[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 75 (Wednesday, June 15, 1994)]
[Senate]
[Page S]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[Congressional Record: June 15, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]

 
                  MFN FOR RED CHINA: A TRAGIC MISTAKE

  Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, President Clinton's decision to renew most-
favored-nation trading status for Communist China is another tragic 
chapter in the President's foreign policy failures. Despite Red China's 
having deliberately flaunted the conditions laid out by Mr. Clinton 
himself for MFN renewal--through the May 1993 Executive order--the 
President is discarding what he once proclaimed to be steadfast 
principles. And he is doing it in a shameful kowtow to China's 
Communist emperors.
  This latest foreign policy disaster should be no surprise. From the 
start, Mr. Clinton's China policy has been fraught with contradiction. 
As a candidate, Mr. Clinton viciously attacked George Bush for 
``coddling the dictators in Beijing'' and publicly endorsed human 
rights conditionality for MFN. However, once in office, President 
Clinton preferred Mr. Bush's soft approach--and tried to adopt it in a 
very flawed way. Bill Clinton's attempt to reconcile his opposing 
positions has resulted in the worst possible outcome, today's 
ineffective policy of appeasement masquerading behind a human rights 
facade.
  The basis of my criticism of Mr. Clinton is not partisan politics. I 
consistently and publicly expressed my disdain for President Bush's 
being soft on China. I voted to override the Bush veto of legislation I 
cosponsored--and Congress passed--conditioning China's MFN.
  I therefore welcomed President Clinton's 1992 get-tough campaign 
rhetoric. It was a policy change long overdue. While I had hoped that 
nonproliferation and fair trade conditions also would be mandatory 
requirements for China's MFN renewal, I nonetheless supported President 
Clinton's Executive order which linked human rights progress to MFN as 
an encouraging first step in the right direction.
  But, Mr. President, it is now clear that the Executive order turned 
out to be nothing but a bluff--and an amateurish one at that. By 
elevating human rights through this defective plan to the primary MFN 
renewal condition, all other concerns, including the equally important 
nonproliferation and unfair trade problems, have been cast aside 
receiving no attention at all. Assessing correctly from the beginning 
that despite all its human rights bluster the Clinton administration 
would not revoke MFN, China has balked at improving human rights and 
has been let off the hook on every other issue thanks to the 
administration itself.
  Mr. President, instead of recognizing this policy to be a failure, 
and changing course, the Clinton administration has turned to 
appeasement in a desperate attempt to get something--anything--from 
China. Knowing the administration needs some human rights gesture to 
justify MFN renewal, the Chinese have been able to extort--and get--
whatever they want. The administration has succumbed almost daily to 
this blackmail. Oh, how the Chinese Communists must enjoy seeing the 
United States beg and grovel. How they must enjoy yanking the U.S. 
chain. It is humiliating.
  Recognizing that the United States accounts for 40 percent of China's 
exports--96 percent of which are covered by preferential MFN tariffs--
and that the United States provides Beijing with its only significant 
hard currency, MFN is a reward that the United States bestows upon 
China, not the other way around. How the Chinese must be relishing the 
irony of it all.
  Mr. President, among some of the more blatant examples of 
appeasement, the administration has:
  Weakened nonproliferation sanctions despite China's continued nuclear 
testing and lack of positive action on other nonproliferation concerns;
  Failed to impose any penalties for China's gross violation of textile 
quotas;
  Failed to even cite--let alone penalize--China for the piracy of 
intellectual property rights;
  Failed to prosecute Chinese caught engaging in industrial espionage 
in the United States;
  Upgraded military relations and offered Chinese military experts 
unprecedented access to America's most sensitive defense laboratories 
despite China's continued, aggressive military modernization and 
continued sale of weapons to brutal regimes like those in Burma and 
Iran;

  Approved the transfer of new super computers and sensitive satellite 
launch technology that could be used to improve Red China's offensive, 
strategic nuclear missiles arsenal despite China's refusal to join the 
current nuclear testing moratorium or adhere to missile technology 
controls;
  Sanctioned Taiwan--but not mainland China--for inadequate endangered 
species convention enforcement;
  Insulted the democratically elected President of America's long-time 
friend and ally on Taiwan at the behest of the Communist Chinese 
ambassador in Washington;
  And insulted the U.S. Congress--the elected representatives of the 
American people--in an effort to placate Beijing's dictators.
  What has all of this gotten the United States? Nothing. Even on human 
rights, the one issue on which the Clinton administration staked its 
entire policy, the result is failure.
  The State Department's own 1993 human rights report chronicles abuse 
after abuse by Beijing. China's human rights record has deteriorated 
further with the arrest and disappearance of many formerly free 
dissidents. According to Human Rights Watch, while China has freed 25 
political prisoners over the past year--something the State Department 
highlights, the Communists have turned around and arrested over 100 
more. Where I come from, that is known as regression, not progress.
  In Tibet, Chinese colonization and the methodical destruction of 
Tibet's distinct heritage continue at full speed. Even after the Dalai 
Lama met the Chinese precondition for talks, namely that the Tibetans 
would not raise the issue of independence, the Communists still refuse 
to negotiate.
  Yet, despite the obvious lack of significant, overall progress as 
called for in the President's own executive order, China's MFN is being 
renewed.
  Mr. President, the manner in which the administration has pandered to 
the Communist Chinese is embarrassing and degrading to the United 
States. We are not eunuchs required to kowtow to every demand of the 
Chinese emperor.
  The ramifications of this debacle go way beyond the Great Wall. Why 
should North Korea take seriously our threats of sanctions should they 
continue to refuse inspections of their nuclear facilities? It's no 
wonder two-bit generals in Haiti laugh at us. American credibility is 
being lost and I fear that the cost President Clinton will incur to 
regain respect is the unnecessary loss of American lives in some ill-
defined military (mis)-adventure somewhere.
  It is time for President Clinton to learn from mistakes and craft a 
more effective policy that recognizes China as the tough, Communist 
competitor that it is. Instead of allowing the Chinese ambassador in 
Washington to dictate our China policy, Foggy Bottom ought to stand up 
and fight for American interests. No relationship is too sensitive or 
fragile to be a fair relationship.
  Truly successful Sino-American relations must be based on respect. 
Mr. President, how can the United States effectively pressure the 
Chinese to address satisfactorily unfair trade, nonproliferation and 
human rights concerns if we succumb repeatedly to Chinese blackmail and 
make hollow threats, like MFN revocation, for which we have no 
intention of carrying out? China will only start treating American 
interests with respect when this administration begins to act in ways 
that command respect. Renewing MFN under today's hypocritical standards 
is a poor way to start commanding respect.

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