we have
at our Embassy in Moscow and at our three consulates across
Russia.
Finally, I appreciate very much what you said about my
wife. I would like to recognize her in front of all of you. She
has been my indispensable partner in this career from the very
beginning. In addition to her own professional accomplishments
as a biostatistician and a nurse, she has made her own unique
contributions to representing our country in every post in
which we have served. I know she will do that again and bring
her invaluable experience to bear in Moscow.
I would also like to thank my wonderful daughters,
Christine and Kathleen. They make me proud every day. They have
been supportive of my work throughout my career. Kathleen is
here today along with her husband, Andy Horowitz. My daughter,
Christine, is unfortunately at home, or fortunately at home,
taking care of our 10-day-old second granddaughter. Her
husband, Paul Stronsky, is here with us today, as is my wife's
cousin, Margie Klick, and her husband, Randy, and Jose Yacub,
who is my administrative assistant at the RAND Corporation.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for letting me make those remarks.
I am prepared now to answer any questions you might have.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Tefft follows:]
Prepared Statement of Ambassador John F. Tefft
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today as President Obama's nominee to serve as the next
Ambassador of the United States to the Russian Federation. I am
grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for their support and for
their confidence in recalling me to government service. If confirmed, I
look forward to working closely once again with the members of this
committee and its staff, as we face some of the most challenging times
in the relations between the United States and Russia since the end of
the cold war.
I have had the privilege of serving my country for nearly 41 years
as a Foreign Service officer, much of that time in Eastern and Central
Europe. Three times I served as a U.S. Ambassador--most recently in
Ukraine, and previously in Georgia, and Lithuania. I also served as
Deputy Chief of Mission in Moscow--and for 10 months of my assignment I
was Charge d'affaires at the Embassy.
As an Ambassador my most important responsibility and highest duty
has been to promote and defend the interests of the United States. Over
the course of my career, I have tried to do that as best I can, to
advance the objectives of our country and to represent the values and
ideas for which the United States stands.
Mr. Chairman, our relations with Russia today are in serious
trouble and their future is uncertain. The United States cannot ignore
the fundamental challenge to the international order posed by Russia's
actions in the Ukraine crisis. Russia's efforts to annex Crimea--which
we will never accept--have violated core precepts of international law,
and have shredded the very fabric of freely adopted obligations among
Europe's nations that have kept the peace for nearly 70 years. Russia's
policy of destabilizing parts of eastern Ukraine violates the
sovereignty of its neighbor. It also undercuts the solemn obligations
Russia itself undertook freely to observe the independence and
territorial integrity of Ukraine. As President Obama and many European
leaders have emphasized, adherence to the structure of European
security is vital. The horrendous shootdown of the Malaysian airliner
and loss of almost 300 innocent lives has shocked the world and
underlined once again the importance of resolving this crisis quickly
and peacefully.
In this environment, we must continue to talk clearly to our
Russian interlocutors and make sure Russian officials and citizens
understand American policy, interests, and values. At the same time,
managing this crisis effectively and wisely will require that our own
government continues to know as precisely as we can what the Russian
side is thinking, what their objectives are, and why they are taking
the approaches that they do even when we find them unacceptable.
If given the opportunity to serve, I will try to do just that--to
engage in frank and difficult diplomacy.
Historically, we have had many dimensions to our relationship with
Russia, chief among them human rights and democracy, security and arms
control, and economic and business affairs. We must continue to press
all of these in concert. We also need to be ready to engage in
cooperation on the international stage when it is clearly in our
interest--for example, to eliminate Syria's chemical weapons. And we
must work to preserve people-to-people ties, even during times of
severe tensions.
If confirmed, I will also do my best to engage Russians from all
parts of that society. I will try to explain what we stand for, and to
promote respect for the dignity of every citizen, democratic values,
good governance, and rule of law. I say this in the conviction that the
most effective antidote to Russian propaganda mounted against the
United States is simply stating the plain truth about our country and
our values.
If given the opportunity to serve again, I will also use the
resources at my disposal to promote and protect U.S. economic interests
in the Russian market. My record on supporting American business over
the course of my career is clear. I will vigorously oppose corruption,
and I will do my utmost to ensure America's firms receive equal and
fair treatment in trade and investment transactions in accordance with
U.S. law and WTO rules.
Mr. Chairman and members of this committee, America's relations
with Russia have a long and complex history.
We have been allies and we have been adversaries.
We have cooperated and we have clashed.
But, one constant has been our country's enduring engagement with
Russia, its people, and its government. That engagement reflects
geographic, economic, and geopolitical realities. We have no
alternative to managing and conducting our relations in a way that most
effectively advances and protects American interests and global peace.
Just as our interests and values now require intensive diplomacy
accompanied by firm sanctions to counter Russia's recent threats to
European stability, it is inescapable that pursuing America's most
important interests around the world will sometimes also mean working
with Russia. We need to identify and counter terrorist threats, stem
narcotics flows, ensure aviation and maritime safety, counter the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, verifiably reduce nuclear
arsenals and eliminate nuclear fissile material wherever it is in the
world. America cannot address these tasks alone. But Russia remains a
critical international player in many of these matters, and America's
hand can become stronger when our interests and Russia's align.
If confirmed, I will use all the resources at my disposal to pursue
American goals through diplomatic engagement with the Russian
Government, and I will promote expanded ties between the American and
Russian people.
Mr. Chairman, one of the great privileges of my career has been to
lead the teams of committed Americans serving our country at embassies
overseas. If confirmed, I will do my best to lead our highly
professional and motivated team at the Embassy in Moscow and in our
three consulates across Russia. This is a team of skilled officers and
staff. I know that the Americans who serve our country in Russia
understand the importance of their work. It will be an honor to lead
them. And, Mr. Chairman, if the Senate chooses to place its confidence
in me as U.S. Ambassador to Russia, I will ensure that we conduct our
business in a manner that is fully consistent with the highest
standards of ethical and moral values.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, I would like to recognize my wife, Mariella,
who has been my indispensable partner in this career from the very
beginning. In addition to her own professional accomplishments as a
biostatistician and a nurse, she has made her own unique contributions
to representing our country in every post in which we have served. I
know she will once again bring her invaluable experience to bear in
Moscow. I would also like to thank my wonderful daughters, Christine
and Cathleen. They make me proud every day, and have been supportive of
my work throughout my career.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for the privilege of appearing before the
committee. I am prepared to answer any questions you might have.
The Chairman. Well, most nominees take a full 5 minutes, so
I want to congratulate you on your brevity.
Ambassador Tefft. This is the experience after you do this
four times, sir. [Laughter.]
The Chairman. Let me first welcome all of your family, and
we appreciate again their willingness to share you with the
Nation.
Since I am sanctioned and cannot go to Russia to visit you
if you get confirmed, I hope to be able to have an open line of
communication with you so that we can talk about issues as we
move forward.
Ambassador Tefft. Absolutely, sir.
The Chairman. I thought that after the tragedy of the
Malaysian Airline flight that President Putin would have a
different vision of where he was at, that he would change
course, that it would be an off-ramp. But he seems to have
doubled down. His invasion of Crimea, what is going on there,
upends the international order. I know that when I was in
Europe the Europeans are shocked because they never thought
that that was going to be one of their challenges. They thought
security challenges were more in the context of modern day
terrorism, not the actions of a state actor.
So how do you look at that reality, knowing that you are
going into a set of circumstances under which, instead of what
we would think would be the normal course of events, such as
deescalating, moving in a different direction, what would be
the response when we see Putin doubling down? How do you view
that? How do you engage in that as you go to Russia?
Ambassador Tefft. I think, as you say, the $64,000 question
is what is exactly President Putin's approach at this point.
You were not the only one, Senator, who thought that this
horrible tragedy provided an opportunity to disengage, to find
a way to resolve this horrible conflict that is killing people
every day in eastern Ukraine.
I do not know specifically what President Putin's plans
are. I note, like you, that the sanctions--that Europe has
increased substantially its sanctions today, going into
sectoral areas, according to what I have read in the press. My
understanding is that we are now going to add some additional
sanctions ourselves.
I would also note, as you mentioned, that we saw this week
criticism of President Putin, specifically the press interview
that was given by his very old friend and adviser, former
Deputy Prime Minister Kudryn, who was quite clear about his
concern, not just with the Ukraine crisis and the impact this
was going to have on the economy, but also the individuals in
the society, the ultranationalists, who he was quite critical
of.
We know from different press articles and other things that
many in the business community are very concerned at the way
things are going. This is not just sanctions. I know from my
work at RAND that there are businessmen who are not sanctioned
or not party to this, but they have lost deals because they
have lost foreign capital that they had counted on to either
expand or to even continue operating.
So the pressure is clearly there. I cannot tell you--I wish
I could tell you how I could see the denouement of this. But I
think we need to, as I said, keep the pressure on and to
continue to give President Putin an opportunity to find a way
to deescalate this crisis and to bring an end to the conflict
in Ukraine along the lines that President Poroshenko has
outlined.
The Chairman. What do you think should be our response to
the administration's statement that Russia has violated their
treaty obligations?
Ambassador Tefft. I think this is a very serious matter,
Senator. It obviously goes to the core of trust. I understand
that in international relations trust is one component, but I
hope that the Russians will seize the opportunity that we have
offered to come to the table, to meet with our experts, to try
to resolve this, to shelve this particular weapons system and
to bring themselves back in compliance with the INF Treaty.
The Chairman. I would assume that if you are confirmed this
is an issue that you will drive significantly on behalf of the
administration, because there are those of us in the Congress
who knew about this, based upon what was then classified
information, and now that it has become public have been very
concerned about where this is leading and where it is heading.
If you look at the multiplicity of actions that Russia has
taken and now you add this dimension to it, you begin to wonder
how much the international order has been upended by President
Putin.
Ambassador Tefft. I agree with you, sir. I would say that
back during the Soviet days, I was on the Soviet desk twice,
two 3-year tours, and one of the things I spent a lot of time
on was arms control. So I have got to dust off some of my
knowledge and bring it to bear. But I will do my best to press
this issue when I am in Moscow if confirmed.
The Chairman. Finally, if we cannot go ahead and deter or
get Russia to change course, one of my hopes is that we will
look at in the sectoral sanctions that we are looking at
energy. I am really concerned that we, who lead the world in a
shale revolution, are going to help the Russians create a
Russian shale revolution that will give them more gas and
greater ability to leverage it, as they have leveraged it in
Ukraine, as they are leveraging it against Europe.
The last thing that is in the national intelligence and
security of the United States is to have our technology sold to
the Russians so that they can have a shale revolution, so they
can have more energy, so they can have more resources and more
leverage against Europe and other countries. So I hope you are
going to look at that closely with the State Department and
members of the U.S. Department of Energy, because I think that
is a sanction that has long-term consequences for the Russians
in terms of both what they can do moving forward and what the
consequences are economically.
Ambassador Tefft. I will, sir.
The Chairman. Senator Corker.
Senator Corker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Again, thank you
for your opening comments.
The INF Treaty obviously was relative to proximate
locations to Russia. Therefore the violations were violations
that, if they continued, were violations that would have had an
impact on Europe in general. My guess is some of them already
were aware of these violations due to their intelligence. But
do you see this having any impact relative to the other issues
we are dealing with Russia on right now?
Ambassador Tefft. Well, I think it goes to the----
Senator Corker. I am talking about with the European
community that we are working with.
Ambassador Tefft. Right, I understand. My understanding,
Senator, is that the allies are being briefed at NATO today or
tomorrow--I am not sure exactly when--to go over this. They,
like the committee, have been apprised of the problem before;
they have known of it. I think our European allies should be
very concerned because, as we all know, the INF missiles are
the ones that most apply to the European Continent. We worked
very hard back in the eighties to get that INF Treaty to
preserve the security and to make the security of Europe
indivisible from our own.
Senator Corker. When you talked about off-ramps, hopefully
we will continue to look at possible off-ramps for Putin. As
the chairman mentioned, you would have thought the downing of
the passenger aircraft would have been the perfect off-ramp.
Instead, he turned into the wind and doubled down.
What types of off-ramps do you see as being possible in the
future with actions being as they have been from him?
Ambassador Tefft. Well, I watched Secretary Kerry this
morning on television when he appeared with the Foreign
Minister of Ukraine, my friend Pavlo Klimkin. And the Secretary
was again emphasizing, sir, that he had talked apparently to
Foreign Minister Lavrov this morning, reiterated the readiness
of the United States and Ukraine to engage in negotiations at
any stage, to meet at any time to try to do this, based on the
peace plan that President Poroshenko has outlined.
I am not aware of any particular meeting coming up that
would provide an opportunity like that, but the Secretary
seemed to indicate that he was ready at any stage to engage in
something like that. I think a lot depends on what the policies
of President Putin are.
Senator Corker. The Hague recently ruled that Russia had
basically stolen $50 billion from shareholders of Yukos. It
seems like there are numbers of issues that are occurring right
now. Hopefully, that will affect some of the elite. But I know
we talked some about that yesterday. I assume that you will be
forceful in pursuing that to its end, and that we have U.S.
shareholders who also were damaged in that process.
Ambassador Tefft. Yes, sir. In all my career in my other
assignments, I have made promoting the fair treatment of
American businesses and investors one of my top priorities, and
I will certainly do that. I am also cognizant that there is a
provision in the Russian-Moldova Jackson-Vanik Repeal and the
Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act which obliges
the administration to help American investors who were victims
of this, and I will certainly do that. My Embassy and I--I
think the Embassy has already been engaged on this and I will
certainly continue to do that.
The Chairman. Senator Corker, if you would yield for just a
moment.
Just for members of the committee, what I intend to do is
when Senator Corker finishes his line of questioning, recess
the nomination hearing, meet off the floor quickly, reconvene
the business meeting, have hopefully a successful vote, come
back and continue the nomination hearing.
Senator Corker.
Senator Corker. I have had ample time to spend with our
nominee. I am thankful that he is willing to do this. We had a
long, long conversation yesterday. So in order to expedite our
business meeting, I will stop and thank him again for his
willingness to serve our country in this way.
Ambassador Tefft. Thank you, Senator.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Corker.
Ambassador, we have a vote for the head of the Veterans
Administration, so we are going to go do that. I urge members
who want to come back for this hearing to come back immediately
thereafter. So, we will briefly recess, subject to the call of
the chair.
[Recess from 2:55 p.m. to 3:17 p.m.]
The Chairman. This hearing will come back to order.
Ambassador, thank you for your forbearance.
I believe that Senator Corker was the last member, so
Senator Murphy.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Ambassador, thank you very much for sticking with us
today. This is important, so we want to be able to get the
nominees that were underlying in the business meeting through,
but also make sure that we get a chance, as Senator McCain and
Senator Menendez have stated, to get you through this process
and through the Senate by the end of the week.
Thank you for spending a little bit of time with me earlier
this week. I maybe want to allow you to elaborate on a
conversation that we were having about how you interpret the
events of the last 6 months with respect to whether or not it
is a display of Russian strength or Russian weakness. Nothing
is that simple, but there have been a lot of pundits who have
suggested that this is Putin pushing around the rest of the
world, getting his way in essentially resetting international
norms through aggressive behavior. Then there is a whole other
school of thought which suggests that this was a panicked
reaction by a leader of a nation who is in retreat in a lot of
ways, unable to control the allegiances of former republics, an
economy which has failed to diversify in any meaningful way.
I know it is not simple to just sort of suggest which
direction Russia is heading in, but tell me sort of how you
interpret the motivations for these exceptional actions in
Ukraine?
Ambassador Tefft. Thank you very much, Senator. When I have
been in Moscow recently in May and in April working, doing my
job for the RAND Corporation, I have met with many Russians.
Certainly the predominant view there was that the decision to
go into Crimea was something of an impulsive decision following
the breakdown of the agreement that had been brokered by the
three European Union Foreign Ministers back in late March.
I know that that agreement--that while there are many in
Russia who think that it was something that was broken down by
some kind of plot or some kind of plan, was in fact something
spontaneous. Nobody knew that President Yanukovych was leaving,
was leaving.
But I think the other thing as I look back on the Ukraine
crisis, I think there is a fundamental misunderstanding on the
part of many in the Russian leadership. I have had this
conversation, private conversations as well. They did not
understand what was really at stake on the Maidan. When I left
Ukraine it was very clear if you looked at the polling that
President Yanukovych was not only very unpopular, but something
on the order of 74 percent of the people said they thought the
country was going in the wrong direction.
When I left it was still--the plans were still on the books
to move ahead with becoming a member of the European--an
associate member, an association agreement with the EU. When
that fell apart and the demonstrations developed, it was not
hard to understand why that was happening.
I think that for me personally one of the things that is so
frustrating here is that this did not need to happen. A lot of
the things that have occurred in Ukraine and the Russian
response did not have to happen. They could have had a better
relationship with Ukraine if they had tried.
But there is this strong view that President Putin has
enunciated many times of a Eurasian union. It is pretty clear
that not just the people of Ukraine do not want to be part of a
Eurasian union. They wanted to have a good relationship with
Russia. I will be honest. When I was in Moscow--or I was in
Ukraine, I, speaking on behalf of the administration and the
United States, said we supported the EU association agreement,
but we also believe strongly that there should be a good
relationship between Ukraine and Russia. And most Ukrainians I
knew understood that very, very clearly.
Unfortunately, choices were made the other way. I hope that
this is an aberration. I think the strong international
response to this has sent a pretty clear message. I think you
can read some of the commentaries in Russia and see that there
are a lot of people raising the larger question of is this the
right policy approach, is this the best way to build
relationships with our neighbors, is this the best way, in the
words of some Ukrainians--of some Russians, is this the way we
should treat our cousins across the border in Ukraine?
Senator Murphy. I want to ask one more question. You had
this challenge in Ukraine. You will have it again in Russia.
How do you continue to advance a dialogue that is happening
with the Russians on a number of fronts, whether it be Iran or
Afghanistan, while pressing the case for more political
discourse and the greater ability for dissidents to express
themselves?
What has been remarkable during this period of time over
the last 6 months is very quietly Putin has also been
increasing a crackdown on political discourse, most recently
essentially eliminating the ability of small television
channels in that country to advertise, to receive revenues
necessary for their existence, essentially shutting the doors
on a number of different independent outlets throughout the
country.
So you have gotten real good at this over the years. What
do you see in Moscow as the ability of our Embassy to continue
to promote freedom of expression, to continue to promote those
who would try to protest this government with an increasing
foot on their neck as they try to do it?
Ambassador Tefft. Well, I will very much try to, as I said,
have very candid and serious talks with the Russian leaders.
The Embassy, the U.S. Government as a whole, has developed ways
to get our message out and our support for those themes.
The other thing that I have done in my previous assignment
and I would expect to do in Moscow is work very closely with
our European allies, with the EU Ambassador, who is a very
distinguished diplomat, the former Foreign Minister of
Lithuania, who I know well, along with other ambassadors, to
try to bring to bear, if you will, the predominance of
persuasiveness, I would hope.
I have no illusions in saying this. In one of my
conversations yesterday with one of the other Senators I made
the point that, looking at how we actually conduct our public
diplomacy, looking at not just how we are doing, but how
effective we are being with social media and other things, in a
society that, as you say, is very increasingly restricted in
terms of the ability of embassies and other governments to get
their message out, it is going to be something I will spend a
lot of time on. One of the things as I prepare to go out in
consultations here is to be hard-minded about the effectiveness
of that and to try to come up with the best ways we can move
forward.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Flake.
Senator Flake. No, thank you.
The Chairman. Ambassador, let me ask you some final
questions, unless a member returns. You were our Ambassador in
Georgia in 2008.
Ambassador Tefft. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. And you experienced Russia's provocative
behavior in that post. How do you compare what Russia did in
Georgia in 2008 with what you see in Ukraine in 2014?
Ambassador Tefft. I think what we have seen in Ukraine is
actually a much more organized, at least as I understand it,
operation. Certainly the Russians prepared their forces before
the war actually broke out. They were massed north of the
border. But the operation as it came into Georgia was not
militarily as well organized, I think, as certainly what we
have seen in Ukraine, not just in Crimea, but I also have the
sense that in Ukraine there was much more direct coordination
between Moscow and these fellows that they have on the ground
out there. At least that is the impression I have in reading
about it.
Then there are lots of articles in the newspaper about the
various people of the Russian Special Services, as well as the
GRU, the intelligence side of the military, and their direct
involvement, people who were involved not just in Georgia, but
in Chechnya and Crimea. I saw the other night a CBS
correspondent who said: This is the same fellow I saw in Crimea
back last fall and I have seen him once before in another
place.
Clearly there is a coterie of people who have been
designated, who are the ones who do these things.
The Chairman. Some of us look at what happened in the
Ukraine and in Moldova and say to ourselves, well, this is a
repeat of a game plan, maybe a little different in terms of the
specificity or exactness of Russian troops versus those who are
not insignia-ed being sent in, but in essence creating frozen
conflicts, which perhaps serves his purposes just as well as an
actual outright invasion.
What do you think about that?
Ambassador Tefft. I always have the impression in Georgia
that there was a fundamental miscalculation. You remember early
on in the conflict they bombed some of these apartment
buildings in Gori, the city right in the center of Georgia. I
think the calculus was somehow we are going to get these people
angry and they are going to turn against President Shakashvili,
turn against their government. Actually, what happened was the
exact opposite. Even people who were bitter political enemies
of President Shakashvili's came out and said: He is our
President, he is the President of independent Georgia, and we
support him for that, even as we criticize him.
I think there was a miscalculation, and I do not know in
the Russian system who was responsible for that, but I think
that is there.
I think you could also--I think historians will know better
when we have more information, but I think some of the things
that have been done in eastern Ukraine have been done--have
been a miscalculation. The impression I always had when I left
a year ago was that there was a very big generational
difference in east Ukraine. I found many of the students and
younger generation people there very much--they are critical of
their own government in Kiev, but not wanting to be a part of
Russia. They wanted to be a part of an independent Ukraine.
They wanted to see that Ukraine changed.
So I think there was a miscalculation on the part of Russia
that somehow saw all these huge numbers of people, the Novi
Rossiya, as President Putin called it, as being ready just to
kind of embrace Russia and become a part of Russia. And I do
not think that was ever in the cards.
The Chairman. One final question. Some of us read the
responses about Russia becoming self-dependent, insular in
terms of global economic issues, which I find incredibly hard
to believe. I believe that what Putin has done here has actual,
maybe not in the short term, but in the mid to longer term,
real consequences for Russia economically.
Ambassador Tefft. Absolutely.
Senator Murphy. And woke up the Europeans to think about
how they diversify and become more energy independent, as well
as others. What do you think is some of the inherent problems
Russia would face if it tried to become autodependent?
Ambassador Tefft. I just do not see in this global market,
in this globalized world that we live in, how withdrawing into
yourself, into an insular kind of nation, is going to help you.
Number one, economically you are not going to succeed. We all
know that you need capital, you need foreign customers. Russia
needs to develop manufactures and things that it can sell in
the world, not just extractive minerals that are the
fundamentals of their national economy today.
I just think that it is really a big danger. I was very
intrigued, as I mentioned to you yesterday, the comments that
were made by former deputy prime minister Kudryn, who was very
clear in a Tass interview, not just that the Ukraine policy was
wrong, but that those--he spoke out very strongly against the
ultranationalists and saw them taking Russia in the wrong
direction.
Clearly, this is going to be one of the key things that I
and my staff are going to have to watch in Russia as the battle
between the ultranationalists, if you will, and the modernizers
or those who want to have Russia as part of the global economy
and the global political system push ahead. It is going to be a
key, I think, a key part of any analysis of Russia.
The Chairman. Well, thank you for your insights. Clearly,
having a Russia that is part of the international order, both
in terms of security, as well as economic issues, is the
preferable course of events. But how we get there is still a
road map to be determined.
Senator Corker, are there any other questions?
Senator Corker. No.
The Chairman. All right. There are no other questions for
you, Ambassador. We are in the midst of discussions as to how
we might accelerate your nomination to be considered by the
full Senate.
Excuse me a moment. [Pause.]
So, with the thanks of the committee for your testimony,
you are excused.
Ambassador Tefft. Thank you very much, Senator.
The Chairman. I do not know if there will be any questions
for the record. If there are, I would urge you to answer them
expeditiously so that we can move your nomination.
Ambassador Tefft. We are poised and ready. Thank you, sir.
The Chairman. That is what we want to hear.
At this point Senator Coons is going to preside over our
next panel of nominees, and I thank Senator Coons for his
willingness to do so.
[Pause.]
Senator Coons [presiding]. Ladies and gentlemen, I would
like to call to order the second panel of the United States
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, considering three
ambassadorial nominees. I am pleased to chair this hearing to
consider the nominees for Botswana, Cabo Verde, and Brunei. All
three of our nominees have impressive records of accomplishment
and I look forward to hearing their priorities for advancing
U.S. interests.
Our first nominee is for Botswana, long known as one of the
most stable and democratic countries on the continent, a close
ally of the United States. It has made smart investments in
education and health care, dedicated a large portion of its
capable military to addressing wildlife trafficking. But
despite these positive trends, there are challenges in terms of
having the second highest HIV-AIDS rate in the world, rising
wildlife trafficking challenges, and reports of marginalization
of the San people.
Earl Miller, the nominee for Botswana, is a career Foreign
Service officer currently serving as consul general in
Johannesburg, and is deeply familiar with regional issues as a
result of his posting in southern Africa. His knowledge of the
region, his previous service in Botswana, and his leadership
skills will allow him to bring strong contributions to this
mission.
Next we consider Cabo Verde, an island nation off the
northwest coast of Africa, known for having grown to become a
stable, democratic, lower middle-income country, a strong ally
and partner of the United States, in part due to our strong
investment ties and shared regional concerns, such as
countering narcotrafficking off the coast. In addition, there
is a sizable Cabo Verdean diaspora community in the
northeastern United States, with which I have long been
familiar.
Mr. Donald Heflin brings extensive regional leadership
experience. A career Foreign Service officer, he currently
serves as the director for consular affairs visa office and
previously served as principal officer in Nuevo Laredo in
Mexico, and gained regional expertise as the deputy and later
Acting Director of the State Department's Office of West
African Affairs.
Last but certainly not least, we consider Brunei, a small
country in Southeast Asia. Brunei recently implemented a new
penal code rooted in a strict interpretation of sharia law,
which includes measures such as the death penalty for adultery,
homosexual acts, and insulting the Koran, prison sentences for
pregnancy out of wedlock or failing to pray on Friday. These
new restrictions will, moreover, apply to all Bruneians,
including the 22 percent who are not Moslem. These regulations
are troubling and I am hopeful our next U.S. Ambassador will
encourage the government to protect human rights, dignity, and
freedom of belief for its people.
Brunei is also an increasingly important partner for
achieving U.S. objectives, one of four states that launched the
TPP, a cornerstone of the administration's economic engagement
strategy in Asia. It also opposes territorial aggression by
China in the South China Sea and therefore it is imperative our
Ambassador skillfully manage bilateral relations in order to
achieve regional goals.
For this post, the President has nominated Mr. Craig Allen,
who has spent three decades living and working in Asia. A
career member of the Foreign Commercial Service, class of
minister counselor, Mr. Allen most recently served as Deputy
Assistant Secretary for China at the Department of Commerce. He
also served as senior commercial officer at the U.S. consulate
in Johannesburg, senior commercial officer in Beijing, and
deputy senior commercial officer in Tokyo.
I would now like to invite my colleague Senator Flake to
make any opening statement he would like before I invite our
nominees to make their opening statements. Senator Flake.
Senator Flake. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thanks for being here. I have met with two of you in the
last little bit in my office. I look forward to your testimony
and thank you for your service.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Flake.
I would like to welcome our nominees and encourage you to
take the time to introduce your families and friends, who we
all know are an essential part of your service in government.
We are grateful for their sacrifices as well as yours and for
their ongoing support.
Mr. Heflin.
STATEMENT OF DONALD L. HEFLIN, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF CABO VERDE
Mr. Heflin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Coons,
members of the committee, it is my honor to appear here today
as the President's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to
the Republic of Cabo Verde. I am grateful to President Obama
and Secretary Kerry for this tremendous vote of confidence and
for this opportunity to come before you.
I wish to acknowledge my daughter, Sara, who is here with
us today. Sara is currently a junior at Austin Peay State
University in Tennessee and lived in six countries growing up.
Her first posting as a Foreign Service kid started when she was
8 weeks old.
I regret my parents did not live long enough to be here
today. They both devoted their entire adult lifetimes to public
service, highlighted by my father's 4 years as a pilot during
World War II.
The 10 islands that make up the Republic of Cabo Verde are
just off the West Coast of Africa. Cabo Verde enjoys a vibrant,
multiparty political system and an unbroken history of civilian
rule since its independence in 1975. It is a success story of
progress, prosperity, political stability, and democracy. Cabo
Verde and the United States have enjoyed warm relations since
we first opened our consulate there nearly 200 years ago.
There are more than 450,000 Americans of Cabo Verdean
origin. Many of these families immigrated to New England during
the days of the great 19th century whaling fleets, which they
worked on. They participate fully in the life of our great
country and many of them wish to invest in the prosperous
future of Cabo Verde.
The United States and Cabo Verde are partners on a number
of important matters. Among them maritime security and
transnational crime are key. The government of Cabo Verde
strongly supports counternarcotics maneuvers and is a gracious
host to U.S. ship visits. Cabo Verde is a model in the region
for strategic partnership. If confirmed, it is my goal to
maintain and enhance this multilateral and interagency
cooperation.
U.S. engagement and support of Cabo Verde's economic and
commercial development is bearing fruit. Cabo Verde's first
Millennium Challenge Account compact was successfully completed
in 2010, producing significant gains in all three of its
projects: first, improvements in transportation networks,
facilitating integration of internal markets; second,
improvements in water management and soil conservation, which
promoted increases in farm profits and incomes; and third,
support to Cabo Verdean microfinance institutions. It is my
hope if confirmed to engage Cabo Verde in consolidating these
gains.
Cabo Verde's continued strong government performance
resulted in its selection as the first country in the world to
qualify for a second Millennium Challenge Corporation compact,
which began in 2012 and is focused on carrying out wide-
reaching reforms in the water and sanitation and land
management sectors. These two compacts support Cabo Verde's
overall national development goal of transforming its economy
from aid dependency to sustainable private sector-led growth.
Mr. Chairman, prior assignments in Africa and in African
affairs have equipped me with the cultural and regional
knowledge and language skills to relate to the Cabo Verdean
Government and people. Similarly, if confirmed I will draw upon
my 27-year career in the Foreign Service, including my
experience as principal officer in Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, to
effectively lead the U.S. mission in Praia, Cabo Verde. I look
forward to entering entry-level officers who staff many of the
Embassy's positions.
If confirmed, my number one priority will be to promote the
safety and welfare of American citizens in Cabo Verde.
I would be pleased to answer any of your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Heflin follows:]
Prepared Statement of Donald L. Heflin
Chairman Coons and members of the committee, it's my honor to
appear here today as the President's nominee to be the next U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Cabo Verde. I am grateful to President
Obama and Secretary Kerry for this tremendous vote of confidence and
for this opportunity to come before you.
I wish to acknowledge my daughter, Sara, who is here with us today.
Sara is currently a Junior at Austin Peay State University, and lived
in six countries growing up. Her first posting as a Foreign Service kid
started when she was 8 weeks old.
I regret that my parents did not live long enough to be here today.
They both devoted their entire working lives to public service,
highlighted by my father's four years as a pilot in World War II.
The 10 islands that make up the Republic of Cabo Verde are just off
the west coast of Africa. Cabo Verde enjoys a vibrant, multiparty
political system and an unbroken history of civilian rule since
independence in 1975. It is a success story of progress, prosperity,
political stability, and democracy.
Cabo Verde and the United States have enjoyed warm relations since
we opened our first consulate there nearly 200 years ago. There are
more than 450,000 Americans of Cabo Verdean origin. Many of these
families have lived in New England since originally immigrating to work
on the 19th century whaling ships. They participate fully in the life
of our great country, and many of them wish to invest in the prosperous
future of Cabo Verde.
The United States and Cabo Verde are partners on a number of
important matters. Among them, maritime security and transnational
crime are key. The Government of Cabo Verde strongly supports
counternarcotics maneuvers and is a gracious host to U.S. ship visits.
Cabo Verde is a model in the region for strategic partnership. If
confirmed, it is my goal to maintain and enhance this multilateral and
interagency collaboration.
U.S engagement in support of Cabo Verde's economic and commercial
development is bearing fruit. Cabo Verde's first Millennium Challenge
Account Compact was successfully completed in 2010, producing
significant gains in all three of its projects, namely: (1)
improvements in transportation networks facilitating integration of
internal markets; (2) improvements in water management and soil
conservation, which promoted increases in farms profits and incomes;
and, (3) support to Cabo Verdean microfinance institutions. It is my
hope, if confirmed, to engage Cabo Verde in consolidating these gains.
Cabo Verde's continued strong governance performance resulted in
its selection as the first country to qualify for a second Millennium
Challenge Account Compact, which began in 2012 and is focused on
carrying out wide-reaching reforms in the water and sanitation and land
management sectors. These two compacts support Cabo Verde's overall
national development goal of transforming its economy from aid-
dependency to sustainable, private-sector led growth.
Mr. Chairman, prior assignments in Africa and in African Affairs
have equipped me with the cultural and regional knowledge and language
skills to relate to the Cabo Verdean Government and people. Similarly,
if confirmed, I will draw upon my 27-year career in the Foreign
Service, including my experience as Principal Officer in Nuevo Laredo,
Mexico, to effectively lead the U.S. Mission in Praia, Cabo Verde. I
look forward to mentoring entry-level officers who staff many of the
Embassy's positions. If confirmed, my number one priority will be to
promote the safety and welfare of American citizens in Cabo Verde.
I would be pleased to answer any of your questions.
Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Mr. Heflin.
Mr. Miller.
STATEMENT OF EARL ROBERT MILLER, OF MICHIGAN, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF BOTSWANA
Mr. Miller. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Flake, and members
of the committee, it is a great honor to appear before you
today as President Obama's nominee to serve as the next
Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana. I appreciate the
confidence the President and Secretary Kerry have placed in me
by putting my name forward for your consideration.
I am also deeply grateful for the support of my wife, Ana,
and sons, Andrew and Alexander. They are back in Johannesburg,
sir. Our first overseas assignment in the Foreign Service was
in Botswana, a country we love dearly.
During my 27 years in the Foreign Service, I have had the
privilege of serving in senior leadership positions at a
variety of challenging posts. Over the past 3 years, as the
U.S. consul general in Johannesburg, South Africa, I managed
the rapid growth of one of our busiest regional support and
training centers. Our multiagency consulate general in
Johannesburg is now larger than many U.S. embassies in Africa,
an expansion reflecting in particular our growing economic
partnership with southern Africa.
Mr. Chairman, Botswana is one of Africa's great success
stories. It is one of the continent's longest standing
multiparty democracies and one of the United States' most
reliable partners in Africa.
Our current engagement in Botswana across a range of issues
underscores the country's potential as a regional and in some
instances global partner for the United States. Our joint
efforts to combat HIV-AIDS has made a worldwide contribution to
the global evidence base on HIV treatment and prevention. If
confirmed, I would draw on my law enforcement experience to be
a strong advocate for the International Law Enforcement Academy
in Botswana, a partnership between our two nations that trains
police officials from 34 African countries. Botswana also hosts
the International Broadcasting Bureau's Voice of America relay
station, serving most of the African Continent.
Botswana has worked with us to promote democracy, good
governance, and human rights. It has taken principled stands on
these issues at the United Nations, the African Union, and the
Southern African Development Community. Botswana has a strong
military-to-military relationship with the United States. The
Botswana Defense Forces' current leadership is U.S. trained and
is one of the continent's strongest supporters of AFRICOM.
Botswana has many key assets U.S. investors look for:
stability, a reputation for transparency, respect for rule of
law, and generally favorable investment conditions.
The Southern African Development Community is headquartered
in Gaborone. If confirmed, I will serve as the United States
representative to SADC, recognizing regional integration is
essential to the long-term stability and prosperity of southern
Africa.
Botswana is a regional leader and strong partner on
conservation and environmental issues, such as managing
regional water supplies and combating wildlife trafficking, a
serious and growing problem across the continent.
Botswana does confront serious challenges. Botswana's HIV
prevalence of 25 percent among young adults is the second-
highest in the world. The decline in diamond reserves
constitutes Botswana's greatest strategic challenge since its
independence. As diamond resources dwindle, the country must
find an alternate source of revenue or it could upend the
country's development trajectory.
Botswana suffers from income inequality, poverty, high
unemployment, aging infrastructure, and a need for a more
skilled labor market. Women are disproportionately affected by
HIV and gender-based violence is a serious problem.
The United States is keenly interested in Botswana
maintaining a strong, stable, and reliable partner. Botswana is
an example of what is possible in Africa and why it matters. If
confirmed, I would work to enhance Botswana's potential and
support the country as it addresses its economic,
environmental, and health challenges to the benefits of both
our nations.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you again
for the opportunity to appear before you today. I will be happy
to answer any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Miller follows:]
Testimony of Earl Robert Miller
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a great honor to
appear before you today as President Obama's nominee to serve as the
next Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana. I appreciate the
confidence the President and Secretary Kerry have placed in me by
putting my name forward for your consideration. I am also deeply
grateful for the support of my wife, Ana, and sons, Andrew and
Alexander. Our first overseas assignment in the Foreign Service was in
Botswana, a country we loved dearly.
During my 27 years in the Foreign Service, as both a diplomat and
federal law enforcement officer, I have had the privilege of serving in
senior leadership positions at a variety of challenging posts. The
success of our diplomacy depends on our people. If confirmed, I will
make it my highest priority to ensure the safety, security, and well-
being of our mission employees and all Americans in Botswana. Over the
past 3 years, as the U.S. consul general in Johannesburg, South Africa,
I managed the rapid growth of one of our busiest regional support and
training centers. Our multiagency consulate general in Johannesburg is
now larger than many U.S. Embassies in Africa, an expansion reflecting,
in particular, our growing economic partnership with Southern Africa.
Mr. Chairman, there is nowhere I would rather serve than Botswana.
It is one of Africa's great success stories. It is one of the
continent's longest-standing multiparty democracies. Botswana has also
been one of the United States most reliable partners in Africa.
Our current engagement with Botswana, across a range of issues,
underscores the country's potential as a regional, and in some
instances, global, partner for the United States. Our health
partnership, particularly our joint efforts to combat HIV/AIDS, has
made a worldwide contribution to the global evidence base on HIV
treatment and prevention. The Botswana Combination Prevention Project
that our two countries launched in late 2013 is an important component
of the President's commitment through the President's Emergency Plan
for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) to achieve an AIDS-free generation. If
confirmed, I would draw on my significant law enforcement experience to
be a strong advocate for the International Law Enforcement Academy
(ILEA) in Botswana, a partnership between our two nations that trains
police officials from 34 African countries, and has made a significant
contribution to our continentwide efforts to strengthen democratic
institutions, improve governance, protect human rights, combat wildlife
trafficking, and advance peace and security. Botswana also hosts the
International Broadcasting Bureau's Voice of America relay station,
serving most of the African Continent.
Botswana has worked with us to promote democracy, good governance,
and human rights throughout the continent. It has regularly taken
principled stands on these issues at the United Nations, the African
Union, and the Southern African Development Community. Botswana also
has a strong military-to-military relationship with the United States.
If confirmed, as both a former Marine Corps officer and senior diplomat
who has worked closely with U.S. and host government armed forces
around the world, I would prioritize further strengthening these ties.
The Botswana Defense Force's (BDF's) current leadership is U.S.-trained
and does not shy away from partnering with the United States. The BDF
is one of the continent's strongest supporters of AFRICOM. Last year,
Botswana approved the basing of an Air Force C-12 in Gaborone, and in
the first 9 months, the C-12 team supported missions within the region.
There are significant economic ties between the United States and
Botswana. The United States imports between 200 and 300 million dollars
of goods and services from Botswana every year and is the top purchaser
of polished diamonds, which form over 70 percent of Botswana's exports.
Botswana has many key assets that U.S. investors look for: stability, a
reputation for transparency, respect for rule of law, and generally
favorable investment conditions.
The Southern African Development Community, or SADC, is
headquartered in Gaborone, Botswana. Botswana is influential in this
group of 15 southern African nations. If confirmed, I will serve as the
United States representative to SADC. Regional integration and
cooperation are essential to the long-term stability and prosperity of
all of Southern African nations. I would look forward to exploring
appropriate opportunities to work with SADC to promote these
objectives.
Finally, Botswana is a regional leader and strong partner on
conservation and environmental issues. On challenges such as managing
regional water supplies, sustainable growth and combating wildlife
trafficking--a serious and growing problem across the continent--
Botswana is in many respects an impressive model. The Government of
Botswana has taken on a leadership role within southern Africa on
wildlife trafficking. In late 2013, we partnered with the Botswana
Government in organizing the Gaborone Wildlife Enforcement Network
conference, which resulted in 10 southern African nations recommending
formation of the Wildlife Enforcement Network of Southern Africa
(WENSA), a regional antiwildlife trafficking entity. We are working
with Botswana's Ministry of Environment, Wildlife, and Tourism on a
followup conference, which we hope will take place later this year,
aimed at drafting and finalizing the WENSA's foundational documents.
Despite Botswana's impressive development history, the country
confronts serious challenges. Botswana's HIV prevalence rate of 25.4
percent among 15-49 year olds is the second-highest in the world. Our
investment of more than $700 million through PEPFAR over the past 10
years has aided the Government of Botswana in its response to HIV/AIDs.
Botswana's epidemic has reached a tipping point--for every one new
person on treatment, there is less than one person newly infected. But
many challenges remain.
The decline in diamond reserves constitutes Botswana's greatest
strategic challenge since independence. Diamond revenues, though well-
managed in Botswana, constitute the largest source of government
revenue and are used to improve the lives of its people. As diamond
resources dwindle, the country must find an alternate source of revenue
or face a severe economic downturn. If Botswana fails to meet this
challenge, it could upend the country's development trajectory and
severely constrain Botswana's capacity to cope with health challenges
associated with one of the world's highest HIV prevalence rates. This
could put the sustainability of our $700 million PEPFAR investment at
risk, make it difficult for Botswana to sustainably manage its globally
significant natural resources, particularly the Okavango Delta and its
wildlife, and undercut Botswana's influence in the region.
Botswana's current diamond-wealth translates into a $6,200 GDP per
capita, relatively high for a developing country. Despite this high GDP
rate, Botswana suffers from income inequality, poverty, high
unemployment, aging infrastructure, and a need for a more skilled labor
market. The top 20 percent of income earners in Botswana account for 70
percent of the country's household consumption, while over one-fifth of
Botswana's population lives on less than $1.25 per day. In Botswana's
remote rural communities, poverty is particularly acute; in the least
populated district, nearly one in two people are impoverished with no
realistic prospects for living standard improvement on the horizon.
Women are disproportionately affected by HIV, and gender-based violence
is a serious problem.
Botswana is a strong and vocal partner of the United States today
because of strong relationships forged 20 years ago in universities,
military academies, and through programs such as the Peace Corps. If I
am confirmed, I will build on these types of relationships with the
rising generation of Botswana. Youth make up the largest segment of
Botswana's population: over half of the population is under age 25. The
United States is viewed positively by Botswana's youth, which opens
important opportunities for us to influence the next generation of
Botswana's leaders.
The United States is keenly interested in Botswana remaining a
strong, stable, and reliable American partner. Botswana has
consistently been successful, a source of hope for others, and an
example of what is possible in Africa, and why it matters. If
confirmed, my goal would be to work to enhance Botswana's potential and
support the country as it seeks to address its economic, environmental,
and health challenges. These goals require robust diplomatic,
development, and defense engagement on our part.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you again for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I will be happy to answer any
questions.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Allen.
STATEMENT OF CRAIG B. ALLEN, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO BRUNEI DARUSSALAM
Mr. Allen. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Flake, members of
the committee, thank you very much. It is a great honor to
appear before you today.
Before beginning my testimony, it is my privilege to
introduce to you my family: my wife, Micheline Tusenius, our
two children, Christopher and Caroline. It also gives me great
pleasure to introduce my very proud 90-year-old mom, Betty
Allen, my brother, Scott Allen, and my three nieces, Lisa,
Jessica, and Sarah.
As a veteran Foreign Service officer with six previous
assignments, I want to thank my family for their extraordinary
flexibility, patience, and many sacrifices. In particular, I
would like to thank my wife ,Micheline, who has forsaken her
own career for our family, giving me the opportunity to serve
the American people overseas.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed it would be an honor to serve my
country as the United States Ambassador to Brunei. The United
States and Brunei have enjoyed strong and prosperous relations
since 1850, when our two countries signed a treaty of peace,
friendship, commerce, and navigation. Still in effect today,
this treaty has underpinned our close cooperation for 160
years.
The United States and Brunei have a long history of working
together to promote peace, stability, and development. If
confirmed, I hope to continue that tradition and strengthen our
relationship for the 21st century.
Today the United States relationship the Brunei rests on
two central pillars. The first is growing economic partnership
and the second is expanding regional cooperation. Our economic
partnership is manifest through rapidly expanding trade. In
2013 American companies exported $559 million worth of goods
and services to Brunei and we regularly enjoy large bilateral
trade surpluses. Recently Brunei purchased $600 million worth
of U.S. military and civilian aircraft.
Our bilateral economic cooperation is further demonstrated
by rapidly increasing investment flows, including $116 million
worth of American investment in Brunei in 2012.
Finally, as you noted, Mr. Chair, Brunei was a founding
member in the launch of TPP negotiations, and indeed they are a
key part of our effort to finalize a high standard agreement
for the 21st century.
The second pillar of our relationship with Brunei concerns
regional issues. Brunei successfully chaired ASEAN last year.
They have long been an important member of the region, and
recently the United States and Brunei have cooperated on a
number of matters of great importance to Southeast Asia. For
example, we have launched the joint English language enrichment
program for ASEAN, a $25 million, 5-year initiative funded by
the Bruneian Government. Also, Brunei and Indonesia joined us
in founding the U.S.-Asia Comprehensive Energy Partnership, and
to support this goal the Export-Import Bank of the United
States and the energy department of Brunei's Prime Minister's
office are collaborating on a $1 billion Ex-Im program to
further finance U.S. exports to the region.
In addition, we have an active and growing defense
cooperation relationship, highlighted by Brunei's active
participation in annual exercises with the U.S. Pacific Fleet.
Brunei has hosted a large humanitarian assistance exercise
which brought together servicemembers from the United States
and the region.
Certainly there are challenges, Mr. Chairman. As you noted,
Brunei's sharia law has caused serious concerns. The first
phase of this law went into effect on May 1. We are concerned
that the code criminalizes several aspects of freedom of
religion, including apostasy, and we are concerned over some of
the punishments that have been announced for future
implementation. We are also concerned, as you noted, Mr.
Chairman, that it criminalizes consensual same-sex conduct
between adults.
Freedom of expression and freedom of religion, which
includes the right to change one's religion, are fundamental
human rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. While we understand that no physical punishments have
been implemented under the current phase of the law, Brunei
should ensure that its law prohibits torture or other cruel,
inhumane, or degrading treatment or punishment.
While Bruneian officials have offered assurances that the
standards that will be applied under the sharia system will be
so exacting that it will be almost impossible for there to be a
conviction that would result in sentences such as stoning or
amputation, the threat of such extreme punishment still raises
concern.
To these ends, we regularly communicate with Brunei
regarding fundamental human rights and encourage the Government
of Brunei to uphold its international commitments. We are
watching closely to see how the law is being implemented.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Flake, members of the
committee, thank you for inviting me to testify before you
today and giving my nomination your kind consideration. I am
pleased to answer any questions you may have. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Allen follows:]
Prepared Statement of Craig B. Allen
Chairman Coons and members of the committee, it is a great honor to
appear before you today.
Before beginning my testimony, it is my privilege to introduce you
to my family: my wife, Micheline Tusenius, and our two children,
Christopher and Caroline.
Please also allow me to introduce you to my very proud 90-year-old
mother, Betty Allen; my brother, Scott Allen; and, my sister, Sara
Bowden.
As a veteran Foreign Service officer with six previous overseas
assignments, I want to thank my family for their extraordinary
flexibility, patience, and many sacrifices.
I am especially grateful to my wife, Micheline, who has forsaken
her own career for our family--giving me the opportunity to serve the
American people overseas.
This month marks my 29th year in government. During this period, I
have worked at the Department of Commerce on issues associated with
Asia for 25 years. In the course of my work, I have visited Brunei
twice and been intimately involved in our trade relationship with
Brunei, ASEAN, APEC, and the region.
Indeed, it is fair to say that I have been preparing for this
moment for 29 years, and thus I am grateful to you for considering this
nomination.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, it would be an honor to serve my
country as the United States Ambassador to Brunei.
The United States and Brunei have enjoyed strong and prosperous
relations since 1850, when our two countries signed the Treaty of
Peace, Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation. Still in effect today, the
treaty has underpinned our close cooperation for the last 164 years.
More recently, the United States was one of the first countries to
recognize Brunei's independence from the United Kingdom in 1984. In the
30 years since then, the United States and Brunei have worked together
to promote and foster peace, stability, and development, and if
confirmed, I hope to continue that tradition and strengthen our
relationship for the 21st century.
Today, the United States relationship with Brunei rests on two
central pillars. The first is our long-standing, robust, and growing
economic partnership. This economic cooperation is manifest through the
continuously expanding trade between our two countries, to the great
benefit of both. In 2013, United States companies exported $559 million
of goods and services to Brunei, and we regularly enjoy annual trade
surpluses. Our positive cooperation is further demonstrated by the
continuous and increasing investments U.S. companies are making in
Brunei, including $116 million worth in 2012. Recent Bruneian purchases
of U.S. military and civilian aircraft totaling $600 million further
attests to the strength of the economic relationship. Finally, Brunei
was a founding party in the launch of the Trans-Pacific Partnership
negotiations and is a key part of current efforts to finalize a high-
standard TPP agreement that will promote jobs and growth in the United
States, Brunei, and across the Asia-Pacific region.
The second pillar of the relationship is our engagement with Brunei
on regional issues. Brunei was the chair of ASEAN last year and has
long been an active and positively engaged member of the region.
Recently, the United States and Brunei have cooperated to address a
host of matters important to Southeast Asia. Together we launched the
English Language Enrichment Project for ASEAN, a $25 million, 5-year
initiative--funded by the Bruneian Government--that seeks to strengthen
ASEAN's global engagement through improved English language capacity
and advanced educational and teaching opportunities in the region. In
2012, Brunei and Indonesia joined us in founding the U.S.-Asia Pacific
Comprehensive Energy Partnership, which supports efforts to bring
cleaner, more reliable sources of energy to the Asia-Pacific region by
focusing on four priorities: renewables and cleaner energy; power
markets and interconnectivity; the emerging role of natural gas; and
sustainable development including rural electrification and energy
efficiency. In support of those goals, a recently signed Memorandum of
Understanding between the Export-Import Bank of the United States and
the Energy Department of Brunei's Prime Minister's Office calls for
information sharing and up to US$1 billion in Ex-Im Bank loans to
finance U.S. exports in support of selected projects in the region. In
these ways we are moving forward with Brunei to address regional issues
vital to the maintenance of stability and growth.
In addition to these programs, the United States and Brunei
cooperate on a host of other issues. We have an active and growing
defense cooperation relationship, highlighted by Bruneian participation
in annual exercises with U.S. Pacific Fleet, including the Cooperation
Afloat Readiness and Training exercise and, in 2014, for the first
time, RIMPAC (Rim of the Pacific Exercise). In addition, in 2013 Brunei
hosted a large Humanitarian Assistance/Disaster Relief exercise which
brought together servicemembers from the United States and the region.
The importance of this kind of training was clearly demonstrated just a
few months later by the tragedy of Typhoon Haiyan, for which both the
United States and Brunei offered assistance. Strides have also been
made elsewhere: in 2013 Brunei was removed from the Special 301 Watch
List in recognition of its efforts to protect intellectual property.
Lastly, cultural, educational, and people-to-people ties continue to
grow and define our bilateral relations in new and positive ways. Of
particular note, the U.S.-Brunei English Language Enrichment Program
for ASEAN is a novel way to improve English language skills throughout
the region. Together, these programs highlight a multifaceted
relationship that is both deep and broad, and one that is central to
both promoting U.S. interests and the region and fostering the peace
and stability that continue to bring economic growth.
Certainly, there are challenges in the relationship. The United
States has serious concerns regarding certain provisions of Brunei's
Sharia penal code, the first phase of which went into effect on May 1.
We are concerned that the code criminalizes several aspects of freedom
of religion, including apostasy, and we are concerned over some of the
punishments that have been announced for future implementation. We are
also concerned that it criminalizes same-sex conduct between adults.
Freedom of expression and freedom of religion, which includes the right
to change one's religious beliefs, are human rights enshrined in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. While we understand that no
physical punishments have been implemented under the current phase of
the law, Brunei should ensure that its law prohibits torture or other
cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. While Bruneian
officials have offered assurances that the standards that will be
applied under the Sharia system will be so exacting that it will be
almost impossible for there to be a conviction that would result in
sentences such as stoning or amputation, the threat of such punishment
still raises concerns. To these ends, we regularly communicate with
Brunei regarding fundamental human rights and encourage the Government
of Brunei to uphold its international commitments. We are watching
closely to see how the law is being implemented. Mr. Chairman, if
confirmed, I will focus on working with Brunei authorities on these
important issues, using every tool available to me to encourage Brunei
to move expeditiously toward full compliance with international human
rights standards.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for inviting
me to testify before you today and for giving my nomination your
serious consideration. I am pleased to answer any questions you may
have.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Allen.
Then we will start 5-minute rounds. If I could first, Mr.
Heflin, just two questions on maritime security and the
diaspora. I am particularly interested in how we engage the
diaspora in the United States in economic investment, in
deployment and in political relations back to their country of
origin. As you referenced there is a sizable Cabo Verdean
community in New England. What could we do to more successfully
engage the African diaspora in the United States, which is a
critical competitive advantage lacked by China, Brazil, Russia,
India, others? What more could we do?
Mr. Heflin. Mr. Chairman, as you know, the diaspora from
Africa and other countries often leads the way in our
relationships, including our economic relationships, with
African countries. The Cabo Verdean community in New England
has already shown interest in investing in the open economy of
Cabo Verde.
Right now the sky is the limit. For instance, looking at
trade figures recently between the United States and Cabo
Verde, they are fairly low. Typical exports from Cabo Verde to
the United States in a given year are about a million, two
million dollars, and from the United States back to Cabo Verde
$8, $9, $10 million. Those could go up dramatically. If
confirmed, I intend to work on fostering trade ties.
There is also a very interesting proposal on the table from
one of the New England colleges to open a campus in Praia to
begin to prepare Cabo Verdean students to come up and study at
the university level in the United States That is something my
successor may well push over the top--my predecessor may well
push over the top during our time there, and if not if
confirmed I intend to.
Senator Coons. I would be interested in followup from you
once confirmed, presuming confirmation, about exactly how we
can do a better job at engaging diaspora communities.
Second, on maritime security. You referenced
narcotrafficking as a major concern for me and for many off the
Coast of West Africa, in addition to illegal fishing. Could you
just explain the extent of the cooperation between the United
States and Cabo Verde in combating both narcotrafficking and
illegal fishing in the Western Coast of Africa?
Mr. Heflin. Happy to, Mr. Chairman. We have had engagement
on a lot of different levels with a lot of different agencies
between the United States and Cabo Verde.
AFRICOM's naval assets regularly conduct exercises and ship
visits down there and over the years we have given the Cabo
Verdeans three ships, including a 51-footer, that they put to
good use. Their problem obviously is in the sea lanes between
them and West Africa and traffic coming over from South America
and heading up toward Europe.
We also helped them start a command center, called COSMAR,
in which they have formed an interagency group to start to get
control of their own water, which, as you know, in African
countries the problem sometimes is narcotraffickers, but
sometimes overfishing or other economic losses from their
waters. So with a small and very able coast guard-type navy,
this command center that we have worked with them on, our Coast
Guard works with them closely, and the State Department's
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement also has
programs with the Cabo Verdeans. They have been a very good
partner.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Mr. Miller, you referenced Botswana has one of the most
stable, capable militaries. We have a close police training
relationship in Botswana. They are also a strong supporter of
AFRICOM. What else do you think Botswana could do to play more
of a role in supporting regional security efforts and what more
could we be doing to combat wildlife trafficking? Botswana has
historically done very well, but issues with some of its
neighbors are preventing predictable long-term success and we
have, I think, a real challenge, not just in Botswana, but in
the entire region in wildlife trafficking.
Mr. Miller. Thank you for the question, Senator. I have
seen firsthand in South Africa over the last 3 years the
devastation caused by the increasingly sophisticated and lethal
wildlife trafficking syndicates. The Botswana Defense Force is
the first line of defense in Botswana to combat wildlife
trafficking. It is a highly regarded, well respected defense
force.
We have a number of programs in place to assist the BDF and
the Government of Botswana with antipoaching operations,
including classes on antitrafficking investigations, money-
laundering investigative courses to strike at the roots of the
syndicates that are behind many of the trafficking outfits in
the region.
We are strong supporters of Botswana's establishing a
wildlife enforcement network for southern Africa in Botswana.
The only way we will solve this problem is through a regional
and ultimately a global approach.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Senator Flake.
Senator Flake. Thank you, and thank you to your families as
well for the sacrifices that they have made and continue to
make. I know it is quite a commitment. I spent 1 year
overseas--we had a child just a year and a half old--in
Namibia, and I look at that and think of the difficulty that
is, to have one child away from cousins and parents,
grandparents and everything else, and you have done it many,
many times. Your service is appreciated, all the families in
particular.
Mr. Heflin, with regard to Cabo Verde, the Millennium
Challenge, again we are in the second iteration. What did we
learn in the first? What lessons are we taking forward and how
can we make sure that we expand on the benefits?
Mr. Heflin. Millennium Challenge Corporation has not quite
finished its after-action report on the first compact. The
second compact, it was decided to spend the first 2 years
getting the legal and regulatory framework in place, and it is
coming along nicely. Once that is done and only once that is
done will we move on to construction and other spending.
Senator Flake. Mr. Allen, the trade surplus, that is a
pretty good surplus we have got. How much of it traditionally
is military equipment or planes? Is that typical year to year
or is that just a bump lately?
Mr. Allen. Thank you, Ranking Member Flake. The trade
surplus and the trade numbers are quite volatile. Last year we
delivered several aircraft and that skewed the numbers. We have
a number of other aircraft, large aircraft deals in the
pipeline, and thus I would consider it a rising trend in U.S.
exports to Brunei in the foreseeable future--aircraft, oil
equipment, consumer goods, food, and a good number of other
commodities as well.
Senator Flake. The only economy is certainly shrinking from
where it was. How much longer? They are looking to revive it
for as long as they can. They are certainly looking to
diversify and that will be a lot of your role, and certainly I
think why they have so much interest in the TPP. We appreciate
their leadership and help there. I hope it is something that
the Congress can give the President the tools to actually give
effect to.
But in the area of diversification, what are they doing?
Mr. Allen. Sir, I share your sentiments entirely with
regard to TPP. The IMF just this week or last week released a
report suggesting that Brunei's GDP would be trending upward
toward 6 percent this year and next. So their economy is doing
quite well.
In terms of diversification, they are trying to move
downstream in the petroleum business, develop tourism and other
service exports, and develop other segments of their economy
that employ more Bruneian citizens, and integrate themselves
better in ASEAN and in the region.
Senator Flake. Thank you.
Mr. Miller, I have not spent much time in Botswana. I spent
a year in South Africa, a year in Namibia, and 6 months in
Zimbabwe, so I have kind of surrounded it. But actually when I
got back to college I wrote my master's thesis trying to
explain Mugabe's hold on the electorate in Zimbabwe during the
eighties. Now I think we have determined what that hold is. It
is brute force and chicanery lately.
But now I think all of us are trying to explain the hold he
has on the rest of Africa. It has been very disappointing to
see particularly the other SADC countries countenance what has
gone on in Zimbabwe. Botswana I will note was the one country
to be somewhat critical initially, but then kind of fell in
line with the other southern African countries.
What can you do in your role to make sure that there is the
appropriate pressure and the appropriate stand taken by SADC
countries at least standing up to what should not be
countenanced in Zimbabwe? Long question, sorry.
Mr. Miller. Thank you for that question, Senator. President
Khama has taken some lonely and courageous and principled
stands within SADC as a proponent of human rights and democracy
across Africa, including Zimbabwe. He supported the global
political agreement and sent a robust election observer
delegation to Zimbabwe for the recent elections and was
critical within SADC for the elections failing to abide by
SADC's own standards.
Botswana and Zimbabwe enjoy full diplomatic relations, but
Botswana is not shy about criticizing what it sees as
violations of human rights in Zimbabwe.
I will take every opportunity to engage at the highest
levels with the Government of Botswana and within SADC on
issues of human rights. I would look forward to working with
Ambassador Bruce Wharton and his fine team in Harare on
regional human rights and good governance issues.
Senator Flake. Well, thank you. In most cases here--I mean,
SADC has some great governing principles, as does the AU, and I
think all we need to do is make sure these countries stand up
for their own standards. Certainly Botswana has been more
willing to do so than other countries in the region. Please
pass on our thanks for that, and hopefully we can foster that
kind of attitude to stand up for not Western standards or U.S.
standards, but the standards, the election standards and
otherwise, human rights standards, that SADC has itself
propounded and other countries in the region.
But again, thank you all for your service. I have no doubt
that you will serve the country well in this capacity.
Mr. Miller. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Flake.
I have just a few more questions, if I might, for Mr.
Allen, who I did not get to in my first round. If you would,
just speak further about how you are going to address the issue
of sharia law and some challenges that may create for us in
terms of further progress on TPP or our relationship with
Brunei?
Mr. Allen. Thank you, Chairman. Firstly, I share your
sentiments exactly on sharia, Brunei's sharia penal code. I
think that the first thing that we need to do is monitor
implementation, watch very closely. Thus far they are in the
very early stages of this and we therefore need to monitor
closely. We need to increase our dialogue on the importance of
human rights and our expectations of human rights in Brunei.
We need to remind the Government of Brunei when and if it
becomes necessary, when it becomes necessary, of their
international human rights obligations. We need to speak out in
favor of our principles, and I will not be shy in upholding our
principles with the government and the people of Brunei.
With regard to TPP, it is useful to note that Brunei was a
founding member, part of the P4. It is also important to note
that trade is an important--trade and investment, economic
exchange, is an important way to broaden support for the
universal values that we hold dear. We have not used trade
agreements in the past to address religious concerns.
Vis a vis the specific strategy for TPP, I would have to
refer you to USTR, which is of course leading those important
negotiations. But I look forward to being a partner with them
to ensure the passage of TPP and also ensuring that our views
on human rights are known and hopefully respected in Brunei.
Thank you.
Senator Coons. Well, given your long career service in
Commerce, I would also be interested in how you view
intellectual property rights, whether you view them as central
to our making progress on TPP with Brunei and how essential you
think advocating for a regime in trade that respects and
protects American intellectual property rights, how central you
think that is.
Mr. Allen. Thank you, Senator. I believe it is absolutely
essential. Intellectual property rights are core to our economy
and, more particularly, to our future economic growth.
With regard to Brunei, there still are some intellectual
property right problems, but they were lifted off of USTR's
special watch list recently, thus indicating some progress
made. That said, I understand that there still are problems and
I look forward to working with the government of Brunei to
further clean up and improve the protection for intellectual
property rights.
Within the context of TPP, those negotiations are ongoing
and clearly very important to our future economic prosperity
and growth.
Thank you.
Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Mr. Allen.
Senator Flake, any further questions?
Senator Flake. No, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Coons. Well, with that I would like to thank all
three of our nominees today. I would like to also thank, if I
might, Mr. Heflin's daughter, Sara, Mr. Miller's wife, Ana, and
sons, Andrew and Alexander, and of course Micheline Tusenius
and Christopher and Caroline. Thank you all for your support. I
know there are many others here as well. We are grateful that
you stuck with us and we are grateful for your willingness to
serve.
Then we will keep the record of this panel open until noon
tomorrow, Wednesday July 30, and I will recess for a third
panel.
[Recess from 4:08 p.m. to 4:10 p.m.]
Senator Kaine [presiding]. This third panel of the Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations is now called to order. When I
asked folks to assemble, I betrayed my trial lawyer roots by
indicating that the ``witnesses'' should take their places.
These are not witnesses; they are nominees, and we are very,
very glad to have all three of them here.
What we will do is, I will do a brief introduction of each
of the three. Then I will ask them to make opening statements
in the order that I introduced you, and following that I will
have questions for each of you. Normally we would have other
committee members here, but normally we do not do three panels.
So you may only have to face my withering cross-examination
this afternoon.
But again, welcome to all. These are all quite important
positions.
So, to begin with introductions: Michele Sison has served
as U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka and the Maldives since 2012.
She previously served as assistant chief of mission in Baghdad,
Iraq, U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon, and U.S. Ambassador to the
UAE. She holds the rank of Career Minister in the U.S. Foreign
Service. Her early assignments include: service as Principal
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for south Asian affairs and
positions in Pakistan, India, Cote d'Ivoire, Cameroon, Benin,
Togo, and Haiti, in the 32 years since 1982 when she joined the
Foreign Service.
Sison also served as the State Department's director of
career development in assignments in 2010 and 2011. She
received her bachelor degree in political science from
Wellesley and also studied at the London School of Economics.
She is the mother of two grown daughters.
Ambassador Sison, welcome.
Our next two nominees are ambassadors in different ways.
While they have not served in the Foreign Service, they have
both served a huge percentage of their professional career as
Americans abroad. The millions of Americans we have who live
abroad, who proudly represent the United States as they do
their business and raise their families abroad are ambassadors
in a different way.
S. Fitzgerald Haney is a Principal and Head of Business
Development in Client Service for Pzena Investment Management.
He also has served as a member of the United States Holocaust
Memorial Council since 2013. Quickly, his business background:
from 2006 to 2007 he served with International Discount
Telecommunication; 2002 to 2006 he was director of strategic
planning at Depository Trust and Clearing Corporation; from
1999 to 2001 he was a senior associate at Israel Seed Partners
in Jerusalem, Israel; previously vice president of marketing
and strategic planning at Citicorp-Citibank in Mexico City and
Monterrey. Prior to that, he had various positions with
Pepsico, including significant stints in Sao Paolo, Brazil, and
also in Mexico City and San Juan, Puerto Rico.
He began his career after his bachelor's and master's
degree from Georgetown, serving as a Procter and Gamble
assistant brand manager in San Juan, Puerto Rico.
Welcome, Mr. Haney. It is good to have you here.
Finally, Charles Adams is the Managing Partner of the
Geneva office of the international law firm Akin Gump Strauss
Hauer and Feld. He has worked in Geneva for over 20 years,
serving as managing partner for two law firms, and his practice
focuses heavily on international arbitrations in Europe and
around the world.
He is a graduate of Dartmouth College and the University of
Virginia School of Law, was a Peace Corps Volunteer in Kenya
from 1968-70, and grew up living the patriotic and peripatetic
life of a child of a long-time member of the American Foreign
Service.
So, Mr. Adams, welcome to you as well.
I would like to ask you each now to make opening
statements. Your written statements will be submitted for the
record, but if you could speak for about 5 minutes that would
be great, and then I will ask each of you questions. I will
begin with Ambassador Sison.
STATEMENT OF HON. MICHELE JEANNE SISON, OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED
TO BE THE DEPUTY REPRESENTATIVE TO THE UNITED NATIONS, WITH THE
RANK OF AMBASSADOR, AND DEPUTY REPRESENTATIVE IN THE SECURITY
COUNCIL OF THE UNITED NATIONS; AND TO BE REPRESENTATIVE TO THE
SESSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE UNITED STATES DURING
HER TENURE OF SERVICE AS DEPUTY REPRESENTATIVE TO THE UNITED
NATIONS
Ambassador Sison. Mr. Chairman, it is an honor to appear
before you today as President Obama's nominee to be the Deputy
Permanent Representative of the United States to the United
Nations. I am grateful to the President, Secretary Kerry,
Ambassador Power for their faith and confidence in my ability
to represent the American people at the United Nations.
I know my daughters, Allie and Jessica, are watching this
hearing out in Arizona on their laptops and I would like to
give them a heartfelt shout-out in recognition of the many
years they spent accompanying me around the globe as Foreign
Service kids. My two girls truly are my pride and joy.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed I look forward to advancing
America's interests at the United Nations at a time of
unprecedented challenges. President Obama has stressed that the
global nature of the threats facing the world today cannot be
adequately addressed by one nation alone. For that reason,
America depends upon and must continue to demonstrate
leadership within an effective, responsive, and responsible
international system.
I have been privileged to serve our country three times as
U.S. Ambassador, as you mentioned, in the United Arab Emirates,
Lebanon, and Sri Lanka, and Maldives. Throughout my career I
have worked with our international partners on issues as varied
as nonproliferation, counterterrorism, climate change, and
post-conflict transition. Representing our Nation in
challenging posts around the world from Haiti to Cote d'Ivoire
and Pakistan to Iraq, I have seen the United Nations--I have
seen that the United Nations, for all its shortcomings, has the
ability to complement and amplify U.S. efforts to achieve a
number of our foreign policy goals, including to prevent and
end armed conflicts, ensure accountability, and build the
conditions for a lasting peace.
On the ground, I have worked alongside U.N. colleagues to
deliver life-saving humanitarian assistance to communities
racked by conflict and natural disaster. And I have coordinated
closely with U.N. personnel on efforts to aid refugees and
internally displaced persons.
As U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon, I witnessed how U.N.
peacekeepers contribute to allaying tensions along the blue
line between Israel and Lebanon. I have vigorously promoted
U.S. interests by urging our partners overseas to adhere to
U.N. Security Council resolutions designed to deter the
proliferation efforts of Iran and North Korea, al-Qaeda-linked
terrorism, and other grave threats to peace.
Of course, there can be no sustainable peace without
justice and the rule of law. I have worked closely with the
U.N. throughout my career to promote accountability and respect
for human rights, as well as to address the issue of sexual or
gender-based violence in conflict. While I believe no country
can lead as effectively as the United States, it is not our
Nation's job to solve every crisis around the world. The U.N.
is an important forum for sharing that burden internationally.
If confirmed, I will seek to expand the number of capable
and willing partners working with us at the U.N. on each of the
issues I have mentioned and will seek to unite them in a common
cause in tackling our many common challenges.
Finally, although I recognize the U.N.'s potential to
advance critical U.S. priorities, I am also well aware of the
U.N. system's limitations and the challenges it faces to ensure
that its important work is performed efficiently and
effectively. Some of these challenges are internal to the U.N.
system and some reflect the competing priorities of its member
states.
If confirmed, I will actively pursue our shared priority of
ensuring that American taxpayer resources are used effectively
to advance U.S. goals and objectives. I pledge to work to
ensure U.N. fiscal discipline, transparency, ethics, oversight,
and reform. I will also continue this administration's firm
commitment to fight any unfair bias against Israel at the U.N.
Mr. Chairman, I have worked closely with this committee
throughout my career and I greatly respect the active role of
the committee in shaping American foreign policy. If confirmed,
I look forward to the opportunity to continue to work with you
to advance U.S. national interests at the United Nations. I am
honored to appear before you today and I appreciate your
consideration of my nomination.
I would be happy to answer any questions you may have for
me. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Sison follows:]
Prepared Statement of Ambassador Michele Jeanne Sison
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor to appear
before you today as President Obama's nominee to be the Deputy
Permanent Representative of the United States to the United Nations. I
am grateful to the President, Secretary Kerry, and Ambassador Power for
their faith and confidence in my ability to represent the American
people at the United Nations.
I know my daughters, Allie and Jessica, are watching this hearing
out in Arizona on their laptops, and I'd like to give them a heartfelt
shout-out in recognition of the many years they spent accompanying me
around the globe as Foreign Service kids. My two girls truly are my
pride and joy.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to advancing America's
interests at the United Nations at a time of unprecedented challenges.
President Obama has stressed that the global nature of the threats
facing the world today cannot be adequately addressed by one nation
alone. For that reason, America depends upon--and must continue to
demonstrate leadership within--an effective, responsive, and
responsible international system.
I have been privileged to serve our country three times as U.S.
Ambassador: in the United Arab Emirates, Lebanon, and Sri Lanka and
Maldives. Throughout my career, I've worked with our international
partners on issues as varied as nonproliferation, counterterrorism,
climate change, and post-conflict transition. Representing our Nation
in challenging posts around the world--from Haiti to Cote d'Ivoire, and
Pakistan to Iraq--I have seen that the United Nations, for all its
shortcomings, has the ability to complement and amplify U.S. efforts to
achieve a number of our foreign policy goals, including to prevent and
end armed conflicts, ensure accountability, and build the conditions
for a lasting peace.
On the ground, I've worked alongside U.N. colleagues to deliver
life-saving humanitarian assistance to communities wracked by conflict
and natural disaster, and I've coordinated closely with U.N. personnel
on efforts to aid refugees and internally displaced persons. As U.S.
Ambassador to Lebanon, I witnessed how U.N. peacekeepers contribute to
allaying tensions along the ``Blue Line'' between Israel and Lebanon.
I have vigorously promoted U.S. interests by urging our partners
overseas to adhere to U.N. Security Council Resolutions designed to
deter the proliferation efforts of Iran and North Korea, Al-Qaeda-
linked terrorism, and other grave threats to peace. Of course, there
can be no sustainable peace without justice and the rule of law. I've
worked closely with the U.N. throughout my career to promote
accountability and respect for human rights, as well as to address the
issue of sexual or gender-based violence in conflict. And, while I
believe no country can lead as effectively as the United States, it is
not our Nation's job to solve every crisis around the world; the U.N.
is an important forum for sharing that burden internationally. If
confirmed, I will seek to expand the number of capable and willing
partners working with us at the U.N. on each of the issues I've
mentioned, and will seek to unite them in common cause in tackling our
many common challenges.
Finally, although I recognize the U.N.'s potential to advance
critical U.S. priorities, I am also well aware of the U.N. system's
limitations and the challenges it faces to ensure that its important
work is performed efficiently and effectively. Some of these challenges
are internal to the U.N. system, and some reflect the competing
priorities of its member states. If confirmed, I will actively pursue
our shared priority of ensuring that American taxpayer resources are
used effectively to advance U.S. goals and objectives. I pledge to work
to ensure U.N. fiscal discipline, transparency, ethics, oversight, and
reform. I will also continue this administration's firm commitment to
fight any unfair bias against Israel at the U.N.
Mr. Chairman, I've worked closely with this committee throughout my
career, and I greatly respect the active role of the committee in
shaping American foreign policy. If confirmed, I look forward to the
opportunity to continue to work with you to advance U.S. national
interests at the United Nations.
I am honored to appear before you today and I appreciate your
consideration of my nomination. I would be happy to answer any
questions you may have for me. Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ambassador Sison.
Mr. Haney.
STATEMENT OF STAFFORD FITZGERALD HANEY, OF NEW JERSEY,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA
Mr. Haney. Chairman Kaine, it is an honor to appear before
you today as President Obama's nominee to serve as the next
United States Ambassador to Costa Rica. I am profoundly humbled
by this opportunity to serve and thank the President and the
Secretary of State for the confidence they have placed in me.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and your
colleagues to protect U.S. citizens in Costa Rica, deepen the
bonds that unite our countries, and advance U.S. interests in
Central America.
With the chairman's permission, I would like to acknowledge
my family who are here with me today, starting with my wife,
Rabbi Andrea Haney, and my children Asher, Nava, Eden, and
Shaia. If I am confirmed, my wife and our four children will be
joining me in San Jose, and it is only through their love and
support that I am here today.
I would also like to acknowledge my brother-in-law, Adam
Dobrick, and my sister-in-law, Alison Dobrick, and various
friends supporting us today.
Finally, I would also like to mention my mother, father,
and brother, who are here with us in our hearts. My mother,
Sandra Haney, was and still is my hero. Working days and
studying at night, she showed us by her example that the United
States is truly a land of opportunity. She was also a link in a
long line of family that has in various ways served our Nation
proudly. From a fifth great-granduncle who fought in the
Revolutionary War, to my brother who served both overseas and
at home, to my great-uncle who recently received an honorary
doctorate in public service, we have a long and proud tradition
of serving our Nation. It is in my mother's honor and in her
memory that I hope if I am confirmed to dedicate my service.
Costa Rica is an important ally in a region of critical
strategic importance to the United States. It is the most
stable democracy in Central America. Its strong commitment to
investing in education and health has helped it achieve
literacy, life expectancy, infant mortality, and income levels
that are considered among the best in the region.
It is no surprise that these positive attributes have
attracted significant numbers of U.S. citizens and today
approximately 100,000 call Costa Rica home and more than 1
million visit annually. If confirmed, their safety and well-
being will be my top priority.
Despite its successes, Costa Rica, like its neighbors,
confronts many challenges, including security challenges, as
international drug trafficking organizations and organized
crime increasingly penetrate Central America. The United States
and Costa Rica enjoy an excellent partnership in security
cooperation. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the
Government of Costa Rica to ensure that organized crime does
not undermine the country's economy and democratic
institutions.
Another of my highest priorities if confirmed will be
promoting greater Central American integration. The region will
not prosper without better regional cooperation on trade,
infrastructure development, energy integration, and investment.
Given its stability and relative prosperity, Costa Rica is
not a source of the unaccompanied young people who have been
streaming north to escape poverty, violence, and hopelessness,
and in fact is itself a destination. Costa Rica can play a
constructive role in working to create conditions in Central
America that are conducive to reducing poverty and violence.
President Solis has emphasized he is committed to working to
promote regional integration and prosperity, and if I am
confirmed I will support him in those efforts.
I have many years experience living and working in the
international businesses in Latin America and understand the
region and its challenges. As was made clear during the recent
investment promotion visit to the United States, Costa Rica is
serious about improving its business climate and attracting
foreign investment. If confirmed, my private sector experience
would be an asset in helping Costa Rica advance in those areas.
It would also serve me in working to advocate for stronger
intellectual property protection, promote entrepreneurship and
private-public partnerships, and ensure that U.S. companies and
investors encounter a fair and level playing field for doing
business in Costa Rica.
If confirmed, I will also work closely with Costa Rica to
advance the many other policy objectives and priorities the
United States and Costa Rica share. Costa Rica shares our
commitment to protecting democratic freedoms and human rights
and has made it clear it will resist any attempts to weaken the
inter-American human rights system. Costa Rica will also
continue to be a strong partner with the United States on
initiatives to mitigate and adapt to climate change and promote
renewable energy use and sustainable development.
I believe Costa Rica has the opportunity to become a
regional hub of innovation, good governance, and increased
competitiveness. As our dedicated team at Embassy San Jose
states, a safe, prosperous, and green Costa Rica benefits the
citizens of both our nations.
Mr. Chairman, I thank you again for your consideration of
my nomination and I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Haney follows:]
Prepared Statement by Stafford Fitzgerald Haney
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is an honor to appear
before you today as President Obama's nominee to serve as the next
United States Ambassador to Costa Rica.
I am profoundly humbled by this opportunity to serve and thank the
President and the Secretary of State for the confidence they have
placed in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and your
colleagues in Congress to advance U.S. interests in Costa Rica and
deepen the bonds that unite our countries.
With the Chairman's permission, I would like to acknowledge friends
and family who are with me today; starting with my wife, Rabbi Andrea
Haney, and my children, Asher, Nava, Eden, and Shaia. If I am
confirmed, my wife and our four children will be joining me in San
Jose, and it is only through their love and support that I am here
today. I would also like to acknowledge my mother-in-law, Betsy
Dobrick, my brother and sister-in-law, Adam and Allison Dobrick, and
various close friends who are here today and whose support means so
much to me and my family.
Finally, I would also like to mention my mother, father, and
brother, may they rest in peace, who are here with us in our hearts. My
mother, Sandra Haney, was, and still is, my hero. As a young widow with
two young children, she left home and family to provide my brother and
me with the best education and opportunities she could. Working during
the day and going to school at night, she showed us, by her example,
that the United States is truly the land of opportunity for those who
work hard on a level playing field. She did not have it easy as a
single African-American woman raising two children alone in the 1970s,
but she never gave up and she knew her sacrifices would allow her
children to have a better life. It was her firmly held belief, one that
she passed on, that America's core values should serve as an example
throughout the world. She also was a link in a long line of family that
has, in various ways, served our Nation proudly. From a 5th great-
granduncle who fought in the Revolutionary War, to my brother who
served both overseas and at home, to my great-uncle who recently
received an honorary doctorate in public service and was recognized by
the Tennessee state legislature, to my mother's marches and sit-ins to
protest what she saw as injustices not compatible with the America we
aspire to be--we have a long and proud tradition of serving our Nation.
It is in my mother's honor and in her memory that I hope, if I am
confirmed, to dedicate my service.
Costa Rica is an important ally in a region of critical strategic
importance to the United States. It is the most stable democracy in
Central America, and its long-held traditions of protecting human
rights and freedom of expression are a model for the region. Its strong
commitment to investing in education and health has helped Costa Rica
achieve literacy, life expectancy, infant mortality, and income levels
that are significantly better than and serve as a good example for the
rest of Central America. It is no surprise that these positive
attributes have attracted significant numbers of U.S. citizens to the
country. Today, approximately 100,000 U.S. citizens call Costa Rica
home, and more than 1 million visit annually. If confirmed, their
safety and well-being will be my top priority.
Despite its successes, Costa Rica, like its neighbors, confronts
many challenges, including security challenges, as international drug
trafficking organizations and organized crime increasingly penetrate
Central America. The United States and Costa Rica enjoy an excellent
partnership in security cooperation. If confirmed, I will continue to
work with the Government of Costa Rica to ensure that organized crime
does not undermine the country's economy and democratic institutions.
If confirmed, another of my highest priorities will be promoting
greater Central American integration. The region will not prosper
without better regional cooperation on trade, infrastructure
development, energy integration, and investment. Greater integration
has long been an aspiration in Central America, but effective
mechanisms for achieving that goal have remained elusive. The United
States
can play a constructive role in helping Central America create jobs and
economic opportunities for its 43 million people by helping the region
improve infrastructure, integrate markets, reduce nontariff barriers,
and benefit more from its free trade agreement.
Given its stability and relative prosperity, Costa Rica is not a
source of the unaccompanied young people who have been streaming north
to escape poverty, violence, and hopelessness, and, in fact, may be a
destination itself. Costa Rica can play a constructive regional
leadership role in working to create conditions in Central America that
are conducive to reducing poverty and violence and creating jobs and
opportunity. President Solis has emphasized he is committed to working
to promote regional integration and prosperity, and, if confirmed, I
will support him in those efforts. I will also work to create strong
linkages between the American Chambers of Commerce in Central America,
so that the private sector is fully incorporated into the process of
seeking solutions to the region's development challenges.
I have many years' experience living and working in international
business in Mexico, Central America, the Caribbean, and Brazil. I
understand the region and the challenges it faces. As President Solis
made clear during his recent investment-promotion visit to the United
States, Costa Rica is serious about improving its business climate, and
attracting foreign investment. If confirmed, my private sector
experience would be an asset in working with Costa Rica to advance in
those areas. It would also serve me to advocate for stronger
intellectual property protection, promote entrepreneurship and private-
public partnerships, and ensure that U.S. companies and investors
encounter a fair and level playing field for doing business in Costa
Rica.
If confirmed, I will also work closely with Costa Rica to advance
the many other policy objectives and priorities the United States and
Costa Rica share. Costa Rica shares our commitment to protecting
democratic freedoms and human rights, and has made clear it will
vigilantly resist any attempts to weaken the Inter-American Human
Rights System. Costa Rica will also continue to be a strong partner
with the United States on initiatives to mitigate and adapt to climate
change and promote renewable energy use and sustainable development. I
believe Costa Rica has the opportunity to become a regional hub of
innovation and the potential to assume a leadership role in advancing
good governance and prosperity throughout Central America.
As our dedicated team at Embassy San Jose states: A safe,
prosperous, and green Costa Rica benefits the citizens of both our
nations.
Mr. Chairman, committee members, I thank you again for your
consideration
of my nomination to serve as Ambassador to Costa Rica, and I welcome
your questions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Haney.
Mr. Adams.
STATEMENT OF CHARLES C. ADAMS, JR., OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF FINLAND
Mr. Adams. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is a privilege to
appear before you today as the President's nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Finland, and it is a tremendous
honor to have been asked to serve in this post. Like my
colleagues, I thank President Obama and Senator Kerry for the
confidence that they have shown in me and if confirmed very
much look forward to working with you and your colleagues in
Congress to further U.S. interests in Finland.
I regret only that my wife, Vera, and my 12-year-old
daughter, Maya, who if I am confirmed will accompany me to
Helsinki, could not be here with me today. I hope that they are
watching on the Internet back at home in Geneva, although it is
way past Maya's bedtime by now.
I hope also watching is my son, Matthew, who is 31, who
lives and works in Los Angeles, of whom I am very proud and who
has been a great support to me throughout the process leading
up to my appearance here before you today.
I do have here a group of dear friends and law partners
whose support I very much appreciate also.
If I may, I would like to say just a few words about why my
appearance here today before you is of such personal
significance to me. As you mentioned, Mr. Chairman, my late
father Charles C. Adams dedicated the entirety of his
professional career to representing the United States as a
Foreign Service officer, devotedly supported throughout by my
late mother, Florence Schneider Adams.
They and what came over time to be a family of six kids
spent many years in posts all over the world, principally in
Europe and Africa, between assignments back home here in the
United States. I thus had the opportunity to witness at
firsthand, through the eyes of the Foreign Service brat that I
was, the tremendous skill and savvy and dedication and courage
that my parents and all other professionals of the Foreign
Service brought to their service to their country and the
burdens and the sacrifices that they were prepared to endure.
After service in the Peace Corps in Kenya in 1968 to 1970
and after law school at Mr. Jefferson's university in
Charlottesville, I chose to enter the private sector, and I
have practiced international law and international arbitration
at high levels for now over 40 years. But I always have had
very close to my heart the idea that as a salute to the memory
of my mom and dad and to the magnificent men and women of the
Foreign Service with whom they served, that I might some day be
afforded the opportunity and the extraordinary privilege to
serve my country as an ambassador of the United States.
And should I be honored by the confirmation of this
nomination, that long-held aspiration will have been fulfilled.
I am very excited that the President has asked me to
represent the United States in Finland. Finland is a very close
U.S. partner. During the cold war Finland served as a key
interlocutor between East and West, hosting numerous
international summits, including those leading to the Helsinki
Final Act, the founding document of the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe, which will celebrate its
40th anniversary next year.
Finland has been a member of the European Union since 1995,
has developed an innovation-led economy, engages closely with
the United States and the NATO Partnership for Peace program,
including in Afghanistan, and leads in promoting human rights
around the globe. Finland's participation in multilateral fora
is a core component of its foreign policy. Finland is an
important partner of the United States in international
organizations like the United Nations and the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe. And if confirmed, I will
work to sustain and advance the strong U.S.-Finland bilateral
relationship.
I will work to do so by championing U.S. national interests
across three areas: our shared security, shared prosperity, and
shared values. First, on our shared security, ever since 1950
Finland has been a dedicated participant in U.S. peacekeeping
missions around the world and, although not a member of NATO,
Finland is a participant, as I said, in the Partnership for
Peace and maintains very high levels of cooperation with us.
Finland has also played a critical role in addressing the
crisis in Syria through its participation in the mission to
transport and destroy Syrian chemical weapons and has provided
$21.9 million in humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people.
Second, the United States and Finland share the vision of a
strong, robust, trans-Atlantic economy that delivers for all of
our citizens, and if confirmed one of my top priorities will be
to increase economic cooperation between Finland and the United
States through expedited, expanded bilateral trade through the
TTIP, Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership.
Finland has played a very active role in advancing our
shared security, economic and social values, and if confirmed I
look forward to representing my country and advancing a still
deeper connection between the United States and Finland. I am
very grateful for the opportunity to address you and am at your
disposal to answer any questions you may have. Thank you very
much.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Adams follows:]
Prepared Statement of Charles C. Adams, Jr
Mr. Chairman and honorable members of the committee, it is a
privilege to appear before you today as the President's nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Finland. It is a tremendous honor to be
asked to serve in this post, and I would like to thank President Obama
and Secretary Kerry for their confidence in me. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with you and your colleagues in Congress to further
U.S. interests in Finland.
With your kind permission, I would like to say a few words about my
personal background and why this makes the privilege to serve as an
Ambassador so meaningful, if confirmed by the Senate.
My late father, Charles C. Adams, dedicated the entirety of his
professional career to representing the United States as a Foreign
Service officer, supported throughout by my late mother, Florence
Schneider Adams. They, and what came over time to be a family of six
children, spent many years in posts all over the world, principally in
Europe and Africa, between assignments back home here in the United
States. I had the opportunity to witness at first hand, through the
eyes of the ``foreign service brat'' that I was, the enormous skill,
savvy, dedication, and courage that my parents, and all other
professionals of the Foreign Service, brought to their service to their
country, and the burdens and sacrifices they were prepared to endure.
After service in the Peace Corps in East Africa in 1968-70, I chose
to enter the private sector, and have practiced international law and
policy at high levels for now over 40 years. But I have always had
close to my heart the idea that, as a salute to the memory of my mom
and dad, and to the magnificent men and women of the Foreign Service
with whom they served, I might someday be afforded the extraordinary
privilege of serving my country as a United States Ambassador.
I am very excited that the President asked me to represent the
United States in Finland. Finland is a close U.S. partner. During the
cold war, Finland served as a key interlocutor between East and West,
hosting numerous international summits, including those leading to the
Helsinki Final Act, which will celebrate its 40th anniversary next
year. Finland has been a member of the European Union since 1995, has
developed an innovation-led economy, engages closely with us as a NATO
partner, including in Afghanistan, and leads in promoting human rights
around the globe.
Finland's participation in multilateral fora is a core component of
its foreign policy. Finland is an important partner of the United
States in international organizations like the United Nations and the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
If confirmed, I will work to sustain and advance the strong U.S.-
Finland bilateral relationship. I will work to do so by championing
U.S. national interests across three areas: our shared security, shared
prosperity, and shared values.
First, on our shared security: ever since the 1950s, Finland has
been a dedicated participant in U.N. peacekeeping missions around the
world. Although not a member of NATO, Finland is a participant in
NATO's Partnership for Peace program and maintains a high level of
cooperation and interoperability with the Alliance.
Finland has contributed troops to the ISAF mission in Afghanistan
and has pledged $8 million per year from 2015 to 2017 in support for
the Afghan National Security Forces. Finland has taken the lead on
implementation of UNSCR 1325, the Resolution for Women, Peace and
Security, which seeks to protect women's rights and participation in
Afghan society.
Finland also played a critical role in addressing the crisis in
Syria through its participation in the mission to transport and destroy
Syrian chemical weapons and has provided $21.9 million in humanitarian
assistance to the Syrian people.
Second, the United States and Finland share the vision of a strong,
robust transatlantic economy that delivers for all our citizens. That
is why, if confirmed, one of my top priorities will be increasing
economic cooperation between Finland and the United States, through
expanded bilateral trade and investment. Finland strongly supports a
Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), which, if
successfully negotiated, could further increase bilateral economic ties
and strengthen the overall U.S.-EU economic relationship. I will also
work closely with the Finns on the increasingly important Arctic
region. Finland is eager to work with us on our upcoming chairmanship
of the Arctic Council, and will take over the chairmanship after us in
2017.
Finally, on our shared values, the U.S.-Finnish relationship
continues to thrive because of the strong people-to-people ties between
our two nations. These relationships are the lifeblood of the U.S.-
Finnish partnership. If confirmed, I will travel throughout the country
meeting with students, media, local officials and civil society
listening to their priorities and concerns and speaking to the enduring
value of our cooperation.
Finland has played an active role in advancing our shared security,
economic, and social values. If confirmed, I look forward to
representing my country in advancing a still deeper connection between
the United States and Finland.
I am grateful for the opportunity to have addressed you today, and
am at your disposal to answer any questions you may have. Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you very much, Mr. Adams. Wonderful
testimony, both written and oral presentations from each of
you.
I will start, Ambassador Sison, with you. I share your
opening comments about the U.N., were my views exactly. The
U.N. is frequently vexing and frustrating and yet it is a proud
U.S. accomplishment. Even as the League of Nations was
unwinding in the 1930s, long before the Second World War
started, President Roosevelt in his first term knew there would
need to be a successor and began to plan for the creation of
the U.N. as early as 1933 or 1934. The war delayed it, but
obviously it was--the U.S.'s participation, leadership,
financial support, has been critical to the organization, and I
think we can be proud of many of the accomplishments of the
U.N. over the course of its history.
Still, there are challenges at the U.N. One of the ones
that has sort of been most vexing to me has been the relative
impotence of the Security Council in dealing with the civil war
in Syria. The United States is the largest provider of
humanitarian aid to Syrian refugees in the world, but much of
that aid has been to Syrian refugees outside of Syria. The
Bashar al-Assad government has not been cooperating
significantly with humanitarian aid delivery, except in various
fits and starts when the PR would suggest that he should. But
often in the U.N. Security Council, except for one or two
occasions, Russia, usually with the agreement of China, has
blocked resolutions to take a more vigorous posture.
If you would, offer your thoughts on the Syrian refugee
crisis, which I think is one of the greatest humanitarian
crises of the last 50 years, and what the U.N. can do more,
especially in light of the recent resolution that Russia signed
onto, even to allow cross-border humanitarian aid without the
agreement of the Bashar al-Assad government?
Ambassador Sison. Thank you, Senator. Indeed, after 3 years
of fighting there are more than 10.8 million people in need of
assistance and 6.4 million internally displaced, due of course
to the actions of the Assad regime and its actions against the
Syrian people.
U.S. leadership has been critical at the United Nations in
addressing these pressing humanitarian assistance needs. As you
noted, the second humanitarian assistance U.N. Security Council
resolution was just passed this month, July 14. UNSCR 2165, as
you noted, authorized the U.N.'s use of four border crossings
from Turkey, Jordan, and Iraq to deliver the humanitarian
assistance. And just last Thursday we saw the first convoy of
nine trucks cross into Syria with nine truck loads of badly
needed foodstuffs and medicines.
Of course, there is also pressure on the countries outside
of Syria, Syria's neighbors: Lebanon, I understand you recently
traveled out there; Jordan, Turkey, of course. That has
impacted those neighboring countries as well, and I will get
back to that in a moment.
U.S. leadership at the U.N. has been critical in focusing
an overall strategy to continue to push as much humanitarian
assistance into Syria through, as possible, through all
available channels. There is a dual strategy that we are
promoting with the U.N., funding organizations with a presence
in Damascus, yes, including the U.N., but also funding
organizations, NGOs and U.N. agencies, to conduct this cross-
border humanitarian assistance deliveries into the areas where
the most vulnerable populations are located.
Of course, this is very challenging for the U.N. agencies
on the ground. Severe security challenges. The Assad regime's
minimal steps to facilitate cross-line and cross-border access.
Those aid agencies out there are having a challenging time to
get this assistance to the millions of people in need.
Now, I mentioned the focus also on the neighboring
countries, because of course there have been outflows of Syrian
refugees into Lebanon, into Turkey, into Jordan. So U.S.
leadership is also working to keep those borders open to those
seeking to flee; advocacy for increased donor support to assist
these vulnerable populations, and to provide not just
humanitarian assistance, but development aid, in those
neighboring countries.
The U.N. is now integrating what they call the resilience
pillar, having a regional response plan that addresses the
economic and development needs of these receiving countries. So
again, U.S. leadership has been critical in addressing the
needs on the ground, and of course in getting those two
humanitarian assistance resolutions through the Security
Council, as well as the chemical weapons U.N. Security Council
resolution.
Senator Kaine. I am so glad that you mentioned your service
in Lebanon and connected it to it. When I was in Lebanon in
February, talking to a nation with a population of about 4
million that is dealing with a million refugees that have
arrived in the space of 3 years made me wonder, how would the
United States deal with people fleeing violence from other
countries in those numbers. We have seen a little bit of how we
would respond recently as people fleeing violence in Central
America have come to our southern border.
But the challenges that--I believe the challenges that this
humanitarian crisis will continue to present will be a major
part of your daily headache and responsibility there.
It has to my way of thinking disclosed some continuing
challenges with the Security Council and they may not be easy
to fix. But what are your thoughts about proposals that are on
the table to potentially consider either enlarging the
membership of the Security Council or changing the way that the
membership is chosen?
Ambassador Sison. Thank you, Senator. In terms of U.N.
Security Council reform, of course the United States believes
that the Security Council and the U.N. in general need to
reflect the world that we live in, 21st century. The
administration is open in principle to a modest expansion of
the permanent and nonpermanent memberships, although I would
underscore that any consideration of expansion of the permanent
membership would of course need to take into consideration the
ability to contribute commensurately to the U.N. Charter's
requirements of maintaining peace and security around the
world. We would remain opposed, however, to any alteration or
expansion of the veto.
Senator Kaine. What is the current status of the U.S.
contributions to the U.N. peacekeeping operations, since you
mentioned that very important mission? There has been some
controversy about the status of U.S. contributions to that
particular mission in general. We have been such a sizable
funder of U.N. operations. Talk a little about that and whether
you see the need for any additional U.S. peacekeeping
operations in response to security challenges that are out
there now?
Ambassador Sison. The United States, indeed, is the major
contributor to peacekeeping operations with our assessment at
28.4 percent now, Senator. Of course, U.N. peacekeeping
operations in many of the hot spots around the world promote
U.S. national security interests by helping preserve or
stabilize, restore international peace and security, including
in places of direct U.S. national interest. Here I am thinking
of Mali, for example, where we saw al-Qaeda-linked terrorists
threaten not only Mali, but the region.
Moreover, U.N. peacekeeping operations help us maintain
global stability, avoid the need for more costly intervention.
Yes, we do contribute over a quarter of U.N. peacekeeping
operations' costs. Other member states, however, share that
burden with the remaining 70-plus percent, as well as
contributing their troops and police.
So we can think of this as a global bargain, if you will,
with over 100,000 peacekeepers deployed, coming from 122
countries around the world into these hot spots around the
world, over 16 multidimensional U.N. peacekeeping operations.
Senator Kaine. How about financial reform? I spent a day at
the U.N. when Ambassador Rice was the U.N. Ambassador. I would
recommend it to all my colleagues on Foreign Relations to go
spend a day at the U.N., visiting various missions, visiting
the Secretary General. I went to a Security Council meeting.
I asked Ambassador Rice when I walked into my meeting with
the Secretary General: Is there something that you want me to
say that will be helpful to you? Very high on her very short
list was to continue to press the case for management and
budgetary reforms at the U.N. You alluded to that in your
testimony as a priority. Would you talk a little bit more about
that?
Ambassador Sison. Thank you, Senator. If confirmed, one of
my top priorities of course would be to be very focused on
making sure that U.S. taxpayer dollars going into the regular
budget assessment or peacekeeping budget assessment, that those
U.S. taxpayer dollars are being used wisely and well, and that
our U.S. leadership at the U.N. is focused on making it more
transparent, more effective, more efficient.
I can see as I prepared for this hearing, sir, that this
has been a very successful focus for our U.S.-U.N. team up
there in New York. U.S. leadership at the U.N., for example, in
the 68th session achieved a 1-year freeze in professional staff
salaries and a 2-year freeze in benefits. This is pathbreaking,
groundbreaking, up at the U.N.
U.S. leadership continues with a focus on curbing growth in
the compensation costs up there at the U.N. In April of this
year the United States cochaired the Geneva Group, which is a
group that looks at these management and budgetary issues, and
we advocated additional measures to reduce staff compensation
growth across the U.N. common system. We have also focused on
the ballooning U.N. air travel expenditures. We have focused on
our U.S. Government U.N. transparency and accountability
initiative, which is a comprehensive review of each U.N.
entity's audit and whistleblower protections. We are working
closely with the U.N.'s Office of Internal Oversight Services,
which is the entity that focuses on waste, fraud, and abuse. Of
course, the United States has been right up there in front,
strongly supporting efforts to further strengthen OIOS's audit
and investigation functions.
Senator Kaine. Could you talk a little bit--I am very happy
you mentioned one of the areas that we often find vexing, which
is some reflexive anti-Israel policies in the U.N. I remember
when I was in Israel in April 2009 as Governor of Virginia.
There was a U.N.--I believe it was UNESCO--meeting in Geneva
that one of the invited keynote speakers was Ahmedinejad,
Mahmoud Ahmedinejad of Iran, and to have a Holocaust denier
speaking to an international organization of that kind--and the
sad coincidence of timing, it was during Yom Hashoah in Israel,
and it just seemed so odd.
There are many instances like that, where in the U.N., as
an American audience looking on, we see that reflexive anti-
Israel attitude. What can you do to deal with that? Let us
bring it to a point that we are all very concerned about now.
Talk a little bit about the role that the U.N. can play in
trying to find a path to a cease-fire in Gaza, where in the
calm of a cease-fire the issues and grievances can be put on
the table so that we can continue the quest to find that path
to what the U.N. called for in 1947, which is a peaceful Israel
and Palestine living side by side?
Ambassador Sison. Yes, thank you, Senator. Indeed there is
all too often an unfair, biased targeting of Israel in many
U.N. fora, and if confirmed I would certainly work and do my
utmost to fight against this type of unfair and biased
targeting of our friend and ally, Israel.
There have been a number of positive agenda actions, if you
will, including Israel in a number of key consultative groups
recently. For example, the Western European and Others grouping
out in Geneva, the so-called JUSCANZ human rights consultative
group up in New York. These consultative groupings are really
where a lot of the work behind the scenes at the U.N. is
accomplished, and by bringing Israel into these consultative
groupings I believe we can definitely move forward in
addressing some of our mutual concerns.
On the second aspect of your question, Senator, of course
we saw yesterday, just after midnight Monday, the U.N. Security
Council calling for immediate and unconditional humanitarian
cease-fire. Of course, we have seen Secretary Kerry and
Secretary General Ban Ki-moon out in the region over the last
several days, last week. Of course, the immediate goal for all
of us is stopping the violence, to look for a cessation of
hostilities, to look for a cease-fire along the contours of the
November 2012 Israel-Hamas cease-fire.
So the U.N. of course is out there with U.S. support,
providing assistance to the civilian population through the
U.N. Relief Works Agency. But the bottom line--and this is the
political good offices, of course, of the U.N., the United
States, and many others--is to work for a cease-fire, an end to
the violence. Of course we condemn Hamas's attacks against
Israel, support Israel's right to defend itself, but at the
same time--at the same time, are very concerned about the
civilian deaths, Palestinian civilians, Israeli civilians,
Israeli IDF soldiers.
So the bottom line is all of us working together to stop
the violence, to promote a ceaselfire agreement.
Senator Kaine. Well, you are coming to the position at a
challenging time. There are so many other issues I could ask
you about, but in September we have both the visits of the
heads of state to the United Nations as well as the U.S. turn
to be in the lead position in the Security Council, and much
work to do. But I appreciate your service and congratulate you
on your nomination.
Let me move to questions for Mr. Haney. We have really been
grappling with this issue of the unaccompanied minors coming to
the border. We are trying to learn a little bit from Costa Rica
because, while the countries in the northern triangle are the
three countries, are the primary countries where these
youngsters are coming from, including seeking asylum in Costa
Rica and other nations, they are generally, the countries where
these countries are coming from struggle with high levels of
corruption in law enforcement and the judiciary.
But Costa Rica is known for a largely uncorrupt police
force. Along with effective law enforcement, Costa Rica enjoys
low levels of impunity compared to northern triangle neighbors,
where roughly 9 of 10 cases are never even prosecuted.
You alluded to this a bit in your testimony, but what are
some of the factors that explain this difference and how can
Costa Rica potentially serve as a model for the other nations
in the region?
Mr. Haney. Senator, thank you. Mr. Chairman, thank you for
your question. As you said, I think Costa Rica has the
opportunity to serve as a model for the rest of the region as a
home-grown success story, if you may, of what the emphasis on
human rights and democratic institutions that have been long
established within the Costa Rica history.
Costa Rica has, because of its investment it has made in
education and in health, it has achieved a level of prosperity,
and without violence, that its neighbors lack, unfortunately,
today. I think with the help of President Solis, who is very
focused on regional integration and very focused on how Costa
Rica is not an island, it is part of the isthmus, and will face
the same challenges sooner or later as its neighbors do if it
does not help come to some kind of agreement on how we can best
face these challenges.
So I think Costa Rica just by its following the current
path that it is on can set a good example. I think you
mentioned the judiciary and the police. We have done a lot of
work with both in Costa Rica. We have a very strong partnership
as far as security cooperation, as far as capacity-building and
training. I think that with our ongoing support Costa Rica will
maintain that and can actually serve as a center for training
for the rest of the region as well.
I think it is very important that we always do remember
that you cannot be more willing than your partner and you
cannot get your partner to be more able than they are. I think
in Costa Rica we have a very unique opportunity for a very
willing and capable partner at the same time.
Senator Kaine. I share your assessment. One danger that I
would see that we might have in Costa Rica is--I lived in
Honduras 30 years or so ago and I kind of pay attention,
special attention to Honduras, which is now, sadly, the murder
capital of the world. It was not that way when I lived there.
It was not that way 15 years ago. But it seemed to be that
there was some significant success in U.S. efforts to fight
drug trade in Mexico and Colombia, but drug trade is mobile,
almost like capital is, and as there were more effective law
enforcement efforts in the countries where there were serious
problems some of the traffickers and transit routes rerouted.
And to the extent that we take some significant steps with
respect to the northern triangle countries, there could be
pressure for them to reroute to Costa Rica as well.
So that is something that will require ongoing significant
security work between the nations. It is good to know that the
partnership is strong and that the civil institutions begin
with a strength.
Let me switch to a strength of yours, which is on the
international economic side, given your background. Costa Rica
has been the most stable, not just from a security standpoint,
but economically, of the countries in Central America. But
recently there have been some concerns. American firms have
done some downsizing and at least cited as a reason for the
downsizing--there may be other reasons--that they were
concerned about some of the potential fiscal policies of the
incoming President Solis. So we saw some American firms, like
Intel and Citibank, reduce some of their presence--I am sorry,
Bank of America, not Citibank--reduce some of their presence,
citing that.
What do you think of the current sort of economic climate,
fiscal climate, in Costa Rica, and what can you do with the
experience you bring to the table to promote U.S. foreign
direct investment there and find opportunities for American
businesses as well?
Mr. Haney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I think the best
example--the best indication we have had of the current
administration, President Solis's, commitment to making Costa
Rica as attractive as possible for U.S. and other foreign
investment is the fact that his first trip outside of the
region as President was an investment promotion trip here to
the United States, where he went to Silicon Valley, to New
York, and then eventually D.C.
I think that he very well made the case that Costa Rica
realizes that it has some challenges around some bureaucracy,
around infrastructure, that it needs to work on, both physical
as well as investment, but overall that the country was very
willing and looking for that FDI, that foreign direct
investment, and to work with U.S. corporations in country.
So while Intel did, for example, shut one of its fab plants
down in Costa Rica or is in the process of doing so, at the
same time it announced that it is opening up a mega-lab, an R
and D center, within the country. So I think that also points
to one of my key priorities, which is Costa Rica can serve as a
hub of innovation. It has the human capital because it has
invested in education over the last few generations.
So I think my private sector background of working both
with entrepreneurs as well as with the broad overall
international business, I would hope to help Costa Rica address
some of the issues that might be limiting additional investment
from U.S. firms within the country.
Senator Kaine. What is your sense of how Costa Rica has
taken advantage of CAFTA? Have they tried to leverage the free
trade agreement in Central America and the Dominican Republic
effectively or do you think there is still some significantly
greater up side that could be realized in looking at trade?
Mr. Haney. Thank you, Senator. I think as far as Costa Rica
goes, by almost any measure of success it has been the most
successful country within CAFTA. It was the last one, as you
know, to actually implement after a national referendum. But it
today accounts for about 40 percent of all CAFTA trade, just
Costa Rica alone.
So I think--but I still think there are opportunities
within Costa Rica's ability to leverage CAFTA to its benefit,
both within country--I think it can go deeper into the Costa
Rica economy. So we are looking at additional inclusion around
development. So not just the first tier, not just the export
sector, but we are really thinking of how do you drive the
benefits of CAFTA into the small and medium enterprises, which
will be really the engine for ongoing continued economic
development within Costa Rica.
I think on the second point, that Costa Rica, and I think
all the CAFTA countries themselves, have not taken as much
advantage of the intraregional trade as they can. So while they
have been very focused on exporting to the United States and
taking advantage of the CAFTA-DR that way, the trade within the
seven countries themselves has not blossomed as one would hope.
I think that is one of the tools we have to help address some
of these core issues that are driving some of what we have seen
of late within Central America.
Senator Kaine. And President Solis's regional integration
goal would suggest that would be something that he would also
share, a priority he would share.
Mr. Haney. Correct. He has stated many times that he
believes that only with regional integration will Costa Rica
and the region itself be able to be competitive in the 21st
century. When you think about Costa Rica, which has done fairly
well for itself--it is an upper-middle-income country--but it
is under 5 million people. President Solis recognizes that a
market of 5 million versus a market of 43 million, which is all
the Central American countries together, is a vast difference
on investment and scalability.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Haney, thank you very much for your
answers.
Let me move to Mr. Adams now. Talk about the very delicate
issue of the Russia-Finland relationship? Even to today, as the
EU in the last couple days have been grappling with sanctions
of Russia following activities in the Ukraine and the downing
of the Air Malaysia flight, Finland's economy is very connected
to the Russian economy, tourism, and other ways. They have been
a little bit reluctant, but seem to be a solid partner in the
announcements we are seeing come out of the EU today.
But talk a little bit about that relationship and the
current status of it especially in light of the activities
involving Russia and its neighbor in Ukraine?
Mr. Adams. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Recent events in the
Crimea and in the Ukraine have put something of a spotlight on
precisely the subject that you have mentioned, the long
historical relationship of Finland and Russia. As you know,
Finland at one time, from 1809 to 1917, was part of Russia as
an autonomous grand duchy of the tsar. And from December 6,
1917, forward, the date of Finland's independence, its
relationship with Russia has been a complex and delicate one.
Naturally, with 1,300 kilometers of border, this is the
second-longest border of Russia with its neighbors to the west
after the Ukraine. The economic ties have been very strong.
Russia is Finland's single largest export market. It is its
second-largest supplier after Sweden in the most recent
statistics, for fiscal 2013.
It is true that Finland's economy to a substantial degree
is interlinked with that of Russia. On the other hand, Finland
has been a staunch supporter of the EU and has stated its
intention of implementing and enforcing to the fullest degree
the EU sanctions recently announced against Russia, this
notwithstanding the fact that of all the members of the EU it
is Finland which in proportional terms could be said to have
the most to lose. But notwithstanding, Finland is very much
behind the full set of sanctions recently announced.
What also I think is important to take note of is the fact
that Finland is in a unique position, because of its proximity
and historical connection to Russia, to state the position of
the EU and to state the position of the United States as
Finland's partner within the Partnership for Peace in NATO on
the issues which have brought this crisis to a head.
Just last week, President Niinisto in a telephone
conversation with President Putin emphasized the necessity of
Russia's doing that which would be required to resolve the
crisis and to get past the matter of sanctions in the interest
of Russia and in the interests of Finland as well, in order
that the matter of the sanctions could be addressed in the
context of a resolution of the crisis which is at hand.
Finland has played a constructive role, will continue to
play a constructive role, and if confirmed I will continue to
encourage Finland in taking a strong stand in alliance with its
partners within the EU and in also implementation of the policy
which has been that of the United States.
Senator Kaine. You indicated in your opening testimony that
Finland had often played a role of an interlocutor between the
United States and the old Soviet Union. That role of
interlocutor could be as important in the 21st century as it
was in the 20th. As you point out, for cultural reasons they
have a unique ability to do that. I would encourage you in that
regard.
Are there any issues with respect to the negotiation of the
TTIP that either will cause controversy in Finland or where
Finland and the United States are currently likely to not see
eye to eye?
Mr. Adams. Actually, Mr. Chairman, Finland is a
particularly strong proponent of TTIP and has taken positions
within the councils of the EU which are much more aligned with
those of the United States with respect to the issues currently
under discussion than some of the countries of the EU to the
south, particularly when it comes to issues pertaining to
agriculture and to geographic indicators.
Finland has been looking forward to a successful conclusion
of the round of negotiations on TTIP because Finland, as does
the United States, views this accord or the potentiality of
this accord as a strong impetus to increase trade, to increase
shared prosperity, to increase job creation, both within the EU
and in the United States.
Senator Kaine. One of the areas where the United States and
Finland would seem to have a lot in common and the ability to
learn from one another is the great innovation culture that
Finland has been known for. I doubt it is--I suspect it is a
causal relationship, not even--more than even a correlation,
that they are also known for educational success. My wife is
Secretary of Education in Virginia and recently met with the
Minister of Education from Finland on a trip to the United
States.
Talk a little about that sort of innovation and education
success culture in Finland and how you might as Ambassador
share best practices back and forth between the United States
and Finland?
Mr. Adams. I would be happy to do that, Mr. Chairman. You
correctly say that innovation has been a hallmark of modern day
Finland and the source of its quite remarkable success. For a
country of 5.3 million people, Finland punches far above its
weight in matters of innovation, in matters of technological
development.
The United States has recognized this. The United States
has looked for ways to enhance its cooperation with Finland in
areas of innovation. In point of fact, the United States
Embassy in Helsinki in February of last year inaugurated its
own innovation center as a part of the Embassy complex in the
presence of President Niinisto and Members of his Cabinet, the
purpose of the innovation center being to function as a focal
point and as a forum for interchange between the United States
and Finland in precisely this area.
Another way in which I think these shared exchanges can be
enhanced is through the International Visitor Leadership
Program, of which Finland has been a very active participant.
In fact, President Niinisto himself is an alumnus of an
International Visitor Leadership Program visit to the United
States, as are several of the Members of his Cabinet. And many
of these exchanges have focused on the area of education,
where, as you say, Finland and the United States each will
greatly benefit from a continuation of these exchanges in
looking to further the excellence of the respective systems of
education.
Senator Kaine. One last question for you, Mr. Adams, and
you alluded a little bit to this in your testimony. But just
talk about the current status of U.S.-Finish defense
cooperation, which I know would have a sensitivity because of
Finland's geography and proximity to Russia. But it seems like
the partnership has been a good one and I would like you to
elaborate a little bit on that.
Mr. Adams. It has been an excellent one, Mr. Chairman. As I
mentioned, Finland is not a member of NATO. It is a member and
full participant in NATO's Partnership for Peace program.
Currently Finland has 95 troops in Afghanistan. There are 21 in
Kosovo in the context of the NATO peacekeeping program in that
country. Finland has also been a participant over the years in
various U.N. peacekeeping missions.
The United States and Finland have emphasized the point of
the interoperability of Finland's military and of its equipment
with that of NATO, and Finland has proven to be a very strong
customer of the United States in military procurements. So
that, notwithstanding the sensitive aspects of the issue of the
defense relationship and the military relationship and security
relationship between Finland and the United States, given the
geographical proximity of Finland's neighbor to the east, this
is an area which, if confirmed as Ambassador, I would look
forward to continuing to consolidate and enhance.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you, Mr. Adams.
Well, a few concluding remarks that I have. The testimony
and questions have been thorough and impressive. One of the
wonderful things about being on the Foreign Relations Committee
is the opportunity to travel, especially to the Near East,
South, and Central Asia, where my subcommittee chairmanship is,
but also to Latin America because of personal interest. When I
do travel, I have an opportunity to interact with a lot of
wonderful Foreign Service professionals.
This post will be a great honor to you because it is an
honor to represent the country, it is an honor to be nominated
by the President. But it is also an honor to lead wonderful
people, and you will each have the opportunity to do that in
your capacities.
I try to make it a habit when I travel to have a roundtable
meeting with young Foreign Service officers who are in their
first or second tour, often working in the consular desk, and
talk to them about what they are doing. I am just so impressed.
Sometimes the experiences are a little grave. I was with a
number of young Foreign Service officers who showed me around
the memorial in the Embassy compound in Beirut. I think
Americans in our collective memory, we remember well the
bombing of the Marine barracks, but the U.S. Embassy was bombed
and many were killed. And the U.S. Embassy annex was bombed and
many were killed. And others who served in ambassadorial posts
lost their lives as well. The commitment that people have who
serve in very dangerous parts of the world is something that is
really notable.
Sometimes it is more lighthearted. I was in Egypt and met
with young Foreign Service officers, and a woman on her first
tour, who was I think a Virginia resident, was talking about
needing to leave our meeting for her Friday Skype date. When I
asked what that was, her husband is in the Foreign Service too
and he is serving thousands of miles away and they dress up and
get a glass of wine in front of each other and they talk by
Skype across the miles.
The service provided by our men and women who serve in the
State Department is superb. I think the American public now,
thank God, we reflexively and sincerely offer thanks to men and
women in the military who serve all over the country. But we
have an awful lot of public servants who might be in the
Foreign Service or the DEA or the Department of Commerce or
billets of the Peace Corps all over the world, and that service
is impressive, too. I have a feeling that one of the honors
that will be the most powerful in your experience, should you
be confirmed--and I am confident you will be--will be the
opportunity to lead some many wonderful public servants. That
is something that would be a very exciting aspect of the job, I
am sure.
So thank you for the testimony today and your willingness
to serve. Congratulations on your nomination. I will announce
that we will keep the record of this hearing open until noon
tomorrow in case there are any members of the committee who
have questions who were not able to attend today that they
would like to submit for the record. I would urge all of you to
respond promptly to written questions should they be submitted.
But with that, the hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 5:08 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
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Questions and Answers Submitted for the Record
Responses of Ambassador John Francis Tefft to Questions
Submitted by Senator Bob Corker
Question. Given the current state of relations between Russia and
the West, under what circumstances and caveats should the U.S. consider
reengaging with Russia in security cooperation activities?
Answer. In response to attempted annexation of Crimea and ongoing
efforts to destabilize eastern Ukraine, the U.S. Government has taken a
number of actions, including suspending bilateral discussions with
Russia on trade and investment; suspending other bilateral meetings on
a case-by-case basis; and putting on hold U.S.-Russia military-to-
military engagement, including exercises, bilateral meetings, port
visits, and planning conferences.
However, where it is in the U.S. national interest to engage, for
example, on the New START Treaty or on Iran's nuclear proliferation, we
will continue to engage. Although the current situation has
significantly undermined mutual trust, no one should forget that even
in the darkest days of the cold war, the United States and Russia found
it in our mutual interest to work together on reducing the nuclear
threat. But we have and will continue to limit cooperation in other
areas as long as Russia is unwilling to be a good neighbor and reliable
partner in the region.
The administration believes that we can make progress in areas
where there is a shared understanding between Moscow and Washington on
what might threaten us all. In a globalized world we must never cease
to address such security challenges, even in the context of profound
disagreements with the Kremlin over other matters, such as Ukraine.
Question. Now that the administration is discussing the INF Treaty
violation at the highest levels with the Russian Government, what is
the U.S. strategy to achieve compliance from Russia with the INF
Treaty? What actions are the Obama administration prepared to take
beyond simply asking the Russians to halt development and testing of
systems that violate the central tenets of the treaty?
Answer. The administration will work to resolve the compliance
issues outlined in the report through bilateral and multilateral means.
Our next steps will be to intensify our diplomatic efforts with
Russia to seek its return to compliance and we will also be consulting
with allies.
We have notified Russia of our determination and are prepared to
discuss this in a senior-level bilateral dialogue immediately, with the
aim of assuring the United States that Russia will come back into
compliance with its treaty obligations.
The United States will, of course, consult with allies on this
matter to take into account the impact of this Russian violation on our
collective security if Russia does not return to compliance.
Question. What assurances do we have, given the identified
violation of the INF Treaty, that Russia intends to continue compliance
with other current obligations under treaties related to arms control?
Should we trust those assurances?
Answer. Current tensions with Russia highlight the importance of
predictability and confidence-building provided by arms control
treaties. This is especially the case with the continued successful
implementation of the New START Treaty and the security and
predictability provided by verifiable mutual limits on strategic
weapons. The New START Treaty enhances our national security and
strategic stability with Russia and both the United States and Russia
are implementing the treaty's inspection regime. We assess that Russia
is implementing and complying with the New START Treaty, and that the
treaty remains in our national security interest. We take questions
about compliance with arms control treaties very seriously and are
continuing to monitor Russian compliance with all arms control
treaties.
Question. Under the current circumstances, is the administration
still pursuing negotiations on further nuclear reductions?
Answer. As President Obama said in Prague in 2009 and reiterated
last year in Berlin, the United States and Russia possess 85 percent of
the world's nuclear forces and both countries should continue the
process of reducing their nuclear arsenals. The United States and
Russia are continuing to implement the New START Treaty. Although the
United States remains open to further nuclear reductions with Russia,
Russia has made clear it is not prepared to pursue nuclear reductions
beyond New START, and this is not a current focus of discussion between
our countries.
Question. What are the tripwires that would cause the United States
to determine that New START and the INF Treaty are no longer in the
national interest?
Answer. The United States believes that the INF Treaty serves the
mutual security interests of the parties--not only the United States
and Russia, but also the 11 other successor states of the former Soviet
Union, which are also States Parties to the treaty and bound by its
obligations. Moreover, this treaty contributes to the security of our
allies and to regional security in Europe and in the Far East. We will
continue to monitor Russian activities, to keep Congress informed of
our diplomatic efforts, and to consult with Congress on our next steps.
The New START Treaty enhances our national security and strategic
stability with Russia and both the United States and Russia are
implementing the treaty's inspection regime. We assess that Russia is
implementing and complying with the New START Treaty, and that the
treaty remains in our national security interest.
It is the policy of the administration to take compliance issues
very seriously and to seek to resolve them. Consequences of
noncompliance with treaty obligations should be appropriate to the
specific circumstances and considered on a case-by-case basis.
Question. Will you commit to maintaining the position that U.S.
missile defenses and use doctrine are not open for negotiation with the
Russian Government under any circumstances?
Answer. As the President has stated on numerous occasions, the
United States will not agree to any commitments on missile defense that
would limit our ability to defend the United States, our troops, and
our allies and partners.
Question. What engagement is still under way with Russia, and what
future plans does the administration have, to establish a follow-on
agreement akin to the treaty of Conventional Forces in Europe?
Answer. No engagement with Russia is underway regarding a follow-on
agreement to the Treaty on Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE). Over
the last year the U.S. Government has been consulting with NATO allies
regarding ideas to update the conventional arms control regime in
Europe. Any future decision to engage on these issues with Russia would
be an alliance decision and would depend on the circumstances at the
time. The United States, along with 28 other States Parties, continues
to implement the CFE Treaty and to call on Russia to fulfill its
obligations under the treaty.
Question. What efforts will you pursue, in tandem with other
officials within the U.S. Government, to gain full compliance by the
Russians with the Open Skies Treaty?
Answer. The Department of State, together with other U.S.
Government agencies, will continue to raise Russian compliance and
implementation issues regarding the Open Skies Treaty bilaterally via
diplomatic channels, as well as in the Open Skies Consultative
Commission in Vienna.
______
Responses of Ambassador John Francis Tefft to Questions
Submitted by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. On June 26, Secretary of State Kerry said that Russia
should disarm separatists in eastern Ukraine in ``the next hours'' or
face sectoral sanctions. Since then, Russia has actually increased its
support to pro-Russian separatists.
What is your assessment regarding the ongoing impact of
American actions taken thus far on President Putin's calculus?
Answer. We have been very clear with the Russians that a failure to
change their behavior would come with costs. The United States,
together with our EU and G7 partners, has imposed real costs that are
already having strong negative impact on the Russian economy, and will
continue to do so if Russia does not follow through on its commitments.
We have sought to have the greatest impact on those whose actions have
threatened the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, as
well as key companies in the strategic sectors of banking, energy, and
defense technology. In addition to the sectoral sanctions announced by
the President on July 16 and July 29, the United States remains
prepared to take further measures if Russia does not take steps toward
de-escalation.
President Putin himself has said that Western sanctions imposed on
Russia have had real impact on domestic businesses, including limiting
access to funding for many Russian companies. Russian economic
officials have also conceded that Western sanctions are having a
significant impact on the Russian economy. Aside from the uncertainty
that sanctions have introduced to the Russian market, these impacts
include economic growth projections revised downward to near-zero
percent, currency intervention by the Russian Central Bank, capital
flight, ruble depreciation, declines in the Russian stock market,
increasing inflation, and downgrades to Russian debt.
Question. Under President Putin's leadership, the Russian
opposition has come under increasing pressure. Freedom of the press and
freedom of expression continue to be severely limited. If confirmed, do
you pledge to be vocal in your support for Russian civil society and an
independent press and to meet frequently with members of the Russian
opposition?
Answer. The administration's commitment to democracy, human rights
and civil society in Russia will remain firm. If confirmed, I will
ensure the human rights work that has defined America to generations of
Russians continues, confident that this is not just the right thing to
do, but is also the best investment in future good relations between
our two countries.
Question. Given the administration's decision to finally state
publicly that Russia is not in compliance with the Intermediate Range
Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty, does the administration support the United
States unilaterally continuing to abide by a treaty that the other
party is not complying with?
Will a copy of President Obama's letter to President Putin
on this issue be shared with Congress?
How many times and at what level have U.S. concerns about
Russian noncompliance with the INF Treaty been raised with the
Russians since May 2013?
Answer. The United States believes that the INF Treaty serves the
mutual security interests of the parties--not only the United States
and Russia, but also the 11 other successor states of the former Soviet
Union, which are also States Parties to the treaty and bound by its
obligations. Moreover, this treaty contributes to the security of our
allies and to regional security in Europe and in the Far East. For that
reason, we will make every effort to get Russia to return to compliance
with its obligations and to ensure the continued viability of the
treaty.
The President sent a letter to President Putin on this matter and
this issue has been raised with Russia by senior administration
officials numerous times over the course of the past year. It is a
long-standing practice across administrations not to share diplomatic
exchanges. We will continue to keep Congress informed on these issues
and will work to address Members' concerns through appropriate
channels.
Question. You have served in several U.S. embassies in eastern
Europe. How do you assess Vladimir Putin's regional ambitions? Based on
your time in Georgia and Ukraine, how do you think he will continue to
respond to the westward-oriented path of those countries and Moldova?
Answer. President Putin presides over a Russia with serious
systemic problems, and has been quite consistent about his worldview,
as laid out in his 2007 address at the Munich Security Conference.
Nonetheless, the United States does not see this as a zero-sum game.
For example, while the United States strongly supports Ukraine and
other Eastern Partnership countries' bids for greater economic and
commercial ties with their European partners, we do not believe this
must be at Russia's expense. Expanded trade ties will help increase
prosperity for all parties, including Russia. Georgia, Moldova, and
Ukraine showed great determination in finalizing their association
deals with the EU in June and the United States will not accept any
attempt to limit the sovereign choices of these countries, but they
have great potential to increase trade with Russia and Central Asia as
well.
Question. For the 2nd straight year, Russia was listed as a Tier 3
trafficking country in the Trafficking In Persons Report. Last year
when they were originally downgraded to Tier 3, Russia accused the
United States of using ``unacceptable'' methodology and did not make an
effort to improve their efforts.
How do you plan to constructively engage on the issue of
human trafficking?
What benchmarks must Russia meet to be removed from Tier 3?
Answer. Russia was downgraded to Tier 3 in 2013 in accordance with
requirements of a 2008 amendment to the Trafficking Victims Protection
Act (TVPA), which added a provision that limited the number of years a
country can remain on the Tier 2 Watch List. Russia remained on Tier 3
in the 2014 Trafficking in Persons Report. In 2013 and 2014, Russia
lacked a national action plan to combat trafficking, a single
coordinating authority for antitrafficking efforts, and funding in the
federal and local budgets for trafficking prevention and victim
protection. These deficiencies illustrated Russia's low political will
to address human trafficking and led to Russia's Tier 3 ranking. The
United States and Russia have had regular dialogue over the years on
the issue of human trafficking. If confirmed, I will continue to engage
with our Russian counterparts to encourage them to move forward with
their draft national action plan. For specific benchmarks, I would
point you to the Trafficking in Persons Report 2014.
______
Responses of Ambassador Michele Jeanne Sison to Questions
Submitted by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In March, the United Nations Security Council's North
Korea Sanctions Committee sanctioned the operator/manager of the Cong
Chon Gang, a North
Korean vessel interdicted by Panama smuggling 240 tons of weapons from
Cuba to North Korea. According to the committee's report, the Chong
Chon Gang interdiction constituted the largest amount of arms and
related materiel interdicted to, or from, North Korea since the
adoption of the Security Council Resolution 1718 in 2006. The report
also notes the collusion of North Korean and Cuban officials and
expresses concern over North Korea-Cuba military cooperation.
(a) What specific actions does the administration plan to
take to ensure Cuba is sanctioned for this egregious violation
of U.N. Security Council resolutions?
Answer. Willful violations of U.N. Security Council resolutions are
very serious matters. Since Panama's interdiction of the Chong Chon
Gang in July 2013, the United States has been working to ensure that
all those responsible for the violation are accountable for their
wrongdoing.
We have worked to maximize the diplomatic cost Cuba has suffered
for its role in the Chong Chon Gang incident. Cuba's diplomatic efforts
have failed to convince most countries that Cuba did not break any
rules.
To underscore Cuba's role in this violation, the United States has
repeatedly condemned Cuba's role in this violation in meetings of the
U.N. Security Council and the Security Council's DPRK Sanctions
Committee.
To emphasize further this point, we pushed for the committee to
adopt an Implementation Assistance Notice on this incident to make
clear to the world the facts of the case and to convey the clear and
unanimous conclusion of the U.N. Sanctions Committee, which we share,
that this transaction violated sanctions.
Through this Notice, the international community has also refuted
Cuba's erroneous and misleading claim that this arms shipment was
allowed under U.N. Security Council resolutions.
In more concrete terms, Cuba has suffered a disrupted commercial
transaction, with various costs due to the seizure of approximately 240
tons of arms and related materiel (these items were not returned).
Going forward, we intend to ensure that the Security Council, the
DPRK Sanctions Committee and the U.N.'s Panel of Experts (POE) continue
to subject Cuba to extra scrutiny in light of this incident. We will
continue to advocate for sharp committee responses and clear rebukes to
Cuba for its role in this violation.
(b) If confirmed, would you support publicly revealing the
names of North Korean and Cuban officials, as well as entities,
involved in these violations and included in the report's
confidential annex? Please explain.
Answer. The United States generally supports the public release of
U.N. sanctions Panel of Expert reports to their respective committees,
but such reports are confidential. The committee can agree, by
consensus, to publish these reports or otherwise release certain
information included in them.
Last winter, the United States proposed that the committee release
information contained in the POE's confidential incident report.
Certain members of the committee, however, objected to our proposal.
While we are bound by confidentiality rules, we continue to pursue
ways to secure the release of more information that could help member
states implement the U.N. sanctions, as well as to examine additional
steps under domestic authorities or bilaterally with other member
states to achieve that same objective.
(c) If confirmed, would you recommend designating under
U.S. law all officials and entities involved in these
violations?
Answer. Imposing sanctions on sanctions violators can be an
important tool to improve enforcement of these measures.
On July 28, 2014, the U.N. Security Council DPRK Sanctions
Committee designated Ocean Maritime Management Company, Limited (OMM),
the operator/manager of the vessel Chong Chon Gang, for a targeted
asset freeze. On July 30, 2014, the Treasury Department imposed
sanctions on Chongchongang Shipping Company and Ocean Maritime
Management Company, the two North Korean companies that attempted to
import a concealed shipment of arms and related materiel from Cuba to
the DPRK aboard the DPRK-flagged cargo vessel Chong Chon Gang in July
2013. The Treasury Department also identified as blocked property 18
vessels in which these companies have an interest, including the Chong
Chon Gang. These designations and identifications were made pursuant to
Executive Order (E.O.) 13551, which blocks the property of persons who,
among other things, have attempted to import arms or related materiel
into the DPRK.
Although the Treasury Department cannot comment on other pending or
possible investigations, it has maintained a comprehensive sanctions
program against Cuba since 1963, under which all Cuban entities and
individuals are blocked, pursuant to 31 C.F.R. part 515.
Should we uncover information sufficient to pursue sanctions
against any additional individuals or entities involved in the Chong
Chon Gang incident, I would certainly support and encourage such action
wherever appropriate.
______
Responses of Ambassador John Francis Tefft to Questions
Submitted by Senator James E. Risch
Question. We have known for months about Russia's violation of the
INF Treaty, but it took almost a [year to] officially acknowledge the
violation and brief NATO. Why did it take so long to inform our friends
of this violation? Now that the administration has acknowledged the
violation, what do you believe is your role in improving Russia's
compliance with INF and other international arms treaties? Will you
provide a copy of the letter President Obama sent to President Putin?
Answer. When specific questions arise about a country's treaty
implementation, decisions can only be made about whether those issues
constitute noncompliance after a careful, fact-based process, which
includes diplomatic work and thorough interagency consideration.
We believe that the treaty benefits the security of the United
States, our allies, Russia, and the other 11 States Parties to the
treaty. For that reason, we will make every effort to get Russia to
return to compliance with its obligations and to ensure the continued
viability of the treaty.
We can confirm that the President did send Putin a letter on this
issue; however, it is a long-standing practice across administrations
not to share diplomatic exchanges. We will continue to keep Congress
informed on these issues and will work to address Members' concerns
through appropriate channels.
Question. Yesterday an international tribunal determined that
Russia expropriated Yukos Oil Company and owes over $50 billion to the
majority shareholders in Yukos. I understand this is the third
international tribunal to determine that Russia expropriated Yukos and
must pay compensation. Yet American investors lost over $12 billion and
have received no compensation. Americans do not benefit from today's
decision, unless the State Department informs Russia that it expects
compensation for its citizens as well.
Answer. The decision announced this week in an arbitration brought
against Russia by the majority Yukos shareholders does not directly
impact U.S. investors, who do not benefit from an applicable treaty
through which to bring their claims directly against Russia. The United
States is not a party to the Energy Charter Treaty, under which this
arbitral award was rendered.
However, the Department will study the decision carefully and
determine how it, and the underlying evidence presented in that case,
might be helpful in the Department's consideration of the complex legal
and factual issues presented by the U.S. investor claims. If confirmed
I will continue to follow up on this case.
Question. Congress has directed the State Department and USTR to
report on their advocacy for U.S. investors in Yukos Oil Company, but
little has been done. As Ambassador, what steps would you take to press
Russia to fulfill its obligation to compensate these American
investors?
Answer. Promoting the fair treatment of U.S. investors in Russia is
a top priority, which was also the intent of Congress in including a
Yukos provision in the Russia and Moldova Jackson-Vanik Repeal and
Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act of 2012.
The Department of State has been closely following the Yukos
matter, and has raised it with the Russian Government on numerous
occasions, including demarches to the Ministry of Economic Development,
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Russian Ambassador in
Washington. The Department will look for opportunities to continue to
advocate for U.S. investors in Yukos, as appropriate, under the current
political circumstances.
Question. Do you believe harassment of U.S. Embassy personnel is a
serious issue at U.S. diplomatic facilities in Russia? What steps will
you take to reduce the level of harassment? Will you commit to
reviewing the role of Foreign Service nationals at U.S. diplomatic
facilities in Russia, especially among the security personnel?
Answer. The protection and security of the personnel working at our
diplomatic facilities is of the highest priority.
Where harassment may exist, I will do everything in my power to
advocate on behalf of all of our personnel stationed in Russia, and to
raise the issue with the Russian Government wherever prudent. We will
pursue cooperation with local and national law enforcement bodies when
possible, and I will work closely with the mission's security experts
on our security and safety practices.
The Department also takes the question of Foreign Service nationals
seriously and would be available to discuss in a classified setting.
Question. Do you believe it is vital that U.S. diplomatic
facilities in Russia contain spaces to conduct classified discussions
and briefings? Will you to push upgrade and improve these capabilities
at U.S. consulates in Russia?
Answer. We are committed to ensuring that the U.S. mission to
Russia is able to fully carry out its duties, including classified
meetings and discussions.
The Department will continue to review the status of our diplomatic
facilities in Russia to determine if any upgrades are necessary.
NOMINATIONS OF WILLIAM V. ROEBUCK; JUDITH BETH CEFKIN; BARBARA A. LEAF;
AND PAMELA LEORA SPRATLEN
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WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
William V. Roebuck, of North Carolina, to be Ambassador to the
Kingdom of Bahrain
Judith Beth Cefkin, of Colorado, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Fiji, and to serve concurrently and without
additional compensation as Ambassador to the Republic
of Kiribati, the republic of Nauru, the Kingdom of
Tonga, and Tuvalu
Barbara A. Leaf, of Virginia, to be Ambassador the United
States of America to the United Arab Emirates
Pamela Leora Spratlen, of California, to be Ambassador to the
republic of Uzbekistan
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:33 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Tim Kaine,
presiding.
Present: Senators Kaine, Murphy, Risch, Rubio, and McCain.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FOR VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. This meeting of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee is called to order.
We have the fortune today to be conducting this hearing
concerning the nominations of four long-time public servants to
important ambassadorial posts.
Senator Risch, the ranking member on the Committee on Near
East, South, and Central Asia, is en route and has indicated he
does not want to delay the beginning of this hearing, so we
will begin.
I will do introductions of the four nominees before us.
Following, each will give opening statements. Try to keep
those to 5 minutes or less. And we will then get into
questions. I have a number of questions for each of you, and I
am sure other Senators who attend will, as well.
The nominees today are William ``Bill'' Roebuck, who is a
career member of the Senior Foreign Service, class of
counselor, and currently serves as the Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Egypt and Maghreb Affairs in the Bureau of Near
Eastern Affairs of the Department of State. Mr. Roebuck has
served in a variety of positions during his career as a Foreign
Service officer, at State Department HQ, but also in Libya,
Iraq, Israel, Syria, Jamaica. Prior to serving in the Foreign
Service, he was a Peace Corps Volunteer in Cote d'Ivoire.
Barbara Leaf is a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service, class of minister counselor, and currently serves as
Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Arabian Peninsula overseeing
relations with the Gulf in Yemen and 10 other diplomatic posts.
Ms. Leaf has served in a number of positions within State
Department HQ, but also at Iraq, Italy, Bosnia, Herzegovina,
France, Egypt, Israel, and Haiti.
Thank you, Ms. Leaf.
Judith Cefkin is a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service, class of minister counselor, and currently a senior
advisor for Burma in the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific
Affairs at the Department of State, a position she has held
since 2013. She has served previously in positions in main
State, but also Bangkok, Bosnia, Herzegovina, the Philippines,
and France.
And finally, Pamela Spratlen is a career member of the
Senior Foreign Service, class of minister counselor, and
currently is U.S. Ambassador to Kyrgyzstan. She has served
previously in positions in Russia and Kazakhstan.
And, Ambassador Spratlen, welcome.
The nominees are all people with tremendous public-service
background. And I will just say to each of you, I just returned
with five other Members of Congress from a 9-day CODEL in
Tunisia, Morocco, and Spain, where we interacted, not only with
the Ambassadors in each of the countries, but one of the things
I do when I travel is, I always try to have a roundtable
discussion with first- or second-term FSOs to talk about their
lives and hear about their excitement in representing the
United States, but also the challenges, and especially
challenges that can exist in serving in some of the more
difficult bits of real estate where we have embassies and
consulates around the world. Anytime I do that, I always walk
away with a real sense of pride in the kinds of people that we
send. You are all nominated for capital-A Ambassador, but you
will be working with a whole lot of small-a ambassadors.
Everybody who represents the United States in any of these
positions, whether it is a consular officer or anybody in the
Department of State, or whether it is somebody who is working
for an agency like the DEA or the Department of Commerce or,
you know, any other agency--Ex-Im Bank, where we have people
abroad--they are small-a ambassadors for the United States, and
we have a superb team of people who sacrifice and serve. And I
am always struck by that when I travel.
So, thank you for your commitment to service.
Congratulations on being nominated for the positions--Mr.
Roebuck for Ambassador to Bahrain; Ms. Leaf to Ambassador to
the United Arab Emirates; Ms. Cefkin, Ambassador to Fiji; and
Ambassador Spratlen to be Ambassador to Uzbekistan.
Congratulations on those nominations. We will do all we can to
move them promptly.
And what I would like to do is now start with opening
statements. And why do I not just start with Mr. Roebuck, and
then we will move across the table.
STATEMENT OF WILLIAM V. ROEBUCK, OF NORTH CAROLINA, NOMINEE TO
BE AMBASSADOR TO THE KINGDOM OF BAHRAIN
Mr. Roebuck. Thank you, Chairman Kaine. Thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today as President Obama's
nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Bahrain. It
is a great honor as well as a dream of every Foreign Service
officer to be in this position.
Mr. Chairman, with your permission, I would like to include
my full statement for the record. I will just make a brief oral
statement----
Senator Kaine. All of your statements will be included for
the record.
Mr. Roebuck. Thank you.
I would like to start by acknowledging my wife, Ann,
without whom I am quite confident I would not be sitting in
this chair today. She and my son, William, who could not be
here because he just began his freshman year at the College of
Charleston last week, they both accompanied me on many
challenging assignments overseas and provided invaluable
support.
Those challenging assignments have included, as you
mentioned, Senator Kaine, Jerusalem, Gaza, Damascus, Baghdad,
and Tripoli, where I fostered political dialogue, helped
governments address threats posed by violent extremism,
promoted and protected human rights, supported elections, and
encouraged regional security efforts between neighbors. I
believe those experiences have seasoned me as a diplomat and
positioned me well to take on this challenging assignment, if
confirmed. I have also had great mentors in the Foreign Service
who have ensured that I drew the right lessons from those
challenging experiences.
Mr. Chairman, the United States and Bahrain have long
shared important mutual interests demonstrated through our
history of close bilateral cooperation, which we deeply value.
Bahrain and the United States share key strategic goals
reflected by the fact that our security relationship has grown
over the years. Today, more than 8,000 Americans who are
attached to the Fifth Fleet and to U.S. Naval Forces Central
Command live and work there. Although we took the decision to
limit certain aspects of our security cooperation following the
unrest in Bahrain in 2011, our military relationship with
Bahrain remains fundamentally strong and mutually beneficial.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Government of
Bahrain and with my colleagues at the Department of Defense to
ensure that our security partnership remains strong.
While mutual concerns about regional stability motivate our
close cooperation on security matters, we also have a strong
foundation to build on in the areas of trade and finance.
Bahrain has one of the most open economies in the region, and
our bilateral trade has doubled to nearly $2 billion a year
since our Free Trade Agreement entered into force in 2006.
With respect to the political situation in Bahrain, we
encourage all of Bahrain's constituencies to work in good faith
to develop a broad consensus on addressing the underlying
social and economic grievances that drove the protest of 2011.
We think that a successful political compromise that allows
these political societies to participate in upcoming elections
would be the surest signal of Bahrain's progress toward reform
and reconciliation. I believe strongly that a country that
protects and promotes human rights will ultimately be a more
stable country and a more effective security partner. If
confirmed, I will make a strong case, both publicly and
privately, to explain why political dialogue, reform, and
promoting human rights are in Bahrain's long-term interest. The
recent expulsion by Bahrain of a senior American diplomat was a
significant setback in this regard. If confirmed, I will work
to ensure that we continue to have an open and honest dialogue
with Bahrain on the full range of issues affecting our
bilateral relationship, including human rights.
Finally, should I be confirmed as Ambassador, protecting
U.S. citizens in Bahrain will be one of my highest priorities.
I have served at a number of high-threat posts, where security
for Americans was a critical priority, most recently as Charge
d-Affaires at our Embassy in Libya, and I know the type of team
effort that is required with the Embassy Country Team, with
local security officials, and with the broader American
community.
The United States/Bahrain relationship has translated into
economic, social, political, and cultural benefits for the
people of both countries. If confirmed, I will work to ensure
that Bahrain can continue to rely on the United States and that
we can continue to rely on Bahrain as an effective partner.
Thank you again for the opportunity to testify before you.
I am pleased to answer any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Roebuck follows:]
Prepared Statement of William V. Roebuck
Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you as the President's
nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Bahrain. It is a
great honor, as well as the dream of every Foreign Service officer, to
appear before you today. I am extremely grateful to President Obama and
Secretary Kerry for the confidence they have shown in me. If confirmed,
I look forward to representing the American people, and to working with
this committee and other interested Members of Congress to advance U.S.
interests with Bahrain.
I have spent most of my career posted in the Middle East, including
assignments in Jerusalem, Gaza, Damascus, Baghdad, and Tripoli,
fostering political dialogue, providing support for elections, helping
governments address the threats posed by terrorism and violent
extremism, promoting and protecting human rights, and encouraging
regional security efforts between neighbors, I believe those
experiences have seasoned me as a diplomat and positioned me well to
take on this challenging assignment.
Mr. Chairman, the United States and Bahrain have long shared mutual
interests in regional security, demonstrated through our history of
close bilateral cooperation and partnership. We deeply value this
friendship, rooted in the history of our two peoples dating back to the
early years of the 20th century. If confirmed, I will work to maintain,
expand, and deepen this partnership, while also continuing our support
for King Hamad's efforts to bring reform, political dialogue, and
reconciliation to Bahrain. My experience teaches me that these
priorities are not mutually exclusive--in fact, I think they are
inextricably linked. This approach will strengthen Bahrain's long-term
security, stability, and prosperity.
Bahrain and the United States share key strategic goals, reflected
by the fact that our security relationship has grown over the years.
Our Navy arrived in Bahrain during the 1940s, and today more than 8,000
Americans who are attached to the Fifth Fleet or U.S. Naval Forces
Central Command live there. We work closely with the Bahraini Defense
Forces, in particular their Navy and Air Force, on a range of fronts,
including counterterrorism and antipiracy operations. Bahrain has
pledged to help fight terrorists in Iraq and Syria; welcomed the
appointment of Iraqi Prime Minister designate Al-Abadi; deployed its
navy and ground forces in support of Operation Enduring Freedom;
commanded the coalition task force responsible for maritime security in
the gulf; and sent air, ground, and naval assets to Kuwait in support
of Operation Iraqi Freedom.
Although we took the decision to limit certain aspects of our
security cooperation following the unrest in Bahrain in 2011, our
military relationship with Bahrain remains fundamentally strong and
mutually beneficial. If confirmed, I will look forward to collaborating
with the Government of Bahrain and my colleagues at the Department of
Defense to help Bahrain develop its defense capabilities to provide for
its own defense, and to improve interoperability with our forces. Going
forward, the U.S.-GCC Strategic Cooperation Forum, launched jointly in
2012 by Secretary Clinton and the GCC Secretary General, will be an
important mechanism by which I hope to make progress on our partnership
with Bahrain, addressing air defense, maritime security, cyber attacks,
and other threats.
The State Department provides counterterrorism and critical
incident response training for the Bahraini law enforcement units that
provide security for U.S. naval facilities and the U.S. Embassy, and
that act as Bahrain's primary internal security force. Bahrain is also
a valuable partner in disrupting illicit finance flows to terrorist
organizations. Bahrain hosts the Secretariat for the Middle East and
North Africa Financial Action Task Force, a regional body that
coordinates efforts against terrorist finance. In addition, Bahrain is
a member of the Egmont group, the international coordinating body for
Financial Intelligence Units, which facilitates global cooperation in
the fight against terrorist financing. If confirmed, I will continue to
prioritize our close counterterrorism partnership with Bahrain.
While mutual concerns about regional stability motivate our close
cooperation in security matters, we also have a strong foundation to
build upon in the area of trade, and financial cooperation.
Bahrain is one of the most open economies in the Middle East/North
Africa region and shows a continued commitment to economic
diversification and reform. Bilateral trade last year reached $1.7
billion--more than double the levels since before the free trade
agreement entered into force in 2006. More American companies are
setting up shop in Bahrain every year. Consistent with the President's
National Export Initiative and Secretary Kerry's directive that we
improve our effectiveness at economic and commercial diplomacy, if
confirmed, I will ensure that all our Embassy's agencies and sections
understand the priority we place on commercial diplomacy and that they
are working closely with stateside offices to vigorously promote the
export of U.S. manufactured goods, services, and farm products to this
important market. If confirmed as Ambassador, I would also seek to
encourage more Bahraini students to study at U.S. colleges and
universities.
Let me say a few words about the political situation in Bahrain: We
encourage all of Bahrain's constituencies to work in good faith to
develop a broad consensus on how to address underlying social and
economic grievances that drove the protests of 2011. We think that a
successful political compromise that allows these political societies
to participate in the upcoming elections would be the surest signal of
Bahrain's progress toward reform and reconciliation.
The Government of Bahrain has made some important strides in
implementing the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry
recommendations to advance a reform and reconciliation agenda. For
instance, the government has created a victims compensation fund that
has distributed about $6 million to the families of 39 victims of the
2011 violence and appointed an ombudsman to the Ministry of Interior.
It is important to acknowledge King Hamad's leadership in initiating
the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry, for accepting the
recommendations put forward in the report, and for committing to
implement reforms. The government has more to do on a range of BICI
recommendations.
I believe that a country that protects and promotes human rights
will ultimately be a more stable country and a more effective security
partner. If confirmed, I will make a strong case both publicly and
privately for why political dialogue, reform, and promoting and
protecting human rights are in Bahrain's long-term interest. The recent
expulsion by Bahrain of a senior American diplomat was a significant
setback in this regard. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that we
continue to have an open and honest dialogue with Bahrain on the full
range of issues affecting our bilateral relationship, including human
rights.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, should I be confirmed as Ambassador,
protecting U.S. citizens in Bahrain will be one of my highest
priorities. In the course of my career, I have served at a number of
high-threat posts, where security for Americans was a critical
priority. I served recently for 6 months as Charge d'Affaires at our
Embassy in Libya, where I worked closely with my regional security
officer and his team, and ensured close coordination with local law
enforcement and with the American business community outside the
Embassy. I understand that the safety and security of American citizens
is a critical priority and I believe my experiences as a diplomat in
the region have equipped me well to address this issue effectively.
The U.S.-Bahrain relationship has translated into economic, social,
political, and cultural benefits for the people of both countries. I am
committed to further building up these vital partnerships in the
Kingdom and further solidifying our unique relationship that is based
on mutual respect and a long history of consultation between friends.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure that Bahrain can continue to rely
on the United States and that we can continue to rely on Bahrain as an
effective partner.
Thank you again for this opportunity and I will be pleased to
answer any questions you may have.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Roebuck.
Ms. Cefkin.
STATEMENT OF JUDITH BETH CEFKIN, OF COLORADO, NOMINEE TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF FIJI, AND TO SERVE CONCURRENTLY
AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS AMBASSADOR TO THE
REPUBLIC OF KIRIBATI, THE REPUBLIC OF NAURU, THE KINGDOM OF
TONGA, AND TUVALU
Ms. Cefkin. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am
deeply honored to appear before you today as the President's
nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the Republic of
Fiji, the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru, the
Kingdom of Tonga, and Tuvalu. I am grateful to the President
and Secretary for their confidence in nominating me for this
position, and I am equally grateful to receive your
consideration.
With the chairman's permission, I would like to introduce
my husband, Paul Boyd, who is also a Foreign Service officer.
He has just capped over 40 years of public service, including
combat service with U.S. Special Forces, work in law
enforcement, and, for the past 30 years, we have shared the
adventure of the Foreign Service.
Senator Kaine. And where is Paul? Thank you.
And where is Ann? Is Ann here with you, Bill?
Thank you both. I just wanted to make sure I know who you
are. Thank you.
Ms. Cefkin. Thank you.
My Foreign Service experience has taught me the power of
our country's values-based diplomacy. If confirmed, I will
relish the opportunity to draw on the lessons of my many years
of regional policy experience also to advance U.S. strategic
interests in the South Pacific.
As a Pacific nation, the United States shares an important
history with our Pacific Island nations. We also share a common
destiny. This is reflected in President Obama's rebalance to
the Asia-Pacific region. If confirmed, I look forward to
working in partnership with the five nations to which I would
be accredited to seek to ensure that our common future is one
of prosperity, peace, stability, and human fulfillment.
Perhaps nowhere is the need for this focus more compelling
than on the waters that bind us, those of the mighty Pacific
Ocean. As Secretary Kerry noted when he organized the recent
Oceans Conference, our oceans facilitate our trade and provide
much of the food we eat, and even the air we breathe. Yet,
today Kiribati, Tuvalu, Nauru, Tonga, and Fiji face dramatic
challenges related to rising sea levels, ocean warming and
acidification, marine pollution, and overfishing. These
challenges threaten the very existence of them, these
populations. They also threaten broader global commerce and
food security, issues that directly impact the United States.
If confirmed, I will strive to advance solutions to improve
regional environmental management, support adaptation projects,
and promote sustainable fisheries methods.
The Pacific Islands are global players. Both Fiji and Tonga
have been important contributors to international peacekeeping
operations. We also work closely with Kiribati, Nauru, Tuvalu,
and Tonga in the U.N. They take very seriously their
responsibilities in that forum.
Furthermore, Fiji plays an important role in the Pacific
region as a hub for commerce, diplomacy, academic affairs,
transportation, and communications. And Suva is headquarters
for the Pacific Island Forum and the Secretariat for the
Pacific Community regional offices. If confirmed, I look
forward to continuing to build this regional and global
cooperation.
Success in tackling our common regional and global
challenges will depend on fostering internal strength of our
Pacific Island partners that comes from strong democratic
institutions, rule of law, and respect for human rights. The
Pacific islanders share our values, but realizing them, in
practice, has been challenging. We are encouraged that, after 8
years of a coup-installed military regime, Fiji is scheduled to
hold elections next week that offer the hope for a return to
democratic governance. If confirmed, I will take great
satisfaction in working to build foundations of democracy and
good governments through all means available to us.
Embassy Suva is responsible for the United States largest
geographic consular district in the world. At the same time,
the region is challenged by frequent natural disasters. If
confirmed, I will make emergency preparedness and attention to
support for American citizens a priority focus.
My career at the State Department has taught me that our
people are our most precious resource. If confirmed, it will be
my privilege to lead Embassy Suva's diverse and dedicated team
of American and local staff and support our 85 Peace Corps
Volunteers who are in Fiji and Tonga, and I will work
diligently to ensure our mission community's safety and
security and to advance the professional enrichment of every
member of our team.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today
and for considering my nomination. If confirmed, I pledge to
work closely with Congress to realize the full potential of our
Pacific partnerships. It would be my pleasure to answer any
questions that you have.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Cefkin follows:]
Prepared Statement of Judith B. Cefkin
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am deeply honored to
appear before you today as the President's nominee to be United States
Ambassador to the Republic of the Fiji Islands, the Republic of
Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru, the Kingdom of Tonga, and Tuvalu. I am
grateful to the President and the Secretary for their confidence in
nominating me for this position, and I am equally grateful to receive
your consideration.
With the chairman's permission, I would like to introduce my
husband, Paul Boyd. Paul, who is also a Foreign Service officer, has
just returned from his assignment in Seoul, Korea. With this
assignment, Paul has capped over 40 years of public service, including
combat service with the U.S. Special Forces and 9 years as a police
officer. For the past 30 years, we have shared the adventure of the
Foreign Service.
As a Foreign Service officer I have been privileged to serve in a
varied and fascinating mix of assignments touching on practically every
region of the world. Certainly, the Asia-Pacific region has been a
cherished area of focus, and much of my career has been dedicated to
issues of countries in transition, striving to advance democratic and
economic development. In my current position as senior advisor for
Burma, I have been honored to work closely with Congress to elaborate
strategies to expand freedom and opportunity for the people of Burma as
they navigate a historic transition.
As Deputy Chief of Mission in Thailand, I took pride in motivating
collaboration among a diverse and dynamic 3,000-person interagency team
to enhance Bangkok's position as a regional platform supporting
programs and operations throughout Asia. And as Deputy Chief of Mission
in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it was gratifying to guide U.S. initiatives
to cement the peace established by the Dayton Accords and encourage
Bosnia's path toward integration in Euro-Atlantic institutions.
My experience has taught me the power of our country's values-based
diplomacy. If confirmed, I will relish the opportunity to draw on these
lessons and my many years of regional policy experience to advance the
United States strategic interests in the South Pacific.
The United States is a Pacific nation. We share an important
history with the Pacific Island nations. We also share a common
destiny. This is reflected in President Obama's rebalance to the
dynamic Asia-Pacific region. If confirmed, I look forward to working in
partnership with the five nations to which I would be accredited to
seek to ensure that our common future is one of prosperity, peace and
stability, and human fulfillment.
Perhaps nowhere is the need for this focus more compelling than on
the waters that bind us--those of the mighty Pacific Ocean. As
Secretary Kerry noted when he organized the recent Oceans Conference,
our oceans facilitate our trade and provide much of the food we eat and
even the air we breathe. This is abundantly true for the Pacific. Yet,
today, Kiribati, Tuvalu, Nauru, Tonga, and Fiji face dramatic
challenges related to rising sea levels, ocean warming and
acidification, marine pollution, illegal, unreported, and unregulated
fishing, and overfishing. These challenges threaten the very existence
of some of their populations. They also threaten broader global
commerce and food security--issues that directly impact the United
States. If confirmed I will strive to advance solutions to improve
regional environmental management, support adaptation projects, and
promote Exclusive Economic Zones' surveillance arrangements and
sustainable fisheries methods.
The Pacific Island nations are global players. Both Fiji and Tonga
have been important contributors to international Peacekeeping
Operations. Fijian forces are currently participating in the U.N.
Disengagement Observer Force mission in the Golan, the Multinational
Force and Observers mission in the Sinai, and the U.N. Assistance
Mission in Iraq, where they are responsible for providing security for
mission personnel and facilities. Tonga was an early member of the
Coalition to liberate Iraq, and until April of this year provided
security at Camp Bastion in Afghanistan. Kiribati, Nauru, and Tuvalu
are also committed to their responsibilities as U.N. members, and the
United States cooperates closely with them on a wide range of issues in
that forum. Furthermore, Fiji plays many important roles in the Pacific
region as a hub for commerce, diplomacy, and academic affairs as well
as transportation and communications. Suva is home to the University of
the South Pacific and the headquarters of the Pacific Islands Forum,
the preeminent multilateral organization in the region. It is also home
to regional offices of the Secretariat of the Pacific Community, which
manages technical and development programs throughout the Pacific. If
confirmed, I look forward to continuing to build this regional and
global cooperation.
Success in tackling our common regional and global challenges will
depend on fostering the internal strength of our Pacific Island
partners that comes from strong democratic institutions, rule of law,
and respect for human rights. The Pacific Islanders share our respect
for democratic values, but realizing those values in practice has been
challenging, most notably in Fiji and to varying degrees in the other
countries as well. We are encouraged that after 8 years of a coup-
installed military regime, Fiji is scheduled to hold elections on
September 17 that offer the hope of return to democratic governance.
The Kingdom of Tonga, which has also made progress toward a more
representative form of government, holds its elections later this year.
If confirmed, I will take great satisfaction in working to build
foundations of democracy and good governance through all means
available to us, including by expanding people-to-people ties and
nurturing civil society. And as a special personal priority, I will
champion efforts to combat violence against women--sadly, a challenge
with which all too many South Pacific women struggle.
Embassy Suva is responsible for the United States largest
geographic consular district in the world--over 2 million square miles.
In addition to Fiji, Kiribati, Nauru, Tonga, and Tuvalu, that includes
French Polynesia, New Caledonia, and Wallis and Futuna. An estimated
45,000 American Citizens are resident in these countries and
territories and 30,000 more are estimated to visit each year to enjoy
the region's wealth of natural wonders and rich cultural diversity. At
the same time the region is challenged by almost yearly cyclones,
floods, and tsunami warnings. If confirmed, I will make emergency
preparedness and attention to support for American citizens a priority
focus.
My career at the State Department has taught me that our people are
our most precious resource. If confirmed, it will be my privilege to
lead Embassy Suva's diverse and dedicated team of American and local
staff and to support our 85 Peace Corps Volunteers who are serving in
Fiji and Tonga. I will work diligently to ensure our mission
community's safety and security and to advance the professional
enrichment of every member of our team.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today and for
considering my nomination. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with
this committee and others in Congress to realize the full potential of
our Pacific partnerships. It would be my pleasure to answer any
questions that you might have.
Senator Kaine. Thank you very much, Ms. Cefkin.
Ms. Leaf.
STATEMENT OF BARBARA A. LEAF, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINEE TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
Ms. Leaf. Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Risch, members of
the subcommittee, it is a great honor to appear before you
today as President Obama's nominee to be Ambassador to the
United Arab Emirates. I am deeply grateful to the President and
Secretary Kerry for the confidence they have placed in me. If
confirmed, I will do my very best to uphold my responsibilities
on behalf of the U.S. Government and the American people.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to begin by recognizing and
thanking my family who are here today with me: my husband,
Chris, our wonderful daughters, my mother, Madonna, my sister,
Mary Beth, and my brother, Tim. My family's loving support and
willingness to bear sacrifice in their own right have been
indispensable to my ability to serve our country wherever
needed.
Mr. Chairman, I have spent much of my career working in or
on the Middle East, serving in Iraq, Egypt, Tunisia, and
Jerusalem. Most recently, I served as Deputy Assistant
Secretary for the Arabian Peninsula, where the growing
importance of the UAE in the region and as a foreign policy
partner for us were driven home almost daily.
The UAE shares many of the same interests that animate our
own regional and international policies, and our two
governments work closely on these shared priorities. The
Emiratis have sent troops to Afghanistan and given nearly a
billion dollars in aid there. On Iraq, they have provided
substantial diplomatic and humanitarian support since 2003, and
I believe we are about to see that reach new levels of
cooperation as we confront ISIL together.
The UAE remains engaged with the moderate Syrian
opposition, pledging $360 million in humanitarian assistance.
The UAE supports international sanctions on Iran and P5+1
negotiations to negotiate a comprehensive solution on Iran's
nuclear program.
In Egypt, the Emiratis have pledged over $7 billion in aid
and work with the Egyptian Government and the United States to
foster economic recovery and stability there. The UAE has also
provided a central political and financial underpinnings to
U.S.-led efforts on the Middle East--on Middle East peace
efforts.
And on Libya, we share a goal of a stable democratic state,
and we are consulting closely to synchronize our efforts.
The UAE is a first-rate military partner, and Emirati
troops and pilots have participated with the United States in
five major coalition operations since 1990. Bilateral defense
cooperation is superb. The Port of Jabel Ali is the U.S. Navy's
busiest overseas port of call, hosting more of our ships on
liberty calls than any other port outside of Norfolk. The
Emirates play host to some 3,000 U.S. military personnel and
U.S. military assets that support and undergird regional
security.
Our bilateral trade is an especially vital part of the
relationship. The UAE is the largest market for U.S. goods and
services in the Middle East, with a trade surplus of over $22
billion last year, our third-largest globally. Over 1,000
American firms have regional headquarters in the Emirates,
working in petroleum, defense, education, and health care.
The UAE is also a regional leader on energy diversification
and met the gold standard in 2009 on nonproliferation when it
signed a 30-year 1-2-3 Agreement with the United States that
opened the door to partnering with us on civil nuclear
technology. In doing so, the Emirates took on a voluntary
obligation to forgo domestic uranium enrichment and nuclear
fuel reprocessing. They will rely on international markets for
fuel for the four nuclear power plants they are constructing.
One of the Emirates' most noteworthy human capital
investments is the drive to bring women into all levels of
government and business. Women make up 70 percent of university
graduates today. They are training as military pilots. And,
increasingly, they fill key diplomatic and government
positions. Four Cabinet Members are women. The UAE stands out
in the region in recognizing it cannot realize its potential
without the full participation of half of its citizenry.
The United States works closely with the UAE on human
rights and countering trafficking in persons. And, while it
does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the
elimination of trafficking, it is making significant efforts to
do so: prosecuting cases, funding shelters for victims, and
implementing public awareness campaigns. That said, there is
more work to be done on these and other human rights issues.
In the wake of the region's 2011 revolutions, we have seen
the UAE act against certain civil society organizations and
curtail certain activities of individuals. The UAE views the
forces of extremism that stalk the region today as the
preeminent threat to the modern, moderate, forward-looking
country built with breathtaking speed and success by the
country's founding father, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan.
But, in defense of that project, the UAE Government has
periodically encroached on its citizens' freedoms of expression
and association. If confirmed, I pledge to engage in a
productive and candid dialogue on these issues, working from
the core values and democratic principles that define America.
In closing, Mr. Chairman, there is no question that the
United States has a deeply committed foreign policy and
security partner in the UAE. If confirmed, I pledge to work
with its government to promote our national security and a more
stable and prosperous Middle East. I will advocate aggressively
for U.S. companies.
And, finally and most importantly, more than 50,000
American citizens make the UAE their home, in addition to our
own diplomatic and military personnel. If confirmed, I pledge
to do my utmost to protect the safety and security of the
dedicated men and women at our mission, as well as that of all
Americans living, working, or traveling in the UAE.
I appreciate the committee's oversight of our mission in
the United Arab Emirates, and, if confirmed, look forward to
hosting members and staff there.
Thank you for letting me appear today before you, and I
would be happy to take your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Leaf follows:]
Prepared Statement of Barbara A. Leaf
Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Risch, members of the subcommittee,
it is a great honor to appear before you today as President Obama's
nominee to serve as Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates. I am deeply
humbled and grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for the
confidence they have placed in me. If confirmed, I will do my best to
live up to their trust and to work as closely as possible with this
committee to carry out my responsibilities on behalf of the U.S.
Government and the American people.
Mr. Chairman, with your permission I would like to submit my full
statement for the record and begin by expressing my enormous
appreciation for the support of my family, who are here today with me:
my husband, Chris, and our two wonderful girls. Suffice to say that
that my family's loving support and willingness to bear sacrifice in
their own right have been indispensable to my ability to carry out my
responsibilities as a Foreign Service officer. I would also like to
thank my mother, Madonna, and sister, Mary Beth, who have joined us
today.
Mr. Chairman, I have spent much of my career working in or on the
Middle East, including in assignments in Iraq, Egypt, Tunisia, and
Jerusalem. Most recently I served as Deputy Assistant Secretary for the
Arabian Peninsula, where the growing importance of the UAE in the
region, as well as its critical value as a foreign policy partner for
the U.S., were driven home almost daily.
The UAE is a young nation gifted with extraordinary resources and
ambitions to match. It is a country that benefited early on from the
region's oil wealth, but one which took a longer view of what success
would look like, committing to economic diversification, education of
its people, moderate government, and global engagement. In the last
decade in particular, the UAE's role on the world stage has evolved
accordingly, as it has increasingly demonstrated leadership in
grappling with global issues such as violent extremism, illicit trade
and proliferation, and poverty. If confirmed, I pledge to broaden and
deepen our cooperation with the UAE on these and the many other issues
of direct national security interest to the U.S.
The UAE shares many of the same goals and interests that animate
our policy in the region and internationally, and our two governments
work closely and collaboratively on these shared priorities. As a
member of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan
since 2003, the UAE has sent troops to Afghanistan, and, in the last 5
years alone, has contributed nearly $1 billion for humanitarian aid and
reconstruction in that country. On Iraq, the UAE has provided
substantial diplomatic, humanitarian, and other support to U.S.-led
efforts, and I believe we are about to see that reach new levels; in
2008 the UAE forgave over $7 billion in Iraqi debt, and it has
contributed over $60 million in aid to Iraq since 2009. On Syria, the
UAE remains engaged with the United States in supporting the Syrian
Opposition, is an active member of the Friends of the Syrian People
(FoSP) Core Group known as the London 11, and has pledged $360 million
in humanitarian assistance for Syria and the region. On Iran, the UAE
supports international efforts to implement sanctions on Iran and the
P5+1's efforts to achieve a comprehensive solution on Iran's nuclear
program. In Egypt, the UAE has pledged over $7 billion in loans, grants
and in-kind goods while working with the Government of Egypt and the
U.S. to foster economic reform there. On Libya, we share with the UAE a
goal of a stable, democratic end state. We are consulting closely with
the UAE on Libya, and we are continuing to make clear to all countries
with an interest in Libya that we believe unilateral foreign
intervention undermines the process of achieving a stable government.
The UAE, along with other Arab League states, has played a key
supporting role in the Middle East peace process, urging both sides to
remain committed to achieving a durable peace. The UAE has also been a
major provider of humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian Authority
and in Gaza. It has been a supporter of the post-conflict
reconstruction process in Somalia, providing extensive aid ($213
million since 2009) and establishing formal diplomatic ties with
Somalia in 2013. As a member of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC),
which brokered the historic political transition in Yemen in 2011, the
UAE supports the Yemeni Government's efforts to achieve peace and
stability. The UAE is also a valued member of the multilateral Friends
of Yemen group, and has contributed over $1.3 billion in aid to Yemen
since 2009.
The UAE is a strong military partner and a reliable contributor to
coalition operations, participating in five major such efforts with the
U.S. since Operation Desert Storm. This cooperation is only amplified
on a bilateral basis. The port of Jebel Ali in Dubai is the U.S. Navy's
busiest overseas port-of-call, hosting more Navy liberty ship visits
than any other port outside of Norfolk. The UAE plays host to some
3,000 U.S. military personnel and key U.S. military assets. The UAE is
one of our largest Foreign Military Sales (FMS) customers, with over 90
implemented FMS cases valued at approximately $19.2 billion. The UAE
has actively participated in international operations to police the
gulf and has supported U.S. forces in our various military operations
in the region. The UAE's security partnership with the U.S. and the
international community is not new; in 1999, the UAE was among the
first non-NATO states to publicly support NATO's bombing campaign in
Kosovo, and the UAE sent almost 1,500 peacekeeping and special
operations troops to participate in the NATO-led peacekeeping mission
there, the single largest contribution to the mission by a
predominantly Muslim state. During Operation Desert Storm, UAE troops
took part in the Gulf Cooperation Council's Peninsula Shield Force,
participating in the liberation of Kuwait in March 1991; UAE forces
also participated in international coalitions in Somalia and Libya.
Our trade relationship with the UAE is an especially vital part of
the bilateral relationship. The UAE is the largest market for U.S.
goods and services in the Middle East. Our bilateral trade surplus in
2013 was $22.3 billion, the third-largest surplus in the world for the
United States. The United States continues to be a premier destination
for foreign direct investment (FDI) from the UAE, with the Emirates now
among the top 20 sources of FDI into the United States. Just as
significantly, the UAE is a great place for American business. With its
infrastructure and business and logistical services, the UAE has become
the regional headquarters for over 1,000 American companies active in
the petroleum, defense, services, education, and health care sectors.
It has developed a leading role in business services, including finance
and logistics, and has emerged as the preeminent business hub between
Asia and Europe. Dubai's Emirates Airlines is the single largest
customer for Boeing's 777 aircraft.
The UAE is also a partner on energy policy and environmental
responsibility. While it holds nearly 8 percent of the world's proven
oil reserves and nearly 5 percent of proven gas reserves, the UAE has
also sought to expand to renewable energy and is home to the newly
established International Renewable Energy Agency. The UAE early on
made a commitment to diversify its economy beyond fossil fuels,
adopting long-term plans to develop its manufacturing base, services
sector, and nonoil trade. In 2012, the UAE launched a long-term Green
Economy Initiative, which aims to make the UAE a world leader in energy
efficiency and environmental safety. As part of its effort to diversify
its energy sources, the UAE is constructing four civil nuclear power
plants, the first of which is expected to start operating in 2017, and
is reported to be considering the construction of additional plants
after that. U.S. companies including Westinghouse Electric and Bechtel
are providing equipment, fuel, and design and project management
services for the Baraka project. The vision of the UAE on
sustainability can also be seen with the establishment of the Masdar
Institute, which was created in cooperation with the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology as a cutting edge institution looking at ways
to meet the energy challenges of the future.
In the area of nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction, the
UAE takes its international obligations seriously. In my own time
working on Middle East issues, I have seen a significant evolution of
the UAE's approach to proliferation--from a country with many informal
and unregulated trade routes, to a global trade leader and regional
transshipment hub that is taking meaningful steps to ensure its trade
links are not exploited by illicit actors. Not only has the UAE
cooperated vigorously with U.S. law enforcement on interdiction, but it
has also helped conduct interdiction training for other gulf countries.
In another sign of the UAE's forward-thinking support for
international standards, in 2009 the UAE signed a nuclear cooperation
agreement with the U.S. This 30-year agreement, which allows the UAE to
partner with the U.S. on civil nuclear technology, includes a voluntary
obligation by the UAE to forgo domestic uranium enrichment and nuclear
fuel reprocessing and instead rely on existing international markets
for nuclear fuel.
One of the UAE's most noteworthy efforts in human capital terms is
its effort to involve women in all levels of government and business.
In 2012, the UAE adopted a requirement that the boards of directors of
all UAE Government agencies and corporations must include women.
Emirati women make up 70 percent of the UAE's university graduates
today. Four UAE Cabinet Ministers are women--including international
cooperation and development minister Sheikha Lubna Al Qasimi, who was
on Forbes magazine's 2007 list of the 100 most powerful women in the
world, along with UAE businesswoman Fatima Al Jaber. The UAE stands out
in its recognition that it cannot realize its economic, political and
cultural potential without the full participation of half of its
citizens. It goes without saying that, if confirmed, I will look for
opportunities to encourage just this kind of forward-thinking among
Emirati leaders at all levels of society, to increase opportunities for
women to participate fully in business, government, and society.
The U.S. also works closely with the UAE on human rights and
countering trafficking in persons. The UAE is working to improve its
response to the scourge of forced labor and forced prostitution,
particularly among the substantial foreign migrant worker population
the country hosts. The Department's most recent congressionally
mandated Trafficking in Persons report found that the UAE does not
fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of
trafficking, but that it is making significant efforts to do so. During
the past year, the UAE continued to prosecute sex trafficking cases,
fund shelters for sex trafficking victims, and implement public
awareness campaigns.
That said, there is more work to be done on these and other human
rights issues. While the UAE Government provides some avenues for
migrant workers' complaints, some forced labor victims remain
unidentified, unprotected, and are vulnerable to being punished for
offenses committed as a direct result of being subjected to human
trafficking. Over the last several years, in the wake of the so-called
Arab Spring revolutions of 2011, we have also seen the UAE act against
certain civil society organizations, shutting down offices of
organizations such as the National Democratic Institute and Konrad
Adenauer Foundation, and curtailing certain activities of individuals.
The UAE views the forces of extremism which stalk the region today as
the preeminent threat to the modern, moderate, forward-looking country
built with breathtaking speed and success over the last 40 years, by
the country's founding father, Shaikh Zayed al-Nayahn. But in defense
of that project, the UAE Government has periodically encroached on its
citizens' freedoms of expression and association. If confirmed as U.S
Ambassador to the UAE, I pledge to engage in a productive and candid
dialogue on these issues, working from the core values and democratic
principles that define America.
As the UAE's political and economic prominence only continues to
grow, so too must our engagement. With Abu Dhabi's growing engagement
in some of our top foreign policy priorities including Egypt, Syria,
and Iraq, there is no question that the United States has a serious and
committed partner in the UAE. If confirmed, I pledge to work with the
UAE Government to promote our foreign policy objectives and a more
stable and prosperous Middle East.
The UAE is ripe for increased U.S. business as Abu Dhabi invests to
diversify beyond oil production and Dubai continues its expansion as a
regional and global commercial hub. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador, I
will advocate aggressively for U.S. companies and work to find new
export opportunities for American goods and services in the UAE.
It goes without saying that paramount among my priorities, if
confirmed, will be the welfare, security, and interests of all American
citizens in the UAE. More than 50,000 American citizens make the UAE
their home; add to that the staff in the U.S. diplomatic mission and
U.S. military personnel in the UAE. If confirmed, I pledge to do
everything possible to protect the safety and security of the dedicated
men and women at our mission, as well as that of all Americans living
and working or traveling in the United Arab Emirates.
I appreciate and value this committee's oversight of our mission in
United Arab Emirates. If confirmed, I look forward to welcoming the
committee's members and staff to the UAE. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Risch, members of the subcommittee, thank you for this opportunity to
address the committee. I would be pleased to respond to any questions
that you may have.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ms. Leaf.
Ambassador Spratlen.
STATEMENT OF HON. PAMELA LEORA SPRATLEN, OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINEE
TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN
Ambassador Spratlen. Chairman Kaine, Ranking Member Risch,
ladies and gentlemen, it is a great honor to appear before you
today as the United States Ambassador-designate to the Republic
of Uzbekistan.
I am deeply grateful for the confidence President Obama and
Secretary Kerry have entrusted in me with this nomination. If
confirmed, I will work to strengthen bilateral relations with
Uzbekistan and promote U.S. interests and values there. I look
forward to working with Congress in pursuit of these goals.
My 25 years in the Foreign Service have prepared me for
this position. I know and appreciate the region. As the U.S.
Ambassador to the Kyrgyz Republic, I have the opportunity to
implement important U.S. security, human dimension, and
development policies in a fragile democracy. As the Deputy
Chief of Mission in Kazakhstan, I helped deepen our partnership
with that country, a key ally during the time that it hosted
the 2010 summit of the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe. As Director for Central Asian Affairs
and then-Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary, I became well
acquainted with U.S. policy priorities in Uzbekistan and played
a role in the earliest days of the South and Central Asia
Bureau. With the experience I have gained to date, I feel well
prepared to tackle the challenges and seek opportunities for
the United States in Uzbekistan.
Uzbekistan lies at the heart of Central Asia and is the
most populous country in the region. Since its independence
from the Soviet Union in 1991, the United States has always
maintained a strong commitment to Uzbekistan's sovereignty and
stability. The United States also remains committed to
encouraging Uzbekistan's development toward becoming a more
tolerant, prosperous democratic society that cooperates
effectively with its neighbors, adheres to its international
obligations, and promotes peace and stability domestically,
regionally, and globally.
Uzbekistan is an important partner in our ongoing efforts
to help neighboring Afghanistan reach its full potential.
Uzbekistan continues to provide vital assistance to Afghanistan
in the form of electricity that keeps the lights on in homes
and businesses across Kabul. The only railroad that connects
Afghanistan to the outside world runs through Uzbekistan.
Uzbekistan is also a key link in the northern distribution
network, which helps keep U.S. and NATO troops well supplied
and helps U.S. and NATO forces remove cargo from Afghanistan
now that the mission there is in transition. If confirmed, I
will encourage the Government of Uzbekistan to continue that
important support.
Our security cooperation with Uzbekistan is in a time of
transition, but will continue to focus on the common goal of
preventing Afghanistan from once again becoming a safe haven
for terrorists. Increased cooperation with Uzbekistan on a
number of training programs would help prevent a resurgence of
terrorism in the region, stem the flow of illegal narcotics,
and prevent human trafficking and illicit smuggling. Our
security cooperation also includes efforts to professionalize
the conduct of security forces and reinforce the need for
accountability in law enforcement institutions. If confirmed, I
would build on our existing partnership to continue this
cooperation.
Uzbekistan's large population and energy and mineral
resources make it a natural choice for U.S. companies seeking
to invest in Central Asia. The United States has been working
with Uzbekistan to improve its investment climate and foster a
cooperative regional economic environment. If confirmed, I will
encourage Uzbekistan to implement necessary changes to further
attract U.S. investment, diversify its economy, and promote
regional and economic connectivity.
As Ambassador to the Kyrgyz Republic, I have highlighted
the importance of nurturing nascent democratic institutions,
civil society groups, and a free and open media. I also
understand the profound importance of protecting respect for
human rights, the rule of law, and fundamental freedoms. If
confirmed, I will strongly encourage the Government of
Uzbekistan to comply with all of its international legal
obligations on human rights. I will also continue to press the
government on specific prisoner cases, such as those raised by
Senator Menendez and others in recent letters to President
Karimov. I will work closely with my government counterparts in
a diverse array of civil society institutions to address
concerns about forced and child labor, allegations of torture,
arbitrary arrests and imprisonment, restrictions on independent
civil society opposition and media, as well as religious
freedom.
I know from my past experience on Central Asian affairs
that progress on some of the issues will not be easy. If
confirmed, I am fully committed to working with Members of
Congress, the executive branch, and the people of Uzbekistan to
make concrete progress on tough issues, like human rights and
economic reforms. I will employ constant engagement to stress
the need for meaningful action in these areas.
I place the utmost importance on protecting American
citizens and U.S. values overseas, and, if confirmed, I will
focus my efforts on protecting U.S. citizens and their
interests in Uzbekistan.
The position of Ambassador is a position of public trust,
and I take this responsibility very seriously. Direct
engagement with the people of Uzbekistan will be a priority if
I am confirmed. Public diplomacy efforts, outreach, and
educational exchanges promote mutual understanding and foster
deeper bilateral ties.
Finally, I place great emphasis on strong leadership. If
confirmed, I will bring my experience, enthusiasm, and
knowledge to bear as I lead the mission to the best of my
ability.
I thank you for your consideration of this nomination, and
I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Spratlen follows:]
Prepared Statement of Pamela L. Spratlen
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a great honor to
appear before you today as the United States Ambassador-designate to
the Republic of Uzbekistan. I am deeply grateful for the confidence
President Obama and Secretary Kerry have entrusted in me with this
nomination. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen bilateral relations
with Uzbekistan and promote U.S. interests and values there. I look
forward to working with Congress in pursuit of these goals.
My 25 years in the Foreign Service have prepared me for this
position. I know and appreciate the region. As the U.S. Ambassador to
the Kyrgyz Republic, I have had the opportunity to implement important
U.S. security, human dimension, and development policies in a fragile
democracy. As the Deputy Chief of Mission in Kazakhstan, I was able to
help deepen our partnership with Kazakhstan, a key ally during the time
the country hosted the 2010 summit of the Organization for Security
Cooperation in Europe. During my tenure as Director for Central Asian
Affairs and then Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary, I became well
acquainted with U.S. policy priorities in Uzbekistan and played a role
in the earliest days of the South and Central Asia Bureau. With the
experience I have gained to date, I feel well-prepared to tackle the
challenges and seek opportunities for the United States in Uzbekistan.
Uzbekistan lies at the heart of Central Asia and is the most
populous country in the region. Since its independence from the Soviet
Union in 1991, the United States has always maintained a strong
commitment to Uzbekistan's sovereignty and stability. The United States
also remains committed to encouraging Uzbekistan's development toward
becoming a tolerant, prosperous, democratic society that cooperates
effectively with its neighbors, adheres to its international
obligations, and promotes peace and stability domestically, regionally,
and globally.
Uzbekistan is an important partner in our ongoing efforts to help
neighboring Afghanistan reach its full potential. Uzbekistan continues
to provide vital assistance to Afghanistan in the form of electricity
that keeps the lights on in homes and businesses across Kabul. The only
railroad connecting Afghanistan to the outside world runs through
Uzbekistan. Uzbekistan is also a key link in the Northern Distribution
Network, or NDN, which helps keep U.S. and NATO troops well-supplied
and helps U.S. and NATO forces remove cargo from Afghanistan now that
the mission there is in transition. If confirmed, I will encourage the
Government of Uzbekistan to continue this important support.
Our security cooperation with Uzbekistan is in a time of
transition, but will continue to focus on the common goal of preventing
Afghanistan from once again becoming a safe haven for terrorists.
Increased cooperation with Uzbekistan on a number of training programs
would help prevent a resurgence of terrorism in the region, stem the
flow of illegal narcotics, and prevent human trafficking and illicit
smuggling. Our security cooperation also includes efforts to
professionalize the conduct of security forces and reinforce the need
for accountability in law-enforcement institutions. Uzbekistan is an
increasingly important partner in these efforts, especially in light of
its deliberate, reliable resistance to Russian pressure in the post-
Soviet space. If confirmed, I will build on our existing partnership to
continue this cooperation.
Uzbekistan's large population and energy and mineral resources make
it a natural choice for U.S. companies seeking to invest in Central
Asia. The United States has been working with Uzbekistan to improve its
investment climate and foster a cooperative regional economic
environment. If confirmed, I will encourage Uzbekistan to implement
necessary changes to further attract U.S. investment, diversify its
economy, and promote regional economic connectivity.
My most recent experience as Ambassador to the Kyrgyz Republic
highlighted the importance of nurturing nascent democratic
institutions, civil society groups, and a free and open media
atmosphere. I also understand the profound importance of promoting
respect for human rights, the rule of law, and fundamental freedoms. If
confirmed, I will strongly encourage the Government of Uzbekistan to
comply with all of its international legal obligations on human rights.
I will also continue to press the government on specific prisoner cases
such those raised by Senator Menendez and others in recent letters to
President Karimov. I will work closely with my government counterparts
and a diverse array of civil society institutions to address concerns
about forced and child labor, allegations of torture, arbitrary arrests
and imprisonment, restrictions on independent civil society,
opposition, and media, and religious freedom.
I know from my past experiences on Central Asian affairs that
progress on some of the issues I just described will not be easy. If
confirmed, I am fully committed to working with Members of Congress,
the executive branch, and the people of Uzbekistan to make concrete
progress on tough issues like human rights and economic reforms. I will
employ constant, consistent engagement to stress the need for
meaningful action in these areas.
I place the utmost importance on protecting American citizens and
U.S. values overseas. If confirmed, I will focus my efforts on
protecting U.S. citizens and their interests in Uzbekistan. The
position of Ambassador is a position of public trust, and I take this
responsibility very seriously.
Direct engagement with the people of Uzbekistan will also be a
priority if I am confirmed. Public diplomacy efforts, outreach, and
educational exchanges promote mutual understanding and foster deeper
bilateral ties.
Finally, I place great personal emphasis on strong leadership. If
confirmed, I will bring my experience, enthusiasm, and knowledge to
lead the mission to the best of my ability.
Thank you. I look forward to your questions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ambassador Spratlen.
We will have 7-minute rounds of questions. And if we do not
get to you on a first round, do not relax, because we will
often have multiple rounds.
I will start with Mr. Roebuck. I was very distressed about
the news of the recent arrest of a prominent human rights
activist, Meriam al-Khawaja in Bahrain. If you could, describe
the status of that case and what the State Department is doing
to raise that issue, please.
Mr. Roebuck. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
We have followed this case closely. We are aware of Ms.
Khawaja's arrest. We have raised this case publicly with the
Bahraini Government, and we have also done so privately. And we
have urged the government to ensure that Ms. Khawaja's due-
process rights are protected, that she has the right to
expeditious judicial proceedings, access to a lawyer, and
hopefully that this matter will be resolved as quickly as
possible. So, we have raised this matter, and we are following
it very closely.
Thank you, Senator.
Senator Kaine. Sort of in a related area, and then I think
a number of the questions about Bahrain will be dealing with
this. The Bahraini Government--and you alluded to this--
expelled visiting Assistant Secretary Tom Malinowski, and the
ostensible reason was for holding a meeting with opposition
representatives without government officials present. Also,
Representative Jim McGovern and human rights researchers have
been denied entry in Bahrain. Talk about the current status of
the dialogue between the governments on the situation with
Assistant Secretary Malinowski and how you, in your post, will
handle the issue of interacting with all segments of Bahraini
society, including folks associated with opposition parties.
Mr. Roebuck. Thank you, Senator.
The expulsion of Assistant Secretary Malinowski, we have
made clear to the Bahraini Government, was unnecessary and
unhelpful. We have dealt with the aftermath of the expulsion
primarily through diplomatic channels. We believe the Bahraini
Government has understood our position clearly. We expect,
going forward, that the Bahraini Government will take steps
more consistent with our strong bilateral relationship, and
that they will address this issue. We continue to support a
strong reform reconciliation process in Bahrain, hopefully
leading to inclusive elections across broad Bahraini society
sectors.
With regard to the return of Assistant Secretary
Malinowski, I have discussed this with Assistant Secretary
Malinowski. He wants to return at a time that would be most
helpful. We have discussed this with the Bahraini Government.
They have indicated they would welcome his return. And so, we
are discussing with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs about the
timing for that.
Bottom line, we have made our position known to them. We
expect, in the future, that they will take steps more
consistent with our strong bilateral relationship and with
existing diplomatic norms.
Thank you.
Senator Kaine. What is the--I was in Bahrain in December
2013, and one of the issues at that time--it was a significant
point of discussion, and I imagine it still is--is the status
of U.S. arms sales to Bahrain. It is been significant, but
there has also been suspensions of arms sales because of human
rights concern. What is the current status of the situation
with respect to the arms sales between the United States and
Bahrain?
Mr. Roebuck. Senator, we continue to carefully evaluate our
security cooperation posture toward Bahrain. We have not made
changes in the policies recently. We will consult closely with
Congress before making any such changes.
At present, we are withholding the export of lethal and
crowd-control items intended predominantly for internal
security purposes, and certain other items. We have resumed, on
a case-by-case basis, the export of certain items related
exclusively to external defense, counterterrorism, and the
protection of U.S. forces in Bahrain. Our strong assessment is
that we continue to have a very strong security partnership
with the Government of Bahrain. And, if confirmed, I will do
everything I can to strengthen that relationship.
Senator Kaine. There is some difference of opinion, I
think, on the degree to which Iran is supporting Shiite
hardline opposition factions within Bahrain. What is your
current understanding of the role that Iran is playing, if any,
in civil unrest in that country?
Mr. Roebuck. Senator, we have seen Iranian attempts, in the
past, to exploit and exacerbate sectarian unrest of the kind
that is going on in--and has gone on--in Bahrain. They do this
to advance their own agenda and to undermine peace and
stability in the region. I think it is inevitable that
prolonged unrest and instability in Bahrain would open the door
to Iranian influence among extremists in that country. We also
believe that further efforts at reform will promote
reconciliation, restore confidence. And, in doing so, it
lessens sectarian tensions and it denies Iran the ability to
exploit such situations.
Senator Kaine. I am trying to remember, from my visit last
December, the population of Bahrain is--the leadership is
predominantly Sunni, but the population is dramatically--65-70
percent Shia. Do I remember that correctly?
Mr. Roebuck. The population is about 1.25 million, and the
figures that you have given are approximately the breakdown we
understand on the demographics.
Senator Kaine. One last question, and then to Senator
Risch.
Another key influence in Bahrain is Saudi Arabia, because
of their closeness to the Bahraini Government. Are we working
in tandem with Saudi Arabia in efforts to promote, you know,
additional reforms or the national dialogue efforts to reduce
unrest in Bahrain? Does Saudi Arabia play a role in that
effort?
Mr. Roebuck. Thank you, Senator.
The Saudis have a very important relationship with Bahrain.
They are close allies. I think it is fair to say that they have
significant influence. And we believe that the Saudis can play
a positive role. We discuss this issue and related regional
issues with the Saudis on a regular basis.
We also underscore, with the Saudis and with our other gulf
partners, the importance to Bahrain of a reconciliation
process, reform and political dialogue, not only for Bahrain's
security and stability, but also for regional security and
stability. And we will continue those discussions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Roebuck.
Senator Risch.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Roebuck, let us take the Malinowski incident first. Did
State Department know that the meeting was going to take place
with the opposition prior to the time it took place?
Mr. Roebuck. Yes, sir, we did. This was part of an arranged
schedule of meetings that Assistant Secretary Malinowski
arranged with the Embassy. This is a fairly typical way that a
U.S. Government official would fly into the country and arrange
a set of meetings across the board with all sectors of a
political society.
Senator Risch. So, was the Bahrainian response to that a
surprise to State Department?
Mr. Roebuck. Yes. I would say that we were--I think that is
a fair description. As I noted to Senator Kaine, we found the
response of the Bahraini Government unnecessary and unhelpful,
and we made that clear to them in the aftermath of the
expulsion.
Senator Risch. But, at this point, the wound is healed, you
say that Malinowski's now welcome back in Bahrain? Did I catch
that right?
Mr. Roebuck. I would say, Senator, that we are continuing
to address this issue. We have discussed it at the most senior
levels with the Bahraini Government. They understand the
importance of taking corrective action, and they have indicated
that they would welcome Senator Malinowski back. So, we are
considering that and considering the proper timing for a return
visit.
Senator Risch. Do they appreciate the fact that they have
overreacted on the issue?
Mr. Roebuck. I think that the Government of Bahrain has
understood our position, which we have made clear, publicly and
privately. I think they understand the need to take corrective
steps, and they have indicated that they would do so.
Senator Risch. I guess the thing I am struggling with here,
as you can see, is that a lot of us, when we go to various
countries, meet with the opposition. I mean, it is not--like
you say, it is not an unusual thing. And I am just--I am
wondering what happened, here, that caused this kind of a
reaction.
Mr. Roebuck. I think, Senator, that the negotiations and
the dialogue that have gone on between the government and the
opposition over the last couple of years has taken place in a
difficult atmosphere, with a lack of trust on both sides, and
that sometimes, you know, this atmosphere has prompted
reactions--temporary reactions that require a change of course
in--a course correction subsequently down the line. I think
that is in the period where we are now.
Senator Risch. Again, though, what--the description of the
situation between the in-power and the opposition, that is not
unusual. I mean, the description you gave is what usually
happens in these circumstances. So, I am just--I am surprised
at the reaction.
In any event, let us move on. I have a very local issue,
and that is that the small arms sales to Bahrain is very
important to my State, in that we do have a growing industry,
manufacturers of small arms. And because of the sanctions that
have been in place, they have some sales--specific sales that
were stopped, as far as Bahrain is concerned, and they ask me,
``Well, you know, what are you trying to do, here?'' And you
explain to them that what you are trying to do is to get some
conformance to certain standards, as far as human rights are
concerned. And, of course, they come back and say, ``Well,
look, if we do not sell them these, they are going to the
Italians, or they are going somewhere, because these small arms
are ubiquitous and easily obtained on the market, so you are
not really gaining anything by stopping these kinds of sales,
when they are easily obtainable from about anywhere.''
What do I respond to them when they say that?
Mr. Roebuck. Senator, thank you for the question.
I think the response needs to be that the United States
maintains a relatively comprehensive arms policy with any given
country. We have established a set of arms policies with regard
to Bahrain, carefully vetted in our interagency process. We do
not have plans to change it now, but we are looking carefully
at when we would change it down the line.
I think that the current policy toward arms reflects our
strong security cooperation with Bahrain, but it also reflects
our other interests and values, and that we are postured about
where we need to be, overall, with regards to our arms
policies. I understand the particular issue you raise with some
group of sales in that larger policy, but I think, overall, we
are where we need to be right now with regard to our arms
policy regarding Bahrain.
Senator Risch. I heard what you just said, and I appreciate
that. And I do not think there is anyone that wants to
undermine the objective of trying to get compliance to basic
human rights standards. After listening to your answer, I am
not persuaded that stopping them from buying something in the
United States that they can buy anywhere on the market is going
to have any influence whatsoever in their decisionmaking.
Again, do not get me wrong, I want to see you continue to
pressure and attempt to get compliance, but I have real
difficulties believing that keeping out of their hands an item
that they can buy anywhere reaches that goal. And, for Idahoans
that want to work and for the good-paying jobs that are created
here, it would seem to me that, if they are not created here,
they are going to be created in China or Italy or somewhere
like that. So, I hope you would keep that in mind as you help
to form policy in that regard.
And my time is almost up, but I want to--a very short
question for Ms. Leaf.
There has been quite a bit of disagreement between the UAE
and Qatar regarding the Muslim Brotherhood. Could you talk
about that for just a minute and what you think is the
prescription for trying to resolve that?
Ms. Leaf. Thank you, Senator.
You know, the UAE and Qatar are two parts of a larger set
of discussions and disputes that have been ongoing in the GCC.
We saw, in the spring, a rather dramatic demonstration of that,
when the Saudis, Emiratis, and Bahrainis withdrew their
ambassadors.
What I would say, more broadly, is that the GCC has gone
through these kind of internal disputes before, and they have
come together. And we saw evidence of that this last weekend,
when there was a GCC Foreign Ministerial, and they closed
ranks. It is not to say they have thoroughly resolved these
disputes. One of them is over the issue--as you say, over the
issue of support to the Muslim Brotherhood or each state's
stance on the Muslim Brotherhood, but they closed ranks in a
very important way, and I think that is a reflection of all of
the member states' recognition that there are huge security
challenges afoot in the Middle East that directly threaten
their interests and that now is the time to pull together in--
and I think we are going to see evidence of that to an even
greater degree over the coming days as we work with the GCC,
including both of those members, in confronting ISIL.
Senator Risch. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. My time is up.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Risch.
Senator McCain.
Senator McCain. Ms. Leaf, I could not disagree with you
more. It is unprecedented what the other countries did when
they withdrew their ambassadors. You will have to tell me
another time when that happened. The Qataris continue to
provide funding to the most extreme elements, particularly in
Iraq and Syria. The Qataris have, basically, been the strongest
supporters, not just of the Muslim Brotherhood, but their money
is going to people like al-Nusra, people like ISIS, and others.
How can you sit there and say that this is just something
normal? And, because they had a meeting of the GCC, that
certainly does not address the issue--you are going to be the
Ambassador to UAE, but our problems with Qatar are very deep-
seated, ranging from funding to money laundering to all kinds
of problems that we have with the Qataris. It is well known
that they are extending financial and other support to the most
extreme elements that we are trying to fight against. Would you
disagree with that?
Ms. Leaf. Senator, I would say that they have a history
with a number of Islamist movements in the region, and I think
this----
Senator McCain. Wait a minute. Let me----
Ms. Leaf. Sorry.
Senator McCain [continuing]. Just stop you right there.
``Have a history.'' Are they still doing it?
Ms. Leaf. Senator, I cannot discuss all of this in this
setting. I would be happy to take these questions back and
provide a fuller response in a classified setting.
Senator McCain. Well, until you can give me a full
response, in response to published information in newspapers
and television and radio all over America and all over the
world, then you have got the wrong guy, here. This is a serious
problem of Qatar's assistance to these radical elements and
funding which is going on as we speak. So, to just say, ``Well,
this kind of thing has happened before,'' it has not. And it is
very serious. And, as long as ISIS is able to do the things
they are doing with the assistance and cooperation of Qatar,
our challenge with ISIS is dramatically, significantly
increased.
I had not even intended, frankly, to ask you a question.
But, when you sit there and say, ``Well, this is just a normal
thing,'' it is not normal. It is not. And the relations between
Qatar and Iran are also troubling. That is not normal. It is
not what we are trying to achieve in the Middle East.
So, I will be submitting to you some questions that are
based on public information--not on sensitive information, but
based on public information. And I would expect an answer from
you.
But, believe me, I have spent enough time over there to
know that this is a normal situation, the behavior of Qatar.
And, by the way, do you know whether UAE and Egypt notified
the United States of America when they launched airstrikes
against Libya?
Ms. Leaf. Senator, regarding this incident that you are
referring to, there is very little that I could say in this
hearing, but I would be happy to ask for a classified briefing
for you on that matter.
Senator McCain. I am not going to a classified hearing with
you. I am asking you a question, whether the published reports,
in the New York Times and the Washington Post, that UAE and
Egypt launched airstrikes in Libya--whether the United States
of America was informed by them, or not. Do you refuse to
answer that question?
Ms. Leaf. No, Senator, I will answer that question. I
cannot speak to those reports in this setting.
Senator McCain. Then I cannot support your nomination if
the Senate of the United States is not entitled to have that
information.
Ms. Leaf. Senator, I would be happy to provide that to you
in a classified setting.
Senator McCain. It is not necessary, in a classified
setting, if it is published information whether it is true, or
not.
Ms. Leaf. I am aware of what the press has reported, but
all I can say to you, Senator, in this setting, is the
following, that I would be happy to take that back. I cannot--
--
Senator McCain. What is classified about it? They either
told the United States of America, or not. What is classified
about that?
Ms. Leaf. Senator, I would be happy to take it back.
Senator McCain. Well, perhaps you can tell me, in
preparation for this hearing, why you were told that that--were
you told that that is classified information?
Ms. Leaf. These are all issues--related to those events,
they are classified, sir.
Senator McCain. Ms. Cefkin, I have a special feeling--it is
nice to see you again--I have a special feeling for Fiji, and I
wish you well. They have been through a terrible, difficult
time, and I am interested in your assessment as to whether this
first-time election in so long is going to be successful, or
not. And thank you for--they are wonderful, gentle people, and
they have had a very great--great difficulties in recent years.
So, I thank you for your service. And I am interested in your
assessment. I think it is September 17, is going to--the vote
is going to be?
Ms. Cefkin. Thank you very much for that question, Senator.
You are correct, the vote is scheduled for September 17,
next week. We are working very closely with an international
coalition led by Australia and Indonesia that is organizing
international observers. We have several Americans that will
participate in that observer mission. We have also been
providing some voter education support through NGOs to the
people of Fiji to help support a credible election outcome.
Of course, there are various predictions. I am reluctant to
speculate and to give you any absolute prediction about what
the outcome will be, but we remain cautiously hopeful that
there will be a credible election that takes place that will
allow us to move to another phase of our cooperation, our
relations, and to look for ways to continue to deepen support
for democratic institutions and democratic culture in Fiji.
We have, and we--the United States--will continue to urge
that Fiji continue the progress, build on this progress, to
further expand the rights of its citizens to fully participate,
to fully enjoy freedom of expression and organization. We know
that--I know, from my personal experience, that transitions are
difficult, that they take time, generally. One election is not
sufficient to complete the process of democratic transition.
But, yes, we are committed, and, if confirmed, I will make that
an absolute priority to focus on support for democratic
development in Fiji.
Senator McCain. Well, there are many places where
Ambassadors are very important. It is one of those. And I know
you will be working closely with, especially, the Australians,
as well as the other countries in the region that have imposed
embargoes and other restrictions on Fiji. And I appreciate very
much what the Australians, particularly, have done in
addressing this issue.
Mr. Chairman, I had additional questions, but I would wait
until next round if----
Senator Kaine. Thank you. Senator McCain, you can continue.
I am going to have some additional questions, too, but I will
hit cleanup if you want to continue, and then we will move to
Senator Rubio.
Senator McCain. Thank you. I just wanted to talk to Mr.
Roebuck for a minute.
The situation in Bahrain is pretty clear cut in some
respects, I think, in that there has been a suppression of the
opposition and the treatment of Tom Malinowski is not an
acceptable situation. Obviously, we cannot have our
representatives thrown out of a country that is supposed to be
a friend of ours. But, at the same time, there is ample
evidence of Iranian influence; in fact, even Iranian weapons
have been intercepted trying to be delivered to the opposition.
So, it is not just a sort of a human rights issue and lack of
democratization. We have got the Iranians playing heavily,
here. And I am curious, How do we balance that, in your view?
And, by the way, it is good to see you again, and thank you for
your service.
Mr. Roebuck. Thank you, Senator.
Senator McCain. Tell me how we can thread that needle.
Mr. Roebuck. Thank you, Senator.
As you indicate, we have a range of important interests in
Bahrain. I have addressed the human rights dimension of our
relationship in some detail in the--in my statement and in the
questions. We will continue to raise those important issues.
We also have, of course, a very, very important security
partnership with Bahrain. They host NAVCENT, they host the
Fifth Fleet, 8,000 servicemembers live and work there. This
hosting allows us to do a range of incredibly significant----
Senator McCain. I understand all that.
Mr. Roebuck. OK. Got it.
So, the security relationship is very important. We want to
ensure that that is maintained.
On the human rights and the internal security situation
that you mentioned, we are encouraging the government and the
opposition to continue political dialogue reform efforts and a
reconciliation process to address the type of social and
economic grievances that you allude to. They have had problems.
There was significant unrest in 2011. And the efforts of the--
--
Senator McCain. I want you to get to Iran.
Mr. Roebuck [continuing]. And the efforts of the--thank
you, sir--the efforts of the Bahrain Independent Commission of
Inquiry have been important to help them address these issues.
With regard to Iran, we are aware of Iranian attempts to
have influence in Bahrain, in places like Bahrain, where there
is sectarian unrest. I think it is inevitable that, you know,
given that unrest and instability, they are trying to take
advantage of that situation. We are aware of the reports that
you mentioned. Much of the discussion surrounding these
reports, Senator, is limited to classified sourcing and
information. It is difficult for me to get into too much of it.
But, your basic point about this involvement is accurate, in
the broad sense----
Senator McCain. So, is there not a--this is my final
question--is there not a real threat, here, that this could
turn into a--basically, a proxy war between the Saudis and the
Iranians?
Mr. Roebuck. I think there is always a risk of outside
powers getting involved in a situation like in Bahrain, where
there has been----
Senator McCain. Well, the Saudis have already been in,
militarily, once.
Mr. Roebuck. Correct. They went in as part of the GCC
Peninsula Shield Forces for a few months in 2011. There is that
danger. And I think it is--and it is important that we continue
to talk closely with our allies, like the Saudis, ensure that
they are playing a positive role. We believe, from our
discussions, that they want to play a positive role. It is 2014
now, it is not 2011. I think they understand the--that. And I
think, on the Iran side, you know, we continue with the P5+1
talks. Bahrain and others in the region clearly understand the
dangers of a nuclear Iran to the region and to the world. And
we will----
Senator McCain. Well, could I say----
Mr. Roebuck [continuing]. Continue to address that----
Senator McCain [continuing]. I am not so worried about a
nuclear Iran, in this case, I am worried about Iranian arms and
equipping the opposition and you are getting into a real
firefight, here.
But, I thank you, Mr. Roebuck, and I thank you for your
previous service. And you are inheriting a very, very delicate
situation, where a lot of interests have to be balanced, here,
probably one of the most difficult that I know of in the entire
region.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Roebuck. Thank you, sir.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator McCain.
Senator Rubio.
Senator Rubio. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this
hearing.
Thank you all for your willingness to serve or prior to
service to our country.
Mr. Roebuck, the bulk of my questions in the time I have
will be toward you, just simply because of my interest in
Bahrain and what is occurring there.
You may have answered this already. I may have missed it,
so I may be restating it. But, I want to talk about the
expulsion of Tom Malinowski, ostensibly for holding a meeting
with the Wefaq representatives without a government
representative present. My understanding is, the government
also, reportedly, barred a Member of Congress, in the last few
weeks, from visiting the country, based on a similar concern.
If and when, as I anticipate you will be, you are confirmed
as Ambassador of the United States, do you plan to comply with
this requirement, that they have a government representative
anytime we meet with members of an opposition party?
Mr. Roebuck. No, sir, Senator Rubio. We have made it clear
to the Bahraini government that this an unacceptable condition.
It is not only unacceptable in Bahrain, it is worldwide. There
are established diplomatic protocols for such meetings. And we
use those types of--we expect compliance with those types of
international norms in our meetings worldwide. And that goes
for Bahrain, also.
Senator Rubio. Well, there is an invitation out to Mr.
Malinowski to return to the Kingdom. Do you know, what is the
status of that? And have they set any ``ground rules,'' for his
return, for him to be able to come back?
Mr. Roebuck. Senator, I spoke with Assistant Secretary
Malinowski late last week about this. He wants to return at a
time that would be most helpful to the broader political
dialogue and reconciliation process. We have discussed this at
senior levels with the Bahraini Government. They have indicated
they would welcome him back. They understand the need for
corrective steps to address the previous expulsion. And we will
continue to work through this issue to try to resolve it. But,
the conditions that you cite would not be acceptable for a
return visit, and that has been part of the broader
conversation.
Senator Rubio. Now, I want to get a little broader on this,
and I think some of the questions around here have touched upon
it, because Bahrain is a nation that I have taken an interest
in, a couple of years ago, for reasons of both human rights and
geopolitical reality. And, you know, I believe human rights
should always be at the forefront of what we do from a national
security perspective and from a foreign policy perspective. And
so, I was deeply concerned to see that a minority in that
country felt oppressed and felt like they did not have the
space to speak out in the Kingdom. And we engaged ourselves
early in that conversation; in fact, met with some young people
from there that expressed to us that their desire was not to
overthrow the Kingdom, but simply to create a political
accommodation where they had a greater role and more of a
voice.
As that process has broken down over the last few years,
you have begun to see evidence or indications that the
opposition in the country has become increasingly potentially
more radicalized, or at least elements of it there have become
more radicalized, and that potentially have created stronger
links with Iran as their sponsor in these efforts.
The answer we always get back, whenever we express our
desire to speak forcefully on these issues of human rights, is,
we have to be careful not to go too far on human rights, I am
told, because Bahrain has such critical importance to the
United States, from a geopolitical perspective, that somehow we
need to push aside the human rights considerations because they
are such an important partner in that region, from a defense
perspective.
I think that is troubling and shortsighted, for a couple of
reasons. One, I think it undermines our credibility, when we go
around the world talking about how we are fighters on behalf of
human rights and democracy, freedom, and the liberty of all
people, and, on the other hand, we are willing, or appear
willing, to tolerate it in some parts of the world because they
are good partners. We did that in the cold war, as well, in
many instances. And I do not criticize it now, and hindsight is
always 20/20, but it was, to some--we still, in some extent,
pay the price for that in some parts of the world.
The other is, I think it is actually bad for our allies,
because, when they do this, when you have a large number of
people in this country--in this instance, not even a minority--
I just called it a minority; it is not a minority, but a group
that feels being oppressed because they do not have a voice--I
think, long term, that is unsustainable. If you are an ally of
the United States, what we should be explaining to these
countries--and I hope that we are--is, ``What you have today is
an unsustainable position. You have got to create space for
every segment of your society to be involved. Otherwise, you
have put for yourself--you put yourself in an unsustainable
long-term position that actually is ripe for the sorts of
instability that do not just undermine you, but ultimately
undermine our standing in that part of the world.'' But, again,
the argument I get back is, ``We have got to be careful not to
push too hard, because Bahrain is too important.''
I will say that in 2013 a former Director of National
Intelligence, Dennis Blair, said, ``Bahrain needs the United
States, from both the security and economic points of view,
more than the United States needs Bahrain.'' He went on to say,
``The Fifth Fleet Headquarters should be moved back onboard a
flagship as it was until 1993. Permanent basing in a repressive
Bahrain undermines our support for reform and is vulnerable if
instability continues.''
So, I guess my point is, as you walk into this role there,
what is your view of this balance, to the extent there needs to
be a balance? And how would you--and, furthermore, how would
you evaluate our alternatives for the naval support activity
facility in Bahrain? How crucial is that facility? How crucial
is that facility being stationed in that place, in Bahrain? How
crucial is that to U.S. defense strategy in the Persian Gulf
region?
But, the first one is the most important. How do you view
that balance? Because I am not even sure there should be a
balance, per se. I think all of our national security and
foreign policy credibility is undermined when we are seen to be
the sponsor of, and looking the other way to, repression.
Mr. Roebuck. Thank you, Senator Rubio.
I believe there does need to be a balance. I think that a
country that promotes and protects human rights will be
ultimately a more stable country and can be a more effective
security partner. My commitment is to make the case, publicly
and privately, if confirmed, to the Bahrain Government that it
is in their long-term interest to promote and protect human
rights, and also to support a vibrant political dialogue,
reform, and reconciliation process. My view--and I think our
policy is informed by this view--is that these two objectives--
security partnership and human rights--are not in conflict, but
that they mutually reinforce each other. I think it takes work
to make sure that the policy functions in that way, but I do
believe that that is a fundamental understanding of our
policies towards Bahrain.
I do think that the hosting of U.S. Naval Forces Central
Command, the Fifth Fleet, in Bahrain is incredibly important to
our regional interest. That deepwater port's central location
allows us to cover 2.3 million square miles of critical oceans
and seas, demonstrate resolve to Iran, ensure the free flow of
oil and commerce, and mount counterterrorism, counterpiracy,
counternarcotics efforts.
So, yes, it is critical, but I believe we can balance that
interest with our concern for human rights. And it is
absolutely essential that we do so.
Thank you, sir.
Senator Rubio. Can I just----
Senator Kaine. Please continue.
Senator Rubio. Here was what I would just say. When you go
that part of the world or you speak to people and say, ``Well,
why is the United States involved, and why do we care about
what is happening in different parts of the world?''--one of
the things we should always lead with is, ``Well, we care about
human rights. There are certain realities,'' I mean, this
Nation was founded on the principle that all human beings were
created equal, endowed by a creator with certain rights that
belong to them that are not granted to them by government.
These are the founding principles of our Nation. And I think we
have been a beacon to the world for over 240 years because we
have been willing to go around the world and help those who
aspire to that for themselves. It gives credibility to--and
standing. And it makes us more than just a geopolitical player.
It makes us, in essence, someone other countries look at as an
inspiration.
Here is where we run into trouble. When you go to these
parts of the world and say, ``Well, you care about human
rights, and you care about democracy, and you care about
freedom unless it is some country that is critically important
to you in some way. Then you are willing to look the other way.
I mean, you looked the other way in Saudi Arabia, where there
are no human rights, per se, where women are not even allowed
to drive a car. You look the other way in Bahrain.'' You know,
and I have had these conversations, where they are--you know,
where I have explained to Bahraini officials that it is
critical that the space be created, because what they have,
long term, is a powder keg.
People are not all of a sudden just going to decide to take
it. This will continue to be a problem, and an unsustainable
one.
And I look at other examples, where, over time, we were
able to convince allies of ours, in a different era--the
Philippines comes to mind--where, slowly but surely, we
pressured and put--during the Reagan administration, created
conditions, where eventually that dictatorship fell and
transitioned to a democracy, albeit one that has some
challenges, but certainly no longer governed by a dictatorship,
as an example of a role the United States should also play. If
we are truly someone's ally, I think it is critical for us to
explain and be forceful and continuing to nudge them toward a
sustainable position that honors both human rights and
democracy and does not cost us our credibility. Because I think
when we look the other way, whether it is Bahrain, Saudi
Arabia, or anywhere else, and say, ``We care about human rights
unless we happen to have bases in your country and you are
helping us achieve some other foreign policy objective''--I
actually think that threatens and undermines our credibility,
our standing, and ultimately those countries, as well. So, as
their allies, I think it is important that we continue to be
forceful in explaining to them that, if they do not create
these spaces where people can become legitimate and open and
free parts of that society, where they feel like they have an
outlet and a voice in the politics for those nations, those
countries are in an unsustainable place and ultimately are
going to continue to be places where Iran and others can come
in and try to exploit that division.
So, I hope you will use this post as an opportunity to
continue to further that dialogue and continue to nudge them in
that direction. Otherwise, the situation they find themselves
in is unsustainable, and I think Bahrain will continue to be
susceptible to Iranian influence trying to stir up Shia
militants and others to take actions against the Kingdom.
So, thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Rubio.
Ms. Leaf, let me pick up with you on the--I want to make
sure I understand the dialogue you had with Senator McCain. We
are very concerned on the committee, as you know, about this
issue of the airstrikes in Libya. And I have seen it--you know,
I have seen it kind of interpreted a couple of different ways.
One interpretation is, you know, ``How dare something like this
happen without the U.S. being deeply involved.'' I think a
willingness to publicly self-police in the region is actually--
could be a real healthy thing. I think this has been a region
where often nations have, you know, quietly told us we need to
do things, and they have been unwilling to stand up and do
things themselves. Nevertheless, there is--you know, there is a
lot of concerns about how it could be interpreted.
I understood your answers to be, this question about
whether the United States was notified is certainly a question
that is important, that is worthy of an answer, the Senate
should get an answer, but, to answer that question, you would
have to reveal what you know through classified information
that you are not at liberty to reveal. Is that basically
correct?
Ms. Leaf. Yes, that is the--that is correct, Senator. And
I--what I would say is there are more things that I simply
cannot discuss in this setting, much as I would like to be
responsive to Senator McCain's question, and to your own. I
think perhaps if it is helpful, I could add a few comments
about the larger issue of the U.S. and UAE collaboration on
Libya, because that actually is a policy----
Senator Kaine. That would be helpful.
Ms. Leaf. Thank you. That is an issue that we have been
discussing in some depth with Emiratis since--well, since at
least the spring and into the summer, and we are going to have
another round of such discussions, in addition to the--to very
regular senior-level contacts that we have between our
government and theirs.
Libya is a place that the Emiratis engaged on as part of
the NATO-led coalition, as you know, Mr. Chairman, and they
have had an abiding interest, as we do, in seeing that country
stabilize and become secure. And their concerns have been
growing for some time, which they have reflected to us, about
the growth of Libyan and transnational extremist groups.
So, we are enhancing--we are deepening the dialogue with
them and other key partners on this issue as we speak.
Senator Kaine. You talked a little bit about events of the
last weekend in kind of a--at least, kind of at face value, a
reunification of some of the foreign ministers in the GCC. I am
also struck, as I watch this--sometimes there is a theatrical
element to breaks, and then there is a theatrical element to
reunifications. And I am trying to determine what is theater
and what is real.
Talk a little bit about the events of the last weekend and,
sort of, what that----
Ms. Leaf. I would----
Senator Kaine [continuing]. Suggests to you is occurring.
Ms. Leaf. I would be happy to do so. In fact, I mean, these
are very serious differences of view that have roiled the
waters of the GCC. So, I perhaps gave an impression that it was
business as normal. I would not by any means suggest so.
Rather, that the overriding security challenges that have beset
the region over the last couple of years and really have
perhaps crested at this point in Iraq with the emergence of,
really, a truly terrifying and brutal movement--ISIL--that has
had a very sobering effect on many people across the region,
not the least of which are GCC partners.
I would not suggest that they have been able to put all
differences aside on the issues that Senator McCain addressed.
Far from it. And it was dramatic, what occurred in the spring.
It was significant. But, there has been a pretty steady pulling
together over the last weeks, in part led by the Saudi
Government. But, I think it is a collective reflection that we
see right now that they have got really, really bigger fish to
fry, if you will. They are addressing their internal
differences over the Muslim Brotherhood and other issues. They
are addressing them as brothers in a family.
Senator Kaine. What more can the UAE do to support
countries like Lebanon and Jordan with the Syrian refugee
issues? I know they have been engaged on this humanitarian
front, but talk a little bit about the status of that
engagement, what more they can do.
Ms. Leaf. I will do so, happily.
The UAE is a really generous foreign assistance donor. I
was looking at figures the other day that indicated they have
provided assistance to 137 different countries around the
world. Jordan ranks right at the top of their regional
priorities. And the figure that I mentioned earlier is really
meant to address this wave of Syrian refugees and the enormous
impact that that has had on Syria's neighbors. Jordan and
Lebanon together remain key diplomatic and humanitarian
assistance priorities for the UAE. That goes without saying.
Without us even raising it, that is a priority for that
government.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ms. Leaf.
Ambassador Spratlen, a couple of questions. Talk a little
bit about the current status of, sort of, democratization and
human rights in Uzbekistan. And, in particular, I am always
interested whether U.S. and other international-based NGOs are
able to operate freely in the country. If you could address
that issue.
Ambassador Spratlen. Well, thank you for the question,
Senator Kaine.
Yes, the issue of human rights has been at the top of U.S.
priorities with Uzbekistan for as long as we have had our
diplomatic relations with them, over 20 years. And, as you may
know from having read some of the congressionally mandated
reports--the Human Rights Report, the International Religious
Freedom Report, and others--Uzbekistan, quite unfortunately,
ranks very, very low, in global terms, when it comes to
compliance with internationally respected human rights norms.
As a result, this is a conversation we consistently have as
part of our bilateral relationship. I think one of the main
differences is that Uzbekistan is a country that has a great
deal of concern about the issue of terrorism, about the issue
of dissent. And the central government uses considerable
resources to constrain that dissent.
What I would also say, however, is that Uzbekistan highly
values its relationship with the United States. We know each
other well. And I think those conversations that we do have
with them quite regularly are built on mutual understanding and
mutual respect. But, what we would like to see is for the
Uzbekistan government to recognize that it is in its own
interest to meet those international commitments.
With respect to the international human rights community,
we are aware that there are a number of groups, such as Human
Rights Watch and Freedom House and so on, that previously
operated in Uzbekistan and have not been able to do so for a
number of years. It is also true, however, that in recent
years, I would say that the relationship with Uzbekistan has
been improving. And that would include in terms of our
conversations with them about human rights. And, while we have
not seen, necessarily, actions on the part of the government
that would signal a change in their policy, we have seen that
they have been willing to release some prisoners when we, the
United States, has made those requests, and we also know that a
limited number of international human rights organizations are
operating in Uzbekistan. For example, the National Democratic
Institute is operating there, and they have a very good
professional.
This individual just recently arrived, and so we will have
to see what will happen with the person's ability.
The issue really--to operate there--the concern is that
this--the operating space for human rights for civil society is
really quite narrow in Uzbekistan. And the only thing I can
say, Senator, is that this is very much a high priority for me
in my current position, and it will remain so. We have had some
limited successes in Uzbekistan. And I think as we continue to
press, not only at the Embassy level, but with our visitors, we
will continue to make the case that it is in the interest of
Uzbekistan to narrow the gap between its international
commitments and put the realities that we see on the ground.
Senator Kaine. I am aware of some reports that anticipate a
possible retirement of the President, President Karimov, and
that there could be some kind of internal power struggle among
political elites in that event that could be destabilizing. I
mean, those are in country; you know, those are issues that
will be decided there. But, what is your current, sort of,
outlook on the political stability of leadership in Uzbekistan?
Ambassador Spratlen. Well, I would say that political
stability is really at the top of Uzbekistan's priorities. It
has been led by Islam Karimov since the independence of
Uzbekistan in 1991. I do not really want to get into
speculating about----
Senator Kaine. Right.
Ambassador Spratlen. [continuing]. What will happen in the
future. I think that we just have to watch very carefully what
happens. There are all kinds of scenarios that might occur, but
I think the most important thing is for us to deal with the
reality that we have in Uzbekistan right at the moment. I
think, from the point of view of President Karimov, he is very
proud of the fact that the country has been very, very stable.
I think there are a lot of things that could be different in
Uzbekistan, and we have, as I said, been able to have those
conversations with them. But, I would prefer not to speculate
about what might happen in the future about the leadership.
Senator Kaine. I want to ask you some questions about the
current energy outlook in Uzbekistan. Can they produce
additional gas for export? Is there any ability for them to use
those resources to enter the European market? Would Russia try
to block them from doing that? Talk a little bit about energy
resources and their potential in Uzbekistan.
Ambassador Spratlen. Certainly. Thank you for the question.
Senator, during the Soviet period, Uzbekistan was really at
the center of the energy situation for the countries in the
region. It was really the hub. After the breakup of the former
Soviet Union, and with the independence of all of the states,
what turned out to be true is that countries like Kazakhstan
and Turkmenistan ended up being the places that had enormous
reserves for oil and gas. Uzbekistan does not have those kinds
of resources, the kinds of resources that Azerbaijan, that
Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan have. However, they do
strategically use the oil and gas revenues that they do have.
Of course, it is very important to them to use those resources
for domestic consumption. They also sell to China. In the past,
Russia has been an important customer of theirs, but, of
course, the economic situation in Russia right at the moment
has caused some changes in that. But, I would say that, yes,
energy is important for Uzbekistan, but they are not going to
be playing this--the kind of major role in the global energy
market and for Europe that some of the other countries in the
region have played.
Senator Kaine. How would you characterize the current
relationships between Uzbekistan and Russia, on one hand, and
Uzbekistan and China, on the other?
Ambassador Spratlen. Well, I would say the most important
thing about Uzbekistan as a state is that it highly values its
sovereignty and its independence, and it does not want to be
put in a position of being forced to choose its partners. And,
therefore, I think it has been very shrewd and very careful in
developing relations with a variety of major partners.
Obviously, as a former Soviet state, the relationship with
Russia is an important one. But, I think Uzbekistan has
signaled, in a number of ways, that it intends to safeguard its
sovereignty. It was previously a member of the Collective
Security Treaty Organization. It pulled out of that. It
suspended its membership a couple of years ago. I think that
was a kind of signal of their independence. And they have had a
very robust relationship with China that has been developing at
a very measured but important pace since 1991. In 2012, they
raised the level of their relationship with China to a
strategic partnership, and there have been exchanges of visits
between Presidents that have been marked by signing various
documents. And the relationship continues to grow strongly
economically. There are some 500 companies--Chinese companies
operating in Uzbekistan, and there is significant economic
activity on the part of China.
So, what I would say is that Uzbekistan is using its
relationships with major partners to ensure that it maintains
its sovereignty and its independence, that it is not forced to
choose partners, but, at the same time, that it sustains
relationships that are meaningful and important to them.
With respect to Russia, I would just note that there are a
considerable number of Uzbekistan citizens who work in the
Russian Federation, and that the remittances that they send
back home are extremely important to Uzbekistan's GDP.
So, I would say that these relationships, both with Russia
and with China and with other important partners, continue to
develop and grow, but all with the idea that Uzbekistan is at
the center of it, wanting to safeguard its sovereignty and its
independence.
Senator Kaine. One last question, and it deals with
equitable water-sharing in Central Asia. I understand that
Uzbekistan has some concerns about hydroelectric dams being
built in neighboring countries, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. But,
what is the appropriate role that we can play to encourage
equitable water-sharing in these Central Asian nations?
Ambassador Spratlen. Well, Senator, yes, you have touched
on one of the most sensitive questions in the region right at
the moment. Uzbekistan is a downstream country, and the
countries such as the Kyrgyz Republic and Tajikistan hold
significant hydropower resources. And, in the case of
Tajikistan, there is an interest in building a major dam
project, which Uzbekistan has very strongly opposed.
What I would say is that the United States, as a matter of
policy, is interested in having--we believe that all of the
countries of Central Asia would prosper more and would enjoy
more stability and security if they cooperated together. And
this is also true in the area of water resources.
With respect to the specific issue of the Rogun Dam, our
goal and, I think, the role of the United States is really to
facilitate the dialogue and to ensure that the negotiations or
the discussions that take place among countries are done--
happen on the basis of facts, happen on the basis of what is
technologically true. But, we know that these are also
political questions for the country, for the individual
countries.
But, the main role for the United States is to be a
facilitator of dialogue. And if confirmed, of course, that is a
role I will continue to play.
Senator Kaine. Ambassador Spratlen, thank you for those
answers.
And, Ms. Cefkin, I would--this is a little bit of a
followup on a line of questioning from Senator McCain, as well.
But, I was intrigued, your position in Fiji in a time of
political transition--how can you draw on your experience in
working on Burma issues, which has been through an important
transition--and you have, you know, seen that up close and
personal--how can you draw on that experience to assist in your
efforts, your work in--with Fiji?
Ms. Cefkin. Thank you very much, Senator, for that
question.
That is correct, that I feel very privileged that, through
many of my assignments, the constant thread has been working
with countries that are in transition, that are striving to
develop their democratic systems, as well as promote their
economic development. And I find great personal satisfaction in
engaging on those issues.
I think that, first and foremost, what I have learned is
the importance of really building people-to-people ties and
networks. We have such a wealth, in the United States, of
groups ranging from our nongovernmental organizations to our
academic institutions to our government officials that can
bring a lot of expertise and experience that they have to
share. And I find, in general, that people of the countries do
aspire to really take on board these lessons, and they are very
hungry for the information.
So, I certainly will look, if confirmed, to tap our
programs through our public diplomacy programs and through
whatever assistance resources are available to continue to
expand that people-to-people engagement, as well, of course, as
our diplomatic engagement and making sure that our positions on
these issues are clearly understood.
Senator Kaine. To what extent has the ban on U.S. military
assistance to Fiji sort of affected our objectives in the
region?
Ms. Cefkin. Well, I think certainly, Senator, that there is
a very clear strategic importance to this region that can
greatly benefit from greater military engagement. We have seen,
as I noted in my comments, that several of these countries,
including Fiji, have been very willing participants in
international peacekeeping operations. They have participated
with us, in the case of Tonga, in the coalition in Iraq and in
Afghanistan. Currently, we have 45 Fijian peacekeepers who are
being held captive in the Golan. So, it shows very much their
willingness to accept risk, to support global peacekeeping. So,
it would be, obviously, I think, to our benefit, if their
political conditions allow, for us to be able to expand our
support to them in these efforts.
And we also, I am happy to say, have a wealth of expertise
in the United States Government, and resources also on the law
enforcement front, where we are working very closely with these
countries to support their surveillance efforts to protect
fisheries. So, I think that we would hope to be able to look
for opportunities to expand those efforts.
Senator Kaine. I was in the Sinai in February and had a
chance to visit with the multinational force of observers that,
since the 1970s, I guess, has been performing the border
security with Israel in that region. And Fiji plays a major
presence in that, and has for years. And while I did not visit
their units, the American military personnel who were sort of
head of that operation had very, very complimentary things to
say about the Fijian commitment to this mission, these
peacekeepers there in the Golan and other places. They have
been a good partner in some very important parts of the world.
And I hope the political transition would move at a pace where
we would feel more comfortable in expanding our degrees of
military cooperation.
You raised the issue of climate change in Fiji, and the
other nations that you represent are affected by this. Has
the--when we, as the United States, are in international fora
concerning climate change issues, you know, do we publicly give
support to, or raise the issues of, these small Pacific nations
who are certainly seeing some of the most dramatic impacts of
changing climate?
Ms. Cefkin. Thank you for raising this very important
issue, Senator.
Yes, we are working very closely with them in international
fora, in international negotiations, U.N. Climate Convention
negotiations, as well as through other less formal fora; for
example, the Oceans Conference, which Secretary Kerry
organized, in June this year. Several of the Pacific Island
nations were represented at a very senior level, including
Kiribati. President Tong, of Kiribati, was one of the keynote
speakers, and he made the very important point that, really,
these countries are on the front lines of this effort, the
strategic priority of mitigating climate change and preserving
our ocean resources, that these countries, in many senses, are
our early warning system, and the very dramatic existential
challenges they are facing, from rising ocean levels, warming,
acidification, and overfishing, is quite dramatic. We are
working with them through some USAID resources on climate
adaptation projects to support their communities' efforts to
find ways to adapt and help mitigate the effects of climate
change. We are working with them on programs to help improve
environmental governance and also efforts to look at
alternative energy resources. So, that is another important
tool we have to support our common interest in working to
mitigate climate change and to help preserve ocean resources.
Through our public diplomacy programs, we have sponsored groups
that have been able to come and to learn the benefit of some of
our experiences.
So, there are a number of activities that are ongoing,
where I think we are working very cooperatively together. And
it is very important that we continue to do so.
Senator Kaine. I would definitely encourage that we do more
of that. You know, this is in the, kind of, ``for what it is
worth'' category. In Virginia, as I deal with Virginians on
climate issues, some climate issues are perceived by Virginians
to--Virginians actually are very concerned about the issue,
overwhelmingly believe that humans are having an impact on
climate, it is a serious thing, we ought to do something about
it. What to do about it, how quickly to--how quickly to take
those steps, there are a lot of differences of opinion there.
But, many climate issues, Virginians kind of see as ``tomorrow
issues'' that we ought to do something, because we want
tomorrow to be OK. But, sea level rise is a ``today issue'' in
Virginia. It is very visible. It is not a tomorrow issue that
is kind of theoretical, ``We should get to it sometime''; it is
a today issue. And if it is a today issue in the Hampton Roads
part of Virginia, it is a today issue probably on steroids in
the nations where you will be serving. And I think people can
see that so visibly that it has a way of convincing people of
the science and of the urgency of a response. So, I think,
working together with these nations is not only in their
interest, but it also, I think, can have the ability of really
shining a spotlight and educating people about the critical
nature of this challenge that we are all dealing with as a
planet. So, I would encourage you in those ways.
Last question I wanted to ask is this. We have our own
policy with respect to these nations, but Australia and New
Zealand do, as well. Talk a little bit about the relationship
between the United States, Australia, and New Zealand and how
we work together to coordinate economic or diplomatic or
strategic efforts in the region.
Ms. Cefkin. Senator, thank you.
They are, of course, very critical partners for us in
working in the South Pacific, as also is the United Kingdom,
which, of course, has deep historic interest and connections.
And we are working very closely with them, both bilaterally and
multilaterally, and informally in a smaller like-minded
grouping. We are regularly sharing our assessments and our
plans and looking for synergies where we can collaborate. For
example, on this issue of working on environmental management,
currently the United States and New Zealand are cooperating on
a very important waste management project in Kiribati. We are
active partners in the various regional fora that are currently
active in the region, including the Pacific Island Forum. And
so, we work closely with them on all those levels.
But, you are right. Obviously we all have mutual interests,
but first and foremost, if confirmed, I would be very attentive
to, fundamentally, what is the U.S. interest and what can we do
and what can we bring to the table in support of our common
objectives.
Senator Kaine. Thank you very much.
Well, this will conclude the hearing. I will ask that the
record remain open until 5 p.m. on Friday for members of the
committee who want to submit questions for response by any of
the nominees.
Again, I will state what I stated at the beginning of the
hearing. Each of you have very distinguished and very diverse
careers of serving this country in a variety of places,
including in some challenging assignments, and we are in your
debt for your service. We thank you and wish you the best,
going forward.
With that, the hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:05 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Questions and Answers Submitted for the Record
Responses of William V. Roebuck to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. In President Obama's 2011 speech following the outbreak
of peaceful protests in Bahrain and other Arab nations, he said to the
Bahraini Government, ``The only way forward is for the government and
the opposition to engage in a dialogue, and you can't have a real
dialogue when parts of the peaceful opposition are in jail.'' I hope
that this message has been reiterated privately, though it has not been
publically reaffirmed. Other civil society leaders have been detained
such as human rights defender Meriam al-Khawaja, who testified in the
House in 2011. She was arrested on her return to Bahrain on Saturday,
August 30, and international NGOs believe she was targeted for her
international advocacy work in Washington and elsewhere.
Does the President's call for the release from prison of
peaceful opposition leaders remain U.S. policy?
Is President Obama's message one you will be conveying
publicly and privately to the Bahraini Government?
Answer. Yes--it remains our position that peaceful members of
Bahrain's political opposition should be released; such imprisonment
undermines the right of political expression and compromises the
atmosphere for reconciliation.
We have repeatedly voiced concern about these cases, both publicly
and privately, at the highest levels. As I said in my statement, if
confirmed, I will make a strong case for why political dialogue,
reform, and promoting and protecting human rights are in Bahrain's
long-term interest.
If confirmed, how will you engage with the Bahraini
Government and opposition leaders to move forward with a
national dialogue and political process?
What specific ideas or proposals do you plan to offer?
Are there specific actions that the Government of Bahrain
or opposition societies have already taken that represent
significant steps toward reconciliation?
Answer. I believe a stable Bahrain will be a more stable partner to
the United States, and that the country's long-term stability requires
advancements in its reform and reconciliation agenda. If confirmed, I
will commit to supporting the Bahraini people in seeking a resolution
to Bahrain's ongoing unrest. This is a Bahraini challenge that will
require a Bahraini solution, but Bahrain's partners, including the
United States, can also be supportive in the process.
Both sides--the government and the opposition--have taken good-
faith steps toward reconciliation, but there is much more to be done.
Before bringing any specific proposals to the table, I would first want
to engage with the range of Bahraini stakeholders and assess how I can
be helpful to the process.
Question. The U.S. Government has called on the Government of
Bahrain to fully implement all of the recommendations of the Bahrain
Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI), including Recommendation
1722(a), which requires investigations into all gross violations of
human rights, including torture and extrajudicial killings, and that
officials ``at all levels of responsibility'' be included in the scope
of the inquiry.
If confirmed, how will you encourage the Government of
Bahrain to take steps to fully implement the BICI
recommendations, including undertaking credible investigations
into the role of all levels of Bahraini security forces in the
torture and extrajudicial killings of its citizens?
Answer. King Hamad has repeatedly reaffirmed his commitment to
implementing reforms. The Bahraini Government has taken some important
steps in line with BICI's recommendations, including rebuilding
mosques, establishing the Ombudsman's Office, establishing a Special
Investigative Unit, establishing the Commission on the Rights of
Prisoners and Detainees, some training of police in human rights
standards, and other measures.
However, the Government of Bahrain has more to do on its
implementation of unfulfilled BICI recommendations and we will continue
to press them on this. We have stated publically and privately that the
Government has made no meaningful progress on accountability for abuses
committed by security forces, media incitement, or antitorture
safeguards. In fact, we have unfortunately seen backsliding in some of
these areas, including reduced sentences for the few security officials
convicted of mistreatment and ongoing cases of individuals subject to
arrest and long prison sentences for peaceful political expression.
Implementation of the BICI recommendations is an important tool to
move beyond the events of 2011. This report, however, did not fully
address the broader social, political, and economic concerns that many
Bahrainis have voiced and that a successful National Dialogue may begin
to address. If confirmed, I will engage Bahraini stakeholders on the
BICI recommendations, and more broadly, on the dialogue and
reconciliation process.
Question. Over the past several months, Bahrain has established new
trade and military ties with Russia, including ordering a new weapons
system from Russian state arms company Rosoboronexport.
How should the United States interpret this warming
relationship and how should we respond?
Answer. Bahrain, like many of its Gulf Cooperation Council
partners, has a diverse range of defense relationships, but its
preeminent defense relationship is with the United States. Our Navy
arrived in Bahrain during the 1940s, and today more than 8,000
Americans who are attached to the Fifth Fleet or U.S. Naval Forces
Central Command live there. We work closely with the Bahraini Defense
Forces, in particular their Navy and Air Force, on a range of fronts,
including counterterrorism and antipiracy operations.
Bahrain is an important partner of the United States and our mutual
interests intersect more than they diverge. If confirmed, I will
directly engage the Government of Bahrain to ensure that the space
where our interests overlap continues to grow.
Question. For several years the U.S. Government has refrained from
selling certain items--including TOW missiles, Humvees, and crowd
control items--to Bahrain, citing concerns of ``increased
polarization'' throughout Bahrain and ``the excessive use of force and
tear gas by police.'' The U.S. Government has continued to sell Bahrain
numerous other items that are used reportedly only for ``external
defense,'' though several Foreign Military Sales cases remain on hold.
Please list the FMS cases that remain on hold. What is the
administration's policy on steps that need to be taken in order
to lift the hold on these cases?
Answer. We continue to withhold the transfer of items to Bahrain
that could be used for internal security, including small arms and
crowd control items. We will be pleased to provide a list to the
committee via confidential means. The administration does not currently
have plans to modify our security cooperation policy with Bahrain. We
continually reassess the policy and the situation in Bahrain, and we
will continue to consult with the Congress prior to enacting any
changes to the policy.
Do you assess that if these holds are lifted, Bahraini
security forces will use U.S. origin items responsibly?
Answer. Whether a government would use defense articles
appropriately is a critical factor we consider in making arms transfer
decisions for any country. The Conventional Arms Transfer policy,
updated in January 2014, provides significant detail into how these
decisions are made.
If confirmed, a principal factor in my recommendations to the
Department of State on the appropriateness of any arms transfer to
Bahrain will be whether such defense articles would be appropriately
used if transferred.
Question. If confirmed, please describe steps that you will take to
enhance effective implementation of Section 620M of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961, commonly known as the Leahy amendment, within
the Embassy in Bahrain, as well as the steps you would take to
accomplish the goal of the law, namely, helping the Government of
Bahrain end impunity for human rights violations by security forces.
Answer. The Department closely monitors human rights developments
worldwide, including for evidence of misconduct by foreign security
forces. This information is used for various purposes such as policy
decisions or the annual Report on Human Rights, and is retained for use
in Leahy vetting.
Leahy vetting takes place when assistance is proposed for a unit or
individual member of foreign security forces. Bahrain is no exception.
If confirmed, I will ensure that Embassy Manama and the Department of
State continue to gather information on the conduct of Bahraini forces
that will be taken into account in Leahy vetting and for any future
security assistance to Bahrain.
______
Responses of Barbara A. Leaf to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. A coalition of nations is currently forming to defeat the
regional threat caused by ISIS. Does the U.A.E. actively support this
coalition led by the United States? If so, what will the U.A.E.
contribute?
Answer. The UAE has been one of the earliest and strongest voices
supporting the international coalition to combat the Islamic State of
Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). In addition to private expressions of
support for the U.S.-led campaign against ISIL, the UAE on September 3
issued a statement unequivocally condemning ISIL's atrocities and
calling on the international community to take action against extremism
and terrorism. In a September 10 Wall Street Journal op-ed, UAE
Ambassador to the U.S. Yousef al-Otaiba wrote of the threat posed by
Islamic extremism, and said, ``Now is the time to act,'' including
through direct intervention.
We have been in touch with the UAE and many other partners on the
need for an international coalition to combat ISIL and we are pleased
with the UAE's initial response. Secretary Kerry will continue to meet
with regional partners, including the UAE in Jeddah to continue working
out details of this coalition. Most of the specific military and
security contributions of gulf partners will be classified, but we are
prepared to provide a briefing on this subject in a classified setting.
Question. The State Department describes the U.A.E. as a ``key
partner.''
A. How would you define the core elements of our strategic
relationship with the U.A.E.?
Answer. The core elements of our strategic partnership with the UAE
are our shared goals for a stable region, our military and security
partnership to confront the threats to the region, and our significant
trade relationship.
On security, over 3,000 U.S. military personnel and key U.S.
military assets are deployed to UAE bases. The UAE has been a reliable
contributor to international coalition operations, participating in
five major efforts with the United States since Operation Desert
Storm--the only Arab country to do so. The UAE Air Force is built
around the F-16 fighter, and the UAE has acquired a range of U.S.
weapons systems to make its military interoperable with U.S. Forces.
The UAE military is among the most capable in the Middle East, and the
UAE modeled its new National Defense College on our own.
The UAE is one of our most important trading partners in the Middle
East, importing over $22 billion in U.S. goods in 2013. It is the
largest destination for U.S. exports in the region. In November 2013,
Boeing and GE announced orders of over $100 billion for aircraft and
engine sales to Etihad Airways, Emirates Airlines, and Flydubai. These
combined deals, the largest in civil aviation history, will support
hundreds of thousands of U.S. jobs for the next decade.
The Emiratis have been an important partner on Afghanistan, where
they have fielded troops as part of ISAF; on Syria, where they are
engaged in support for the SOC and in humanitarian relief efforts to
offset the huge strain placed by Syrian refugees on neighboring
countries such as Jordan; on Iran, where they have strongly supported
and implemented a broad range of sanctions; and on Somalia, where they
play a key role in stabilization efforts and counterpiracy.
B. In your opinion, how does the U.A.E. view this
relationship?
Answer. Speaking from my experience as the Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State for Gulf Affairs, and my many conversations with
Emirati leaders, I am confident that the UAE values its relationship
with the United States deeply. We have differences of perspective and
approach on issues from time to time, as we do with even our closest
allies. However, Emirati leaders are clear that they aspire to a truly
strategic relationship with the United States, and view U.S. leadership
in the region as indispensable to the UAE's security.
C. Is the United States regarded as an indispensable
partner of the U.A.E.?
Answer. I believe the relationship is hugely valuable to both
parties, and if confirmed I will work to ensure that the partnership
continues to support U.S. national security objectives regionally and
internationally.
Question. According to State's Human Rights Report, the U.A.E. has
an estimated 20,000 to 100,000 Bidoon (stateless individuals) who are
mostly Baluchis or Pakistanis who came to the U.A.E. before there were
defined boundaries. In many cases these individuals have lived there
for centuries.
What progress is being made by the U.A.E. Government to
address the problems routinely faced by the Bidoon, including
harassment and discrimination?
Answer. In July 2012, the UAE Government expanded the mandate of a
government committee charged with reviewing requests for citizenship.
Under the broader mandate, the committee could take up applications of
those Bidoon who could satisfy certain legal conditions to be eligible
for naturalization and subsequently could gain access to education,
health care, and other public services. Separate from that, Bidoon who
register with the government are able to receive identification cards,
which allow individuals to work in public sector jobs and obtain
medical services. The government is working with individual Bidoon to
correct their residential status, and some Bidoon have begun to attend
public schools alongside Emiratis. Some Bidoon have availed themselves
of another country's citizenship, namely that of the Republic of
Comoros, to gain a passport and legal identification under a program
supported by the UAE Government. Nevertheless, if they were deported,
the Republic of Comoros would not accept these persons.
More work must be done to ensure that the status of these stateless
individuals is rectified. The U.S. Embassy regularly raises these
concerns with the UAE Government, and meets with stateless individuals
to stay apprised of the current situation facing the Bidoon.
Question. The U.A.E. has long-standing worker rights issues for
noncitizens, including allegations in May of serious abuse toward South
Asian workers constructing buildings for an Abu Dhabi branch of NYU.
A. What is the U.A.E. doing to correct these abuses?
Answer. On the specific question of the NYU allegations, NYU Abu
Dhabi is working on an ongoing basis with the Mott McDonald Group, a
third-party auditor. In addition, the government of Abu Dhabi and the
New York University announced in June that Daniel Nardello, a former
Assistant U.S. Attorney in New York, would lead an investigation to
inquire into labor conditions at NYU Abu Dhabi.
While the UAE Government views labor conditions as a serious issue,
and UAE law prohibits all forms of forced or compulsory labor,
enforcement of the law is far from adequate. The Emirati Government has
taken some steps to prevent forced labor, including developing a Wages
Protection System (WPS), an electronic salary transfer system intended
to ensure timely and full payment of agreed wages. The government fines
employers who violate workers' rights by entering incorrect information
into the WPS, not paying workers for over 60 days, making workers sign
documents falsely attesting to benefits, or making workers pay
recruitment fees issued by the Ministry of Labor or recruitment
agencies. The Ministry of Labor made 200 inspection and followup visits
to recruitment agencies. The Ministry's Combating Human Trafficking
Department conducted 474 inspection visits. However, the government
rarely prosecutes potential forced labor cases under the country's
antitrafficking law and does not provide protection services for forced
labor victims.
B. How can the Embassy help the U.A.E. to develop laws or
other mechanisms to stop these problems?
Answer. As part of our ongoing dialogue with the UAE Government,
the Embassy urges the UAE to continue investigating any allegations of
abuse, as well as to pursue new means of protecting laborers and
improve labor conditions.
C. Has the Embassy used the International Visitor
Leadership Program (IVLP) in the last 12 months to train
prosecutors and/or judges handling worker abuse cases?
Answer. During the past 12 months, our Embassy has sought to use
the IVLP program to familiarize UAE judges with U.S. practices on
worker/labor abuse cases during a Single Country Program (SCP) arranged
for the Dubai Judicial Institute in December 2013. While the SCP was
focused on cyber crime, Mission UAE recommended that the visiting group
engage with New York's Court Innovation Center because of the center's
focus on human trafficking issues. This meeting took place, and the
judges reported that it was one of the most productive of their trip.
______
Responses of Pamela Leora Spratlen to Questions
Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. I sent a letter to President Karimov in May to express
concern about the imprisonment of Dilmurod Saidov, Salijon
Abdurakhmanov, Akzam Turganov, Bobmurod Razzokov, and Muhammad
Bekjanov. Several human rights groups as well as the Bureau for
Democracy, Human Rights and Labor have highlighted the political nature
of these cases and called for their release.
What is the current status of these five prisoners?
Please provide a summary of recent U.S. efforts to secure
their release.
If confirmed, how will you advocate on behalf of these and
other prisoners of conscience in Uzbekistan?
Answer. These five prisoners remain incarcerated. Muhammad Bekjanov
is in urgent need of medical care because his health has severely
deteriorated over the last 15 years he spent in prison. In a press
release after a January 2014 prison visit, human rights activists
reported that Salijon Abdurakhmanov's health had improved after he
received 2 months of treatment for a stomach ailment. Dilmurod Saidov
stated that he had not been subject to mistreatment and had been
exempted from physical labor while Akzam Turgunov reportedly linked an
improvement in his prison conditions with the June 2013 letter that
Senator Durbin and 11 of his colleagues sent to President Karimov.
The United States has ongoing concerns about the human rights
situation in Uzbekistan. The Department of State consistently raises
prisoner cases at the highest levels of the Uzbekistani Government, and
we have made specific inquiries about the plight of several prisoners.
In May 2014, Deputy Secretary of State William J. Burns raised the
cases of Dilmurod Saidov, Salijon Abdurakhmanov, and Akzam Turganov
with Foreign Minister Kamilov. On April 28, the State Department
Spokesperson publicly highlighted the case of Muhammad Bekjanov as part
of the Department's 2014 Free the Press Campaign. The State Department
highlighted Bobmurod Razzokov's case in its most recent Human Rights
Report.
If confirmed, I will employ persistent engagement with the
Government of Uzbekistan to advocate on behalf of these and other
prisoners of conscience in Uzbekistan, and for needed broader reforms
to address torture, due process, and other serious human rights
concerns. I will use congressionally mandated reports, multilateral
fora, and my own good offices to urge the government to end its
practice of politically motivated imprisonment. I will also encourage
the government to allow civil society organizations such as the
International Committee of the Red Cross access to prisons to monitor
conditions there. I will work with Members of Congress to amplify the
messages of advocacy on behalf of prisoners of conscience. Prisoner
cases will be a top priority for me if confirmed.
Question. Large-scale, government-organized use of forced labor,
particularly for harvesting cotton, is a serious and entrenched human
rights issue in Uzbekistan.
If confirmed, what approach will you take with the
Government of Uzbekistan to persuade it to end this practice?
What role, if any, can the United States play in supporting
agricultural sector reforms that will end the use of forced
labor?
Answer. The State Department has long-standing concerns about
forced labor of children and adults in Uzbekistan, as evidenced by
Uzbekistan's Tier 3 ranking on the State Department's ``Trafficking in
Persons Report.'' If confirmed, I will continue to make ending the
forced labor of children and adults in Uzbekistan a top priority. To
this end, I will continue to work with the Government of Uzbekistan and
the International Labor Organization (ILO) on a program for cooperation
aimed at ultimately eliminating forced labor in Uzbekistan. If
confirmed, I will urge the government to continue to engage with the
ILO and press for further action by the government to address the
forced labor of 15-18 year olds and of adults. If confirmed, I will
also seek to hold the Government of Uzbekistan to its recent commitment
to keep all children under the age of 18 out of the cotton fields
during the 2014 harvest, which began on September 8.
The United States can continue to press for agricultural sector
reforms that will end the use of forced labor. The United States
strongly supports the ILO's recently established Decent Work Country
Program (DWCP), and if confirmed, I will continue this important
support. The DWCP is designed to help Uzbekistan comply with
international labor standards and will analyze the forced labor problem
in Uzbekistan, including the economic, political, and social causes,
and provide specific recommendations to the government on how to
improve. Given the complexity of this problem, if confirmed, I will
employ steady, persistent engagement over the full course of my tenure
as Ambassador with the goal of ultimately ending the forced labor of
adults and children in Uzbekistan. If confirmed, I will also work with
Members of Congress and civil society to address this problem.
Question. I am concerned about the nature of our security
cooperation with Uzbekistan and strongly support the assistance
conditions outlined in section 7076 of the FY14 appropriations law
related to human rights, the establishment of a multiparty political
system, free and fair elections, freedom of expression, and the
independence of the media. In July, the administration exercised a
national security waiver to continue assistance to Uzbekistan despite
lack of progress on those issues.
Can U.S. security assistance be used to leverage progress
on democracy and human rights?
Does exercising this waiver diminish the U.S. ability to
promote the democratic principles outlined in section 7076 of
the FY14 appropriations law?
How will you specifically work to advance the principles
laid out in section 7076 of the FY14 appropriations law?
Answer. Increased security cooperation with Uzbekistan has afforded
us the opportunity to address issues like respect for human rights with
Uzbekistan's security forces. We view the expanded access afforded by
this enhanced cooperation as an opportunity to make the point to our
Uzbekistani partners that effectiveness in countering terrorism and
violent extremism--our common objective--is undermined by repression of
citizens' rights.
Our security cooperation is complemented by a foreign assistance
portfolio that aims to increase civil-society participation in
government decisionmaking and support rule-of-law and judicial reform.
Several of our programs, such as exchanges and health sector
cooperation, increase our ability to promote the democratic principles
outlined in prior congressional legislation by promoting engagement
with the people of Uzbekistan.
Exercising this waiver does not diminish the U.S. ability to
promote democratic principles. It allows the United States to provide
assistance to the central government of Uzbekistan, including nonlethal
equipment to enhance Uzbekistan's ability to combat transnational and
terrorist threats. Enhancing Uzbekistan's defensive capacity improves
the security of the United States supply transit system to Afghanistan
and our ability to support U.S. troops there.
The State Department anticipates that the nature of our security
cooperation with Uzbekistan will soon transition from NDN-focused to an
effort aimed at preventing Afghanistan from once again becoming a safe
haven for terrorists who seek to attack U.S. interests or the homeland.
The United States seeks to cooperate with Uzbekistan on preventing a
resurgence of terrorism in this region, particularly through training
on counterterrorism and counternarcotics missions. Uzbekistan is an
increasingly important partner in these efforts, especially in light of
the threat that terrorist groups like ISIL pose to the Middle East and
Southwest Asia.
If confirmed, I will continue Embassy Tashkent's steadfast efforts
to improve the human rights situation in Uzbekistan. I believe that
respect for human rights and security cooperation both are high
priority objectives, and if confirmed, I will pursue U.S. objectives
vigorously in both arenas. If confirmed, I will employ persistent,
pragmatic engagement at the highest levels to urge Uzbekistan to
improve its human rights record. I will press for expanded operating
space for civil society and partner with both domestic and
international nongovernmental organizations to hold the Government of
Uzbekistan accountable on respect for fundamental freedoms. I will also
use U.S. assistance programs to effect the changes called for by prior
congressional legislation. Finally, I will regularly consult with
Members of Congress in order to keep them informed on Uzbekistan's
progress.
Question. If confirmed, please describe steps that you will take to
enhance effective implementation of Section 620M of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961, commonly known as the Leahy amendment, within
the Embassy in Tashkent as well as the steps you would take to
accomplish the goal of the law, namely, ending impunity for human
rights violations by security forces.
Answer. Encouraging accountability and respect for human rights
among security forces features prominently in the U.S. security
relationship with Uzbekistan. If confirmed, I will continue to
encourage the Government of Uzbekistan to improve its human rights
record and end impunity for human rights violators, especially among
security forces.
If confirmed, I will continue Embassy Tashkent's effective
implementation of Section 620M of the Foreign Assistance Act, commonly
known as the Leahy amendment. Embassy Tashkent has a comprehensive
system in place to implement the Leahy amendment, commonly known as
``Leahy vetting.'' If confirmed, I will ensure we are conducting Leahy
vetting based on the most complete information available. If the
vetting process reveals credible information that a unit or a security
force member has committed a gross violation of human rights, the
Embassy will deny that unit or individual from receiving assistance and
will notify the host government promptly. In these cases, if confirmed,
I will instruct my team to join me in strongly encouraging Uzbekistan
to take effective steps to thoroughly investigate any allegations of
gross human rights violations.
To assist Uzbekistan in ending impunity for human rights violations
by security forces, if confirmed, I will use existing and future
military exchange and assistance programs to promote respect for human
rights among Uzbekistan's security forces. Also, if confirmed, I will
stress with my Uzbek interlocutors that the lack of sufficient progress
on human rights will continue to constrain our bilateral relationship.
Finally, if confirmed, I will keep Members of Congress informed of our
efforts and cooperate closely with the legislative branch on improving
Uzbekistan's overall human rights record.
______
Responses of Rabbi David Saperstein to Questions
Submitted by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Many who support your nomination differ with you on
questions related to religious freedom, such as the meaning of marriage
and the right to life.
May I have your assurance that you will use your position
to protect the religious freedom of those who disagree with you
on issues such as same-sex marriage and abortion?
Answer. Throughout my career, I have had the opportunity to serve
in leadership roles in interfaith coalitions spanning all major faith
groups, and in faith groups in the United States with a broad range of
theological views. My work with these groups has been driven by our
shared values, including the universal freedoms of thought, conscience,
and belief. This includes the freedom to manifest one's beliefs not
only through worship but through teaching, preaching, practice,
observance, and political expression. If confirmed, I will work to
ensure these internationally recognized rights of religious freedom for
everyone, including those with differing views on marriage and
abortion.
Question. On numerous occasions, I have voiced concern on the
issuance of the Country of Particular Concern designations. Until
recently, the administration had waited almost 3 years to reissue this
designation.
Would you support making the CPC designation an annual
occurrence as part of the International Religious Freedom
Report rollout?
Answer. The International Religious Freedom office leads an annual
review of all Countries of Particular Concern and other countries where
gross violations of religious freedom are alleged to occur. If
confirmed, I will participate fully in the annual review of countries
and work within the Department of State to regularize the designation
or redesignation processes as appropriate. The CPC process should be
regular and systematic to be most effective. Indeed, under IRFA, we do
not need to wait for the annual report if designation of a country is
justified. Ultimately, my goal will be to put the CPC designations to
the most effective use possible to encourage needed reform. We will use
the CPC process, plus a range of diplomatic tools, in our efforts to
end violence and discrimination and promote international religious
freedom.
Question. A common concern is that the Ambassador at Large is
buried in the bureaucracy at the State Department, without the
authority or resources to accomplish anything. In the past, the State
Department's treatment of this position has shown that it is a far
lesser priority than, for example, the Ambassador at Large for Global
Women's Issues.
Who will you directly report to?
Have you received assurances that you will be given the
authority and resources to succeed?
If after you enter your post, you find that you do not have
the tools to succeed, will you return to this committee and
recommend changes to the International Religious Freedom Act?
Answer. If confirmed, I will serve as the principal advisor on
religious freedom issues to the President and Secretary of State. The
office that supports me is located administratively in the Bureau of
Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL), permitting me to draw on DRL's
staffing, resources, and administrative support. I will report my
findings and advice directly to the Secretary, as I deem appropriate,
and I look forward to working with colleagues throughout the State
Department and interagency to coordinate policy on religious freedom
issues. If confirmed, I promise to work closely with this committee and
Congress to advance our shared goal of promoting religious freedom
worldwide.
Question. Earlier this year, Boko Haram kidnapped nearly 300 school
girls in Nigeria. Although some of these girls have escaped, most
remain captives of this terrorist organization. The Christian
Association of Nigeria and International Christian Concern have stated
that the majority of the girls kidnapped were Christian and that is why
this particular school was targeted.
Would you agree that Boko Haram is a terrorist organization
with a religious agenda aimed at persecuting Christians?
If confirmed, what specifically would you do to address the
problem of religious persecution in Nigeria and to assist
Nigeria's Christian community, which is increasingly under
attack from Boko Haram?
Answer. Boko Haram, seeks to impose its violent extremist ideology
on the territory it controls and was designated a terrorist
organization on November 13, 2013, Boko Haram has murdered more than
5,000 people over the last 4 years. Their attacks have included
indiscriminate acts of violence and targeted violence against perceived
enemies and while the majority of their victims have been Muslim, the
group has deliberately targeted Christians, as well as Muslims who
spoke out against or opposed their radical ideology.
The Department takes the issue of religious persecution in Nigeria
very seriously, and if confirmed, addressing this will be a priority
for me. In fiscal years 2012 and 2013, the Department of State
allocated approximately $35.8 million in security assistance programs
that benefited Nigeria, subject to congressional notification and
approval. The Department of State is working with vetted police and
civilian security components to build Nigerian law enforcement
capacities to investigate terrorist cases, manage explosive devices,
and secure Nigeria's borders. The Department of State is also
supporting training of a vetted Army infantry unit to combat Boko Haram
militarily.
If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Nigeria, Nigerian
religious leaders, and civil society groups in their efforts to combat
Boko Haram and to promote respect for ethnic and religious diversity as
a central component to bringing peace and stability back to the people
of Nigeria. If confirmed, I will also support DRL's work with Nigerian
civil society to increase accountability for perpetrators of violence
by addressing the ethnoreligious violence in the Middle Belt and by
building strong, nonpartisan institutions.
Question. Religious freedom violations rarely occur in a vacuum;
they are usually deeply connected to a complex context: deep-rooted
militant religious nationalism in countries like Burma, Sri Lanka, and
India, repressive regimes like those we see in China, Central Asia,
Cuba, Vietnam, and North Korea, internal conflict and the influence of
terrorist or criminal groups as we see in Pakistan and Indonesia or
religious extremism of the sort we see in much of the Middle East but
also on the rise in North Africa and parts of Asia. U.S. policy on
international religious freedom is often further complicated by
economic or geopolitical strategic relationships and interests.
As Ambassador, how will you seek to address the root causes
of international religious freedom violations in a holistic
way--within the State Department, but also with Congress, the
Department of Defense, Department of Homeland Security, and the
White House's National Security Council?
Answer. Threats to international religious freedom worldwide are
interlinked with many other factors, such as repressive regimes,
internal conflict, and violent extremism. Promoting religious freedom
is a whole-of-government effort, and effectively elevating and
advocating for religious freedom requires a unified effort to engage
with foreign governments on this issue. If confirmed, I will highlight
international religious freedom concerns at all levels within the State
Department, including our missions around the globe and I will seek to
work cooperatively with the Department of Defense, Department of
Homeland Security, and with the White House's National Security
Council. In addition, if confirmed, I will pursue discussions with
civil society members, including religious leaders, people of faith,
and NGO representatives, regarding the root causes of religious freedom
violations and will work multilaterally as well as bilaterally to urge
and advance reforms.
NOMINATIONS OF PETER ZUMWALT; ROBERT YAMATE; VIRGINIA PALMER; RABBI
DAVID SAPERSTEIN
----------
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 2014
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
----------
James Peter Zumwalt, of California, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Senegal and to serve concurrently and
without additional compensation as Ambassador to the
Republic of Guinea-Bissau
Robert T. Yamate, of California, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Madagascar, and to serve concurrently and
without additional compensation as Ambassador to the
Union of the Comoros
Virginia E. Palmer, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Malawi
Rabbi David Nathan Saperstein, of the District of Columbia, to
be Ambassador at Large for International Religious
Freedom
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:05 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Christopher
A. Coons presiding.
Present: Senators Coons, Kaine, and Flake.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER A. COONS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE
Senator Coons. I am pleased to chair this hearing for the
ambassadorial nominees to Senegal and Guinea-Bissau, Madagascar
and Comoros, and Malawi, as well as for the nominee to serve as
our Ambassador at Large for Religious Freedom. All four
individuals before us today have impressive records of
accomplishment and I look forward to hearing their priorities
for advancing U.S. interests and goals.
Our first nominee is to serve in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau.
Senegal has a strong record as a stable democratic partner, a
regional ally in peacekeeping and counterterrorism. Especially
since the election in 2012 of President Sall, Senegal has also
been a partner in countering corruption and promoting growth.
In contrast, Guinea-Bissau has faced numerous challenges,
including civil war, coups, and narcotrafficking, that have
contributed to instability.
James Zumwalt, nominee for the post in Senegal and Guinea-
Bissau, is a career Foreign Service officer currently serving
as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Japan and Korea. He has
experience with difficult circumstances which have well
prepared him for this post. He led the interagency team that
managed the U.S. response to the 2011 tsunami and previously
served in the DRC.
Next we consider Malawi, a country that recently
experienced elections that were successful and is working to
improve development and governance and growth. Malawi has been
a strong contributor to regional peacekeeping missions and is
an MCC partner.
Virginia Palmer, our second nominee, is a career member of
the Foreign Service with a distinguished record, most recently
serving as DCM in the Embassy in South Africa. I had the
privilege, indeed the joy, of visiting Ms. Palmer and seeing
her leadership firsthand during a CODEL last year and was
impressed with her broad understanding of regional dynamics,
including the importance of AGOA and the U.S. economic
relationship.
Next we consider Madagascar and the Comoros. Madagascar is
finally emerging from 5 years of unrest and transitioning to a
democratically elected government. Resumption of its
eligibility for AGOA is an indicator of its recent progress.
Challenges remain and the next U.S. Ambassador will have to
work on continuing to rebuild our ties.
Meanwhile, Comoros has a strong relationship with the
United States, particularly as it relates to security. Robert
Yamate, our nominee to serve in both countries, has experience
serving in Madagascar in addition to other valuable African
posts. His experience on the continent, most recently as DCM in
Senegal, makes him a strong candidate for reestablishing and
strengthening our ties with Madagascar and Comoros.
Finally, we consider Rabbi David Saperstein, our nominee
for Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom, a
critically important issue as religious minorities face grave
threats around the world. Just yesterday Senator Kirk and I
cochaired the first Senate Human Rights Caucus event, focusing
on the brutal human rights violations perpetrated by ISIS in
Iraq and Syria, including violence against Christians, Yazidis,
Shia, Sunnis, and others.
As religious minorities face persecution globally, I am
pleased President Obama has nominated Rabbi David Saperstein
for this important post. As the first chair of the U.S.
Commission on International Religious Freedom, he has ably
demonstrated his ability to defend and advance U.S. values and
protect religious freedom.
I would like to welcome all our nominees and encourage them
to introduce their families. These positions require a whole-
of-family effort and we are grateful for your sacrifices and
ongoing support. But first I would like to invite Senator Flake
to give his opening statement.
Senator Flake. Thank you, Senator Coons.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEFF FLAKE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM ARIZONA
I appreciated the opportunity to meet all of you in my
office earlier this week and last week. I really appreciate the
sacrifices that the families go through, for a lot of these
far-away posts in particular. Some of you have been doing it
actually a long time. I enjoyed meeting Ms. Palmer also last
year on a different CODEL and look forward to hearing from you,
and I appreciate your willingness to serve.
Thanks.
Senator Coons. I would now like to invite each of our four
nominees to make your opening statement and to introduce your
families. Let me start with Mr. Zumwalt.
STATEMENT OF JAMES PETER ZUMWALT, OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF SENEGAL AND TO SERVE
CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS AMBASSADOR
TO THE REPUBLIC OF GUINEA-BISSAU
Mr. Zumwalt. Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Flake, I am
honored to appear before you today. I wish to thank President
Obama and Secretary Kerry for the trust and confidence they
have placed in me as their nominee for United States Ambassador
to the Republic of Senegal and to the Republic of Guinea-
Bissau.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce my wife, Ann
Kambara, who is sitting behind me, and until last month also
served her country as a Foreign Service officer. Since we met
31 years ago, we have worked together in a variety of countries
and in Washington. Ann has been my anchor, my sounding board,
and my inspiration. She has supported me enthusiastically as I
prepared for this new opportunity to serve.
I also wish to acknowledge my mother, who I think is
watching this hearing. She is the person who first stimulated
my interest in foreign cultures and she supported my career
choice to join the Foreign Service, even though she knew it
would mean that we would live far apart. So, Mom, thanks so
much for your love and your support all of these years.
Mr. Chairman, with your permission I have a written
statement that I would like to submit for the record.
Senator Coons. Without objection.
Mr. Zumwalt. Thank you.
As a regional leader, Senegal has helped to resolve
conflicts by deploying peacekeepers across Africa, and we have
worked together with Senegal to combat religious extremism,
transnational crime, and infectious diseases. If confirmed, I
would work closely with the government and civil society in
Senegal to sustain and build upon this partnership.
Senegal is one of our most important African partners. As
you mentioned, Mr. Chairman, the 2012 Presidential election
reinforced Senegal's role as a model of stable democracy. We
share common values, including religious tolerance and respect
for ethnic and cultural diversity. President Macky Sall's visit
to Washington, DC, for the U.S.-Africa Leaders summit
underscored the importance of our partnership. If confirmed, I
would look forward to strengthening our close ties.
Senegal is also a leading U.S. development partner, where
the United States Agency for International Development, the
Millennium Challenge Corporation, the Peace Corps, and other
U.S. agencies build regional infrastructure, improve food
security, and strengthen education and health care services. If
confirmed, I would continue these efforts to help Senegal
achieve inclusive economic growth, including through expanded
bilateral trade and investment flows.
As you mentioned, Mr. Chairman, Guinea-Bissau has suffered
from decades of poor governance and widespread corruption,
which have weakened state institutions there. However, we do
see signs of progress. Guinea-Bissau held parliamentary and
Presidential elections in April and May of this year. Bissau-
Guineans voted in large numbers, highlighted the people's
desire for domestic and responsive government.
Following the inauguration of a democratically elected
president, President Jose Mario Vaz, the United States lifted
restrictions on foreign assistance. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with the Government of Guinea-Bissau and our
international partners to support this democratic process. In
order to break its cycle of instability, the Guinea-Bissau
Government must address reconciliation, combat trafficking of
narcotics and natural resources, and implement economic
reforms. But if confirmed I would travel frequently to Bissau
to build strong relationships with the government, with civil
society, business, and religious leaders, and with the people
of Guinea-Bissau in order to advance U.S. interests there.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member Flake, for your
continuing interest in Africa. We are truly fortunate to enjoy
strong bipartisan support from the Congress for our efforts to
promote democratic values, sustainable economic development,
and to strengthen people-to-people ties. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with you, with your committee, and other
Members of Congress to represent the interests of the American
people in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau.
I would be happy to answer your questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Zumwalt follows:]
Prepared Statement of James Peter Zumwalt
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Flake, and members of the committee, I
am honored to appear before you today. I wish to thank President Obama
and Secretary Kerry for the trust and confidence they have placed in me
as their nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of Senegal and to the
Republic of Guinea-Bissau.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce my wife, Ann Kambara. Ann,
until last month, also served her country as a Foreign Service officer.
We met 31 years ago when we both worked at our mission in Japan. Since
then we have worked together to advance U.S. interests in a variety of
countries and in Washington. When we worked together far from home, Ann
became my anchor, my sounding board and my inspiration. She has
supported me enthusiastically as I prepare for this new opportunity to
serve. If confirmed, it would be a great honor and privilege to promote
again U.S. interests in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau.
Senegal is one of our most important African partners. The
transparent, free, and peaceful 2012 Presidential election reinforced
the country's role as a model of stable democracy in Africa. We share
common values, including democracy, religious tolerance, and respect
for ethnic and cultural diversity. President Macky Sall's visit to
Washington, DC, to participate in the U.S.-Africa Leaders summit last
month--where he agreed to play a leading role to establish the
Partnership on Illicit Finance, an anticorruption and transparency
initiative--and President Obama's visit to Senegal last year further
underscored the importance of our bilateral relationship. If confirmed,
I look forward to strengthening our shared democratic values and our
close ties.
Senegal is a leading U.S. development partner in West Africa, where
investments by the United States Agency for International Development,
the Millennium Challenge Corporation and other U.S. agencies are
helping to build rural infrastructure, improve food security, and
strengthen education and health care services. In addition, 220
American Peace Corps Volunteers play an important role in grassroots
development and building people-to-people ties. To reinforce these
efforts, the Government of Senegal this year unveiled an ambitious
development plan, which aims to accelerate economic reforms, and
mobilize private sector investment in order to boost economic growth.
If confirmed, I will continue these efforts to help Senegal achieve
inclusive economic growth, including through business climate reforms
to facilitate private sector-led growth. Senegal is well-positioned to
build on its role as a regional business hub, and, if confirmed, I
would engage U.S. and Senegalese Government and business leaders to
promote bilateral trade and investment.
As a regional leader, Senegal has helped to resolve conflicts
across the continent--most recently by deploying peacekeeping troops to
the U.N. Mission in Mali. As a result of Senegal's commitment to
promoting peace and security, Senegal was selected as one of six
countries to participate in the African Peacekeeping Rapid Response
Partnership, a $110 million, 3-5 year initiative announced at the U.S.-
Africa Leaders summit. Senegal also serves as an important partner for
the United States as we work together to combat religious extremism,
transnational crime, and infectious diseases in West Africa. If
confirmed, I would work closely with the government and civil society
in Senegal to sustain and build upon our regional partnership to
promote democracy, economic development, and combating transnational
threats.
Under President Sall's leadership, we have seen significant
progress in the Casamance peace process--Africa's longest running
conflict. Negotiations continue and we hope the remaining obstacles to
a long-lasting peace agreement will be resolved. We support the peace
process through our Casamance advisor, based at the U.S. Embassy in
Dakar. In addition, the United States Agency for International
Development, the Department of Agriculture and the Millennium Challenge
Corporation are also engaged in programs and projects which contribute
to regional stability and prosperity. If confirmed, I would continue to
prioritize the Casamance peace process in our engagement with Senegal.
Guinea-Bissau has suffered from decades of poor governance and
widespread corruption, which have weakened state institutions and
rendered the government ineffective in providing basic services to its
citizens. However, we are beginning to see progress. Guinea-Bissau held
parliamentary and Presidential elections in April and May of this year,
2 years after a military coup. Bissau-Guineans went peacefully to the
polls in the large numbers, highlighting their strong desire for
democracy and responsive government.
Following the inauguration of democratically elected President Jose
Mario Vaz, the United States lifted coup-related restrictions on
foreign assistance to Guinea-Bissau. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with the Government of Guinea-Bissau and our international
partners to determine how best the United States can support democratic
progress. In order for Guinea-Bissau to break its cycle of instability,
its government must address reconciliation, combat trafficking of
narcotics and natural resources, and implement multisector economic
reforms, which would increase investment, spur sustainable development,
generate employment, and reduce poverty. If confirmed I would continue
to promote U.S interests in Guinea-Bissau from the U.S. Embassy in
Dakar. Embassy Dakar officials, including one position dedicated full
time to Guinea-Bissau, will continue to play an invaluable role by
traveling frequently to Guinea-Bissau to build strong relationships
with government, civil society, business, and religious leaders, to
inform our policy, and to advance U.S. interests.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member Flake, for your
continuing interest in the United States relations with Africa. We are
fortunate to have the strong bipartisan support for our efforts to
promote democratic values, sustainable economic development, and
vibrant partnerships through people to people ties. If confirmed, I
look forward to working with you, your committee and other Members of
Congress in representing the interests of the American people in
Senegal and Guinea-Bissau.
I would be happy to answer your questions.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Zumwalt.
Mr. Yamate.
STATEMENT OF ROBERT T. YAMATE, OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF MADAGASCAR, AND TO SERVE
CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS AMBASSADOR
TO THE UNION OF THE COMOROS
Mr. Yamate. Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member Flake, I am
honored to appear before you today as President Obama's nominee
as Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and the Union of
the Comoros. If confirmed, I look forward to strengthening our
relationships with the Government of Madagascar and the
Government of the Comoros.
Mr. Chairman, please allow me at this time to introduce to
you my wife, Michiko, who has been my partner and confidante
through almost 30 years of Foreign Service assignments.
My career with the Department of State, particularly my
postings in Africa, has given me the expertise and experience
that will enable me to lead our relationships with Madagascar
and the Comoros effectively. I particularly enjoyed my
assignments in the region, in Dakar, Abidjan, Harare, and, most
significant in today's discussion, Antananarivo, where I served
over 20 years ago.
This is a critical time in our engagement with Madagascar.
The 2009 coup resulted in sanctions and restrictions during the
regime of the de facto government. After nearly 5 years of
international isolation, President Rajaonarimampianina's win in
the 2013 democratic elections has given us to opportunity to
engage with the new government in support of the country's
domestic, development, security, and economic improvement.
The new Government of Madagascar outlined in their general
state policy its principal priorities: alleviating poverty and
instability, strengthening rule of law, combating corruption,
increasing foreign direct investment, and developing the
private sector.
Mr. Chairman, Madagascar has unique and abundant flora and
fauna, 80 percent of which are endemic to this island nation.
Madagascar is known for its rosewood as well as its diverse
wildlife, including lemurs and tortoises. Due to illegal
harvesting and export, this valuable natural heritage is under
threat. With our assistance restrictions lifted, USAID has
allocated $2.5 million in fiscal year 2014 funds to help
protect the country's unique ecosystem, working toward the
United States aim of conserving global biodiversity.
In June of this year, the U.S. Government reestablished
Madagascar's eligibility for the African Growth and Opportunity
Act, creating new opportunities for employment for thousands of
Malagasy and improving the business and investment climate.
Strengthening the economy is crucial to Madagascar, where the
latest figures for 2012 show that 81 percent of the population
lives on less than $1.25 per day. Natural disasters, including
periodic cyclones, droughts, and locust infestations have
further compromised the living standard of the Malagasy people.
USAID's development assistance programs continue to play a
significant role in preserving the health and welfare of
millions of Malagasy.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed I will also serve as Ambassador
to the Union of the Comoros. Our aim is to expand positive
relationships in these strategically located islands, which are
home to moderate Sunni Muslim communities and a fledgling
democratic state. Comoros is in its second decade of democratic
rule, with peaceful transfers of power since 2001.
While we lack a full-time U.S. presence in the Comoros, we
maintain a close relationship with our public affairs
programming, mil-to-mil cooperation, and regular weekly visits
by a full-time Comoros action officer resident in Madagascar.
If confirmed, I plan to visit the Comoros regularly.
Looking ahead, if confirmed I look forward to the
opportunity to serve as Ambassador to Madagascar and the
Comoros, to advance and strengthen our relationships with both
countries in a number of areas, notably development, stability,
and economic cooperation.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Flake, I thank you for
considering my nomination and I look forward to answering any
questions you may have. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Yamate follows:]
Prepared Statement of Robert T. Yamate
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Flake, and members of the committee, I
am honored to appear before you today as President Obama's nominee as
Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and the Union of the Comoros.
If confirmed, I look forward to strengthening our relationships with
the Government of Madagascar and the Government of the Comoros.
Mr. Chairman, please allow me at this time to introduce to you and
the rest of the committee my wife, Michiko, who has been my partner and
confidante through almost 30 years of Foreign Service assignments.
My career with the Department of State, particularly my postings in
Africa, has given me the expertise and experience that will enable me
to lead our relations with Madagascar and the Comoros effectively. I
particularly enjoyed my assignments in the region, in Dakar, Abidjan,
Harare, and, most significant in today's discussion, Antananarivo where
I served over 20 years ago.
This is a critical time in our engagement with Madagascar. The 2009
coup resulted in sanctions and restrictions during the regime of the
de-facto government. After nearly 5 years of international isolation,
President Rajaonarimampianina's (Ra-Jo-Nar-Mam-PYANN's) win in the 2013
democratic elections has given us the opportunity to engage with the
new government in support of the country's democracy, development,
security, and economic improvement.
The new Government of Madagascar outlined in the ``General State
Policy,'' its principal priorities: alleviating poverty and
instability, strengthening rule of law, combating corruption,
increasing foreign direct investment, and developing the private
sector. The U.S. goals in Madagascar align well with Madagascar's and
also include promoting good governance and respect for human rights.
President Rajaonarimampianina has taken steps in the right direction.
The Ministry of Justice's recent assessment of anticorruption efforts,
carried out in conjunction with the United Nations Development Program
is one such step. Early in his Presidency, Rajaonarimampianina also
dismantled two military units that were believed to have committed
human rights abuses and illicit activity. If confirmed as Ambassador, I
will work with my counterparts to increase the capacity of the Malagasy
maritime forces and law enforcement entities.
Mr. Chairman, Madagascar has unique and abundant flora and fauna,
80 percent of which are endemic to this island nation. Madagascar is
known for its rosewood, as well as its diverse wildlife, including
lemurs and tortoises. Due to illegal harvesting and export, this
valuable natural heritage is under threat. With our assistance
restrictions lifted, USAID has allocated $2.5 million in FY 2014 funds
to help protect the country's unique ecosystem, working toward the U.S.
aim of conserving global biodiversity.
The U.S. Embassy in Antananarivo is committed to supporting the
National Export Initiative in Madagascar, increasing exports from
America. The best prospects for exports and investment lie in the
extractive, construction, tourism, and textile sectors. In June of this
year, the U.S. Government reestablished Madagascar's eligibility for
the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), creating new
opportunities for employment for thousands of Malagasy, and improving
the business and investment climate.
Strengthening the economy is crucial in Madagascar, where the
latest figures from 2012 show that 81 percent of the population lives
on less than $1.25 per day. Natural disasters--including periodic
cyclones, drought, and locust infestation--have further compromised the
living standard of the Malagasy people. USAID's development assistance
programs continue to play a significant role in preserving the health
and welfare of millions of Malagasy. In FY 2014, we intend to provide
$63 million for food aid and health programs.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will also serve as Ambassador to the
Union of the Comoros. Our aim is to expand positive relationships in
these strategically located islands, which are home to moderate Sunni
Muslim communities and a fledgling democratic state. From the time
Comoros gained independence from France in 1975 until 2000, Comoros
suffered 20 coups or attempted coups. Today, I am happy to note,
Comoros is in its second decade of democratic rule, with peaceful
transfers of power since 2001. President Dhoinine (dwah-hee-NEE-nee)
came into power in 2011, and welcomes increased U.S. Government
engagement with Comoros to improve the capacity of government
operations, provide English language instruction, encourage U.S. direct
investment, and enhance security cooperation. While we lack a full-time
U.S. presence in the Comoros, we maintain a close relationship with our
public affairs programming, mil-to-mil cooperation, and regular weekly
visits by a full-time Comoros officer resident in Madagascar. If
confirmed, I plan to visit the Comoros regularly. In addition, the
Department of Defense supports an English-language military training
facility and medical clinic.
Looking ahead, if confirmed, I look forward to the opportunity to
serve as Ambassador to Madagascar and the Comoros, to advance and
strengthen our relationships with both countries in a number of areas,
notably development, stability, and economic cooperation. Mr. Chairman,
I thank you and the committee for considering my nomination, and look
forward to answering any questions you may have.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Yamate.
Ms. Palmer.
STATEMENT OF VIRGINIA E. PALMER, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI
Ms. Palmer. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Flake.
It is a very great honor and privilege to appear before you as
President Obama's nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to
the Republic of Malawi. I appreciate the confidence that the
President and Secretary Kerry have expressed in me by putting
my name forward for your consideration.
I am also truly grateful for the support of my husband and
fellow Foreign Service officer, Ismail Asmal, who is here with
me today, my daughters, Aliya and Nadia Asmal, who have served
for five tours overseas with us--Nadia is here today and her
sister is watching online from California--and my parents,
Richard and Becky Palmer, who first exposed me to the
international world and allowed me to take those grandbabies
far away. My mother is here today.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee
and Congress to promote U.S. interests in Malawi, including
strengthening Malawi's democratic institutions, encouraging
economic growth, and improving health and education there. In
many jobs since joining the Foreign Service in 1986, but
particularly in overseas assignments as DCM in South Africa and
Vietnam, as economic counselor in Nairobi, and political chief
in Harare, I worked to promote good governance and private
sector-led economic growth. If confirmed, this is the
experience I will draw on to lead the terrific team that we
have at the Embassy in Malawi to advance U.S. interests there.
Over the last 20 years, Malawi has had multiple democratic
transfers of power from one political party to another. When
former President Bingu wa Mutharika died unexpectedly in 2012,
principled leaders demanded and achieved a constitutionally
correct handover of power, a triumph for Malawi. Malawi's 2014
elections marked another democratic milestone for Africa. The
election of President Peter Mutharika was unambiguous and power
again passed peacefully from one party to another.
If confirmed, I will work to further develop democratic
institutions in Malawi. I look forward to supporting priorities
shared by the United States and Malawi of improving Malawi's
public financial management, modernizing the civil service to
increase government accountability, and ending corruption.
Malawi is one of the poorest countries in the world, with
per capita GDP of only $226. Over 45 percent of Malawians are
under the age of 15, presenting daunting economic and
educational challenges as Malawi strives to meet the Millennium
Development Goals. If confirmed, I will support U.S. Government
efforts to encourage private sector-driven sustainable economic
growth to help alleviate this crushing poverty.
A member of the New Alliance for Food Security, Malawi has
committed to improving its investment climate and to expanding
its markets. Our Feed the Future program, which focuses on crop
diversification and enhanced trade, is directly supportive of
the new alliance and will make Malawi more food secure. Our
$350 million Millennium Challenge Corporation compact, which
will help with infrastructure improvements and power sector
reforms, will expand access to much-needed electricity and
encourage private sector investment.
Our broad economic engagement in Malawi is complemented by
our strong commitment to health and education assistance, vital
to helping Malawi's human capital. The United States is the
largest bilateral donor to the Malawi health system, with a
2014 budget of $155 million. If confirmed, I will work to
maximize the effectiveness of our PEPFAR and other health care
programs in Malawi.
Improvements in Malawi's education system are likewise
essential if Malawi is to achieve its full potential. If
confirmed, I will be proud to lead the United States efforts to
bolster the quality of primary education, a $20 million annual
investment to promote literacy and encourage children,
particularly girls, to stay in school.
Finally, our security cooperation with Malawi is
outstanding. In recent years, the United States has trained six
battalions of Malawian peacekeepers who have been deployed in
the DRC and in the Cote d'Ivoire. In 2013 and 2014, Malawi
hosted the largest counterterrorism exercise on the African
Continent and a regional peacekeeping exercise, both sponsored
by the U.S. Africa Command. If confirmed, I look forward to
continuing our strong security cooperation to advance our
shared objective of peace and stability in Africa.
Despite its challenges, Malawi holds great promise and is a
strong partner of the United States. If confirmed, I look
forward to continuing the momentum of the U.S.-Africa Leaders
summit and to working with the Government of Malawi and its
people on our shared goals of a healthier, more prosperous
Malawi with an even stronger partnership with the United
States.
Thank you again, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Flake, and I
would be happy to take any questions you might have.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Palmer follows:]
Prepared Statement of Virginia E. Palmer
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Flake and members of the committee, it
is a great honor and privilege to appear before you today as President
Obama's nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to the Republic of
Malawi. I appreciate the confidence the President and Secretary Kerry
have placed in me by putting my name forward for your consideration. I
am also deeply grateful for the support of my husband and fellow
Foreign Service officer, Ismail Asmal, my daughters, Aliya and Nadia
Asmal, and my parents, Richard and Becky Palmer.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee and
Congress to advance U.S. interests in Malawi, including strengthening
its democratic institutions, encouraging economic diversification, and
building its health and education capacities.
I most recently served as Deputy Chief of Mission to the Republic
of South Africa. There, I helped manage one of the largest U.S.
missions in Africa. Since joining the Foreign Service in 1986, I have
served as the Department's Director for Economic Policy in the Bureau
of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, as the Economic Counselor at Embassy
Nairobi, and as a political officer at Embassy Harare--positions in
which I promoted democracy and encouraged economic growth and better
governance. If I am confirmed, I will draw on these experiences to lead
our team in advancing U.S. interests in Malawi.
During its first three decades as an independent country, Malawi
was a one-party state. Since 1994, when the people of Malawi voted in
their first democratic, free, and fair elections, Malawi has undergone
peaceful transfers of power among political parties. When former
President Bingu wa Mutharika died unexpectedly in 2012, principled
leaders demanded and achieved a constitutionally correct succession--
a triumph for Malawi. Malawi's 2014 elections marked another democratic
milestone for Africa. In the election of President Peter Mutharika,
power again peacefully and democratically passed from one party to
another. Despite these successes, there still is work to be done. If
confirmed, I will work to further develop democratic processes and
strong governing institutions in Malawi. I look forward to supporting
priorities shared by the United States and Malawi of improved public
financial management, civil service modernization, reduced corruption,
and increased government transparency and accountability.
A major U.S. Government priority in this nation of 16 million
persons, with a per capita GDP of only $226 dollars, is to encourage
private-sector driven, sustainable economic growth. As a member of the
New Alliance for Food Security, Malawi has committed to improving its
investment climate and to expanding its markets. Our Feed the Future
program, which focuses on crop and nutritional diversification, value
addition, and enhanced trade, is directly supportive of the New
Alliance, and strengthens Malawi's resilience and food security. Our
$350.7 million Millennium Challenge Account Compact will expand access
to electricity and encourage private sector investments through
infrastructure rehabilitation and energy sector reforms. If confirmed,
I look forward to advancing this objective.
Our broad economic engagement in Malawi is complemented by our
strong commitment to health and education assistance, vital to building
Malawi's human capacity. Nearly 60 percent ($153 million) of the United
States $257 million in assistance to Malawi in FY 2013 went to combat
HIV/AIDS and other diseases. If confirmed, a priority for me will be to
maximize the effectiveness of the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS
Relief program (PEPFAR) in Malawi. Malawi can only achieve its full
potential if it enjoys improved basic education. If confirmed, I will
be proud to lead the United States support to bolster the quality of
primary education--a $20 million annual investment--to promote literacy
and encourage children, and particularly girls, to stay in school.
Malawi maintains outstanding security cooperation with the United
States. Malawi has been a peacekeeping partner in the State
Department's Africa Contingency Operations and Training Assistance
(ACOTA) program since 1998. Four battalions of ACOTA-trained Malawian
peacekeepers deployed to Cote d'Ivoire in 2012 and 2013 and two
battalions deployed to the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2013 and
2014. In 2013, Malawi hosted Epic Guardian, the largest
counterterrorism exercise on the African Continent, with 1,000 U.S. and
Malawian military, police, and civilians. If confirmed, I look forward
to continuing our strong security cooperation and assistance, to
advance our shared objective of supporting peace, stability, and
respect for human rights in Africa.
Malawi faces significant challenges. Over 45 percent of Malawi's
population is under the age of 15, presenting daunting economic and
educational challenges for the Malawi Government, as it strives to
achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). In addition, Malawi
has a nearly 11 percent adult HIV prevalence rate and a very high
degree of risk for major infectious diseases. U.S. partnership is
integral to combating these problems so Malawi can keep moving toward
achievement of the MDGs.
Despite these challenges, Malawi holds great promise. Malawi is a
strong partner of the United States. If confirmed, I look forward to
continuing the momentum of the U.S.-Africa Leaders summit, advancing
youth leadership in programs such as the Mandela Washington Fellowship
for Young African Leaders, and working with the Government of Malawi
and its people on our shared goals of a healthier, better educated,
more prosperous citizenry that embraces democratic values.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you again for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I will be happy to answer any
questions.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Palmer.
Rabbi Saperstein.
STATEMENT OF RABBI DAVID NATHAN SAPERSTEIN, OF THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR AT LARGE FOR INTERNATIONAL
RELIGIOUS FREEDOM
Rabbi Saperstein. Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Flake, I
thank you also for this hearing to consider my nomination as
the Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom. I
am honored to appear before you, just as I am honored by the
confidence President Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in
me.
First, if you will allow me, I would like to pause and
remember for a moment those we lost 13 years ago on this date.
We honor all the survivors of those tragic events. We stand
with the families and loved ones of those who perished. As we
say in the Jewish tradition, [zichronom livracha], ``May their
memories ever be for a blessing.''
I want to acknowledge today and introduce the presence of
my wife, Ellen Weiss, a distinguished journalist; one of my
sons, Daniel, a wonderful musician and ceramist. Another son,
Ari, is watching online from California, himself a writer and
painter. My remarkable colleagues are here from the Religious
Action Center of Reformed Judaism, and the superb and dedicated
staff of the International Religious Freedom Office at the
State Department, and an array of religious leaders from varied
faith traditions and political persuasions, who have long been
my partners in our work for justice and religious freedom.
Like most Jews, I know all too well that over the centuries
the Jewish people have been the quintessential victims of
religious persecution, ethnic cleansing, and demonization. We
have learned all too painfully the cost, the terrible cost,
when good people remain silent in the face of religious
oppression.
This is just one key reason why I cannot remain silent
today, when we see the historic Christian, Yazidi, and other
communities in Iraq and Syria being devastated; when we see
Baha'is in Iran, Tibetan Buddhists in China; Shia Muslims in
Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and Bahrain; Rohingya Muslims in Burma;
all victims of either governmental or societal discrimination,
harassment, persecution, or physical attacks. And even in
Western Europe we are witnessing an alarming resurgence in
anti-Semitic discourse and violence against Jewish communities.
Sadly, this list is far from exhaustive.
Religious freedom faces daunting and alarming challenges
worldwide. Recently we have all witnessed the nightmare unfold
of tragic violent attacks by ISIL against Yezidis, Christians,
Alawites, Shabak, Turkmen, Shia, and others, including members
of their own sect, Sunni Muslims, in parts of Iraq and Syria.
Using claims of religion to justify their abhorrent behavior,
we see ISIL terrorize vulnerable groups based on religious and
ethnic identity with death by beheading, crucifixion, stonings,
ethnic cleansing, desecration and destruction of religious
properties, forced conversions, forced marriages, rape. It is a
symptom of a worldwide challenge.
Our goal must be to ensure the internationally recognized
right of religious freedom for everyone. It is an urgent task
and the needs are great. Toward that end, if confirmed I will
do everything within my abilities and influence to engage every
segment of the State Department and the rest of the U.S.
Government to integrate religious freedom into our Nation's
statecraft and foreign policies. Counterterrorism, conflict
stability efforts, economic development, human rights--all
these foreign policy goals and more require the stability,
security, and contributions of members of religious majorities
and religious minorities in countries across the globe if we
are to further and achieve our Nation's values, interests, and
agenda.
If confirmed, I pledge to ensure the integrity of the
annual International Religious Freedom Report. I expect to
regularize annual review of country designations for Countries
of Particular Concern, which I believe are key instruments in
motivating progress on religious freedom. And if confirmed I
commit to continue the close working relationship that I had
when I chaired the U.S. Commission on International Religious
Freedom (USCIRF), with USCIRF and the International Religious
Freedom (IRF) Office and to consult closely and fully with
Congress, for I know full well that we do the best work when
the legislative and executive branches are reinforcing each
other's respective efforts.
In sum, religious freedom was essential in the founding of
America. Our magnificent Bill of Rights began with religious
freedom, knowing without it all freedoms were imperiled. So to
the religiously oppressed in every land who live in fear,
afraid to speak of what they believe in, who worship in
underground churches, mosques, or temples lest authorities
discover and punish them for devotion to an authority beyond
the state, who languish in prisons, bodies broken, spirits too
often disfigured, simply because they love God in their own way
or question the existence of God, who feel so desperate that
they feel forced to flee their homes to avoid killing and
persecution because of their faith, to all of them together,
the State Department, the Congress, you and I, if you confirm
me, can be a beacon of light and hope. I pray that contributing
to that dream will be my legacy if you confirm me.
Thank you again for your consideration. I look forward to
answering any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Rabbi Saperstein follows:]
Prepared Statement of Rabbi David Nathan Saperstein
Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Flake, and members of the committee,
thank you for this hearing to consider my nomination as Ambassador At
Large for International Religious Freedom. I am honored by this
opportunity to appear before you, as I am honored by the confidence
President Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me to serve our
Nation in advancing the right to freedom of religion around the world.
First, I want to pause and remember those we lost on September 11,
13 years ago. On this day, we stand with their families and loved ones,
and honor all survivors of those tragic events. As we say in the Jewish
tradition: ``zichronom livracha--may their memories ever be for a
blessing.''
I want to acknowledge the presence today of my wife, Ellen Weiss, a
distinguished journalist, and my son, Daniel; my remarkable colleagues
from the Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism; and an array of
religious leaders from varied faith traditions and political
persuasions who have been my partners in the vital work we have done to
help ensure that religious freedom and our shared values of human
dignity, justice and peace flourish more fully in our nation and around
the world.
Indeed, it has been one of the great opportunities of my life to
have had the opportunity to play a leadership role in interfaith
coalitions that span many, diverse faith groups around the world, and
faith groups in the United States with a broad range of theological
views. To current events, efforts to isolate extremist groups willing
to use force to impose their views on others must include, among other
things, empowering and strengthening civil society actors (including
religious communities) that subscribe to the rule of law, freedom of
religion, and principles of religious tolerance and coexistence. I hope
I can draw on those long relations and experiences in this urgent task.
I want to express, as well, my abiding appreciation to the members
of this committee, and to the Congress, for consistently elevating
international religious freedom issues and concerns. Enacting the
International Religious Freedom Act (IRFA) sent a clear and strong
signal that the universal right of religious freedom would be a
priority in U.S. foreign policy. I was honored to have worked closely
with key Senators and other Members of Congress of both parties in the
shaping of that legislation as part of the broad coalition of religious
organizations and denominations who so staunchly supported the passage
of IRFA.
During my career, my mandate has covered a wide range of issues. I
believe that the ability to see the interconnected relationship of
varied issues will be an asset for the work of the International
Religious Freedom office. But there are few issues that have been as
central to my career as that of religious freedom, and with it the
universal freedoms of thought, conscience, and belief--including
freedom to change one's religion or beliefs, and to manifest one's
beliefs not only through worship but through teaching, preaching,
practice, and observance--as well as the right to hold no religious
beliefs.
I started young in my exposure to these issues in that my father, a
beloved congregational rabbi for 60 years and my mother, herself active
in varied social justice causes, managed to travel to some 80 nations,
sometimes bringing my brother and myself, visiting Jewish communities
and engaging with other religious leaders wherever they could. Both
spoke widely to community forums on issues of Jewish and religious life
across the globe. They were outspoken advocates for Soviet Jewry long
before it became the norm. My older brother, Marc Saperstein, a leading
Jewish historian, has written extensively on the history of Jewish-
Christian relations.
Like most Jews, I know all too well that, over the centuries, the
Jewish people have been a quintessential victim of religious
persecution, ethnic cleansing, and demonization. We have learned, first
hand, the costs to the universal rights, security and well-being of
religious communities when good people remain silent in the face of
such persecution.
This is just one key reason why I cannot remain silent today, when
we see historic Christian, Yezidi, and other communities in Iraq and
Syria being devastated; when we see Bahais in Iran; Tibetan Buddhists
in China; Shia Muslims in Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and Bahrain; Rohingya
Muslims in Burma--all victims of governmental or societal
discrimination, harassment, persecution or physical attacks. And even
in Western Europe we are witnessing a steady increase in anti-Semitic
discourse and violence against Jewish communities. Sadly, this list is
far from exhaustive but shows the broad range of very serious threats
to religious freedom and religious communities in nearly every corner
of the globe.
It was these passions that led, 16 years ago, to my engagement with
passage of IRFA. And, I suspect, my track-record of engagement with
religious freedom issues led in 1999, to the honor of being appointed
to the first USCIRF--and the subsequent honor of being chosen
unanimously by my colleagues to serve as its first Chair.
This nomination comes at a time when forces aligned against
religious freedom have grown quite strong. Encouragingly, in many
countries, such freedoms flourish. Yet in even more, religious freedom
faces daunting and alarming challenges. Seventy-five percent of the
world's population lives in countries where religious freedom remains
seriously limited, and many religious minorities face persecution,
intimidation and harassment.
Recently, we have all seen the tragic violent attacks by the
Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) against Yezidis,
Christians, Alawites, Shabak, Turkmen Shia, Sunnis, and others, in
parts of Iraq and Syria. ISIL, and groups like it, use violence to
impose their views on others who do not share them, and use the claims
of religion to justify their abhorrent behavior as they target
vulnerable groups based on religious and ethnic identity. They
terrorize their neighbors and offer nothing but death, forced
conversions, forced marriages and rape. ISIL's attacks illustrate, in
real time, just how vulnerable religious minorities can be to violence,
displacement, marginalization, gender based violence, and property
destruction. This, Mr. Chairman, to say nothing of the unspeakable
atrocities they have committed against members of their own sect, Sunni
Muslims, who make up the majority of the Syrian population. We have
witnessed ISIL crucify members of their own Sunni sect in public
squares in Raqqa and stone to death Sunni women accused of adultery,
proudly tweeting and posting these horrific acts on YouTube and other
social media. Indeed, ISIL's brutality spares no one.
Our goal should be to ensure the internationally recognized right
to religious freedom for everyone. It is an urgent task, and the needs
are great. With President Obama, Secretary Kerry, Under Secretary Sarah
Sewall, and Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
Tom Malinowski, we have gifted leadership deeply committed to this
agenda. I am well aware that the strong leadership of an Ambassador at
Large is more important now than ever, and we should participate in
this important work both because it is the right course of action, and
because it is in our national interest. Toward that end:
If confirmed, I commit to using this position fervently (and
fiercely) to advocate for the rights of individuals to choose,
change, and practice their faith safely, to end blasphemy and
apostasy laws, and without government interference or the
threat of violence or marginalization, to ensure that people
are free and safe to assemble, worship, teach, learn, and share
their faith with others.
If confirmed, I will seek to engage every segment of the
State Department and the rest of the U.S. Government, to
integrate religious freedom into our Nation's statecraft:
counterterrorism, conflict stability efforts, economic
development, human rights--all these foreign policy goals need
the stability, the security, the contributions of members of
religious majorities and religious minorities, in every
country, to further our Nation's values, interests, and agenda.
If confirmed, I pledge to ensure the integrity of the annual
International Religious Freedom Report. I expect to regularize
annual reviews of country designations for Countries of
Particular Concern (CPCs) to ensure timely and appropriate
designation of CPCs and Presidential Actions, which I believe
are key instruments in motivating progress on religious
freedom.
If confirmed, I will do everything within my abilities and
influence to continue the close working relationship with
USCIRF and consult closely with the Congress. I know full well
from my tenure on USCIRF that we do the best work when the
legislative and administrative branches are reinforcing our
respective efforts.