[Congressional Record Volume 170, Number 141 (Wednesday, September 11, 2024)]
[House]
[Pages H5188-H5193]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
STRENGTHENING DEMOCRACY: THE PEOPLE UNITED WILL NEVER BE DEFEATED
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Alford). Under the Speaker's announced
policy of January 9, 2023, the gentlewoman from Illinois (Mrs. Ramirez)
is recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the minority leader.
General Leave
Mrs. RAMIREZ. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and
include extraneous material on the subject of my Special Order hour.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from Illinois?
There was no objection.
Mrs. RAMIREZ. Mr. Speaker, today is 9/11, and I start our Special
Order hour by paying tribute to the 2,977 people who lost their lives
at the World Trade Center, the Pentagon, and Somerset County,
Pennsylvania, and the thousands of people who were injured that day.
I ask that we observe a minute of silence as we remember the families
torn apart, futures stolen and irrevocably changed, and the lives that
we lost that day.
As Progressives, we are committed to making our democracy work,
repairing the places it is fractured, strengthening the places it is
vulnerable, and defending the places it is effective.
In April, the Congressional Progressive Caucus released our platform
for 2025. In it, we outlined the work we are committed to, ensuring our
democracy is strong.
Today, I have the honor to stand with a number of my colleagues who
have been the movers and shakers in protecting our democracy and
working toward strengthening our democracy and helping expand our
democracy. I am pleased, as we get started with our Special Order hour,
to yield to my colleagues who will share the progress that they have
made and what Congress must still accomplish to further deliver on the
work their communities sent them here to do.
Mr. Speaker, I will start by yielding to the gentleman from Maryland
(Mr. Raskin).
Mr. RASKIN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding and for
organizing this Special Order hour on the most important problem of our
time, which is democracy.
Will we have democracy, or will we lapse into some other form of
government, like autocracy or theocracy or plutocracy?
I thank the gentlewoman for her leadership and for leading us in that
[[Page H5189]]
beautiful and moving moment of silence for the victims of the terrorist
attack on our country on 9/11.
A true Republican President, the founder of the Republican Party,
spoke of government of the people, by the people, and for the people.
That has been the beautiful, tantalizing vision of America, but we
can't say that is how America began. We began as a slave republic of
White, male property owners over the age of 21 years old.
It has been through successive waves of popular, political, social
struggle and constitutional amendment that we have opened America up
and come much closer to forming a more perfect union and reaching the
ideal that President Lincoln proclaimed from the battlefield of
Gettysburg in 1863.
Still today, Members will come to the floor, Mr. Speaker, and say: We
are not a democracy. We are a republic. My colleagues think that they
have struck some kind of knockout blow against the overwhelming
sentiment of the American people, including President Reagan, who gave
a great speech in Europe about American democracy and never once used
the word ``republic,'' but constantly invoked democracy.
Yet, there are Members who say: We are not a democracy. We are a
republic.
Well, what is a republic? A republic is just a representative
democracy because 300 million people can't fit in the U.S. House of
Representatives or in a school board meeting. We use republican
institutions in order to have the democratic will expressed.
If the Constitution is read the way I read the Constitution, the
whole trajectory of American historical and constitutional development
has been toward greater democracy.
Look at the amendments we have had since the original Bill of Rights.
The 13th Amendment abolished slavery.
The 14th Amendment gave us equal protection and due process.
The 15th Amendment said no race discrimination in voting.
The 17th Amendment shifted the mode of election of U.S. Senators from
the legislatures to the people.
The 19th Amendment doubled the franchise in America by giving women
the right to vote and establishing their political equality in the
country.
The 23rd Amendment gave people in Washington, D.C., at least the
right to vote for President of the United States, although not voting
representation.
{time} 1800
The 24th Amendment abolished poll taxes and the 26th Amendment
lowered the voting age to 18. The whole movement of our history has
been toward incorporating, encompassing, and including people who had
been formerly disenfranchised, marginalized, and excluded from equal
political participation.
It has been a seesaw struggle throughout our history. There have
always been people who have wanted to revoke other people's voting
rights, undermine other people's voting rights, disenfranchise them,
strip away their ability to register to vote.
Tocqueville said in ``Democracy in America'' that he observed that
democracy and voting rights in our country are either shrinking and
shriveling away or they're growing and expanding.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the Progressive Caucus for this session because
we have got to get democracy back on the growth track in America. We
have got to get away from all of the voter suppression and interference
tactics that we have seen grow up, at least since 2013 when the Supreme
Court rendered its dreadful decision in Shelby County v. Holder,
essentially decapitating the Voting Rights Act, knocking out the
preclearance requirement for covered jurisdictions, saying that no
longer did they have to submit voting changes to the Department of
Justice or to our Federal district court before they could implement
those voting changes.
We have since seen more than 100 voter laws passed all over the
country, around half of them in the original covered jurisdictions
under the Voting Rights Act. We have seen new obstacles to voter
registration. We have seen massive closure of precinct voting places,
mergers of different precinct voting places.
I just got back from Texas where a group of students came to see me
from the University of Texas to say this is going on there right now
where the Governor has closed down a polling place and then relocated
one in Austin on the campus of the University of Texas away from a
well-traveled thoroughfare, a big, bright building to putting it in the
basement somewhere else on campus. These kinds of tactics are used all
over the country in order to suppress the vote.
We need to be moving forward in terms of voting rights, and I am very
eager to hear what my colleagues have to say about that.
Mr. Speaker, I will point just a couple of things out.
We are in 2024. This is the 21st century. It is time for us to be
electing the President of the United States the way we elect Governors,
Representatives, Senators, mayors, and everybody else. Whoever gets the
most votes win. We have had five popular vote losers become President,
twice in this century in 2000 and 2016, under the creaky, antiquated,
and obsolete mechanisms of the electoral college, which is subject to
fraud and manipulation.
As we saw in this very Chamber, the electoral college can get you
killed in the 21st century because it offers more opportunities for
strategic bad faith actors like former President Donald Trump to try to
revisit a result and reopen results in an election.
We need to be moving forward to a national popular vote for election.
We spend tens of millions of dollars a year all over the world teaching
people about democracy and the one thing they never come back to us
with when they are writing a new Constitution is the idea that, oh, you
know that electoral college thing you have? We think we will import
that to our country. We never hear that, right? We should be able to
learn from our own experience and from the experience of democracies
around the world.
Another important ingredient to democracy is statehood. That is how
communities that have been formerly disenfranchised and subordinated
have been able to lift themselves up. We are in the Nation's Capital,
which is the only Nation's Capital on planet Earth which is not
represented in their own national legislature. Mr. Speaker, 713,000
taxpaying, draftable U.S. citizens are completely disenfranchised in
the House of Representatives and in the U.S. Senate. They don't have
representation.
If you told the people of Paris they could not be represented in
L'Assemblee nationale because they breathed the same air that other
people's representatives breathed, you would have another French
Revolution on your hands.
When we passed it in the 117th Congress, the D.C. statehood
legislation, and I was one of the floor leaders for that, I had the
honor of telling the people of Washington, D.C., this: Thank you for
having a bona fide real political grievance and not coming down here
and beating the daylights out of our police officers the way that the
MAGA mob did when Donald Trump falsely convinced them that they had won
the Presidential election, which Trump had lost by more than 7 million
votes, 306-232 in the electoral college.
They didn't come down and storm the Chamber and try to overthrow the
Constitution. They did it the right way. They had a Statehood
Constitutional Convention. They are asking for admission. We should
admit the people of Washington, D.C., as an equal State into the Union
using our powers under Article IV of the Constitution.
It is the same thing with 3.5 million American citizens in Puerto
Rico. They should be given the opportunity to become a State, as well.
We have got to keep the trajectory of democracy moving forward so we
don't lapse into some other form of government. This has been a tough
time with challenges to the basic constitutional structure when you
have Presidential candidates saying, just set the Constitution aside.
We saw a violent insurrection supporting a political coup in this very
Chamber. That is the alternative to moving forward with everything that
we are going to be talking about tonight in terms of improving
representation through ranked choice voting, in terms of campaign
finance reform so we don't have money drowning out the voice of the
people, filibuster reform, ethics reform at the Supreme Court, all of
those things are essential and we need the momentum of
[[Page H5190]]
a prodemocracy movement to keep us from becoming like Vladimir Putin's
country or Viktor Orban's country, the close buddies of Donald Trump
that he invoked in the Presidential debate last night that he
conscripted as character witnesses for him in this election.
We have got a very clear choice for America moving forward. I thank
the Progressive Caucus for offering so much leadership. We know that it
is tough, and it is a struggle.
Frederick Douglas from my State said that if there is no struggle,
there is no progress. The struggle may be moral, it may be physical, it
may be more unphysical, but there must be struggle. Power concedes
nothing without a demand.
John Dewey said that there are no ills to democracy that cannot be
solved without more democracy. Democracy is the corrective to the
impediments to democracies.
What we are suffering from today is the obstacles and the impediments
to democracy, but we have got the means, and we have got the will in
the country to move forward.
Mr. Speaker, I thank Mrs. Ramirez for giving me this opportunity.
Mrs. RAMIREZ. Mr. Speaker, Congressman Raskin is absolutely right. We
are committed to progress. We are committed to moving forward. We are
committed to strengthening our voting rights. We are committed to
improving representation. We are committed to campaign finance reform.
We are committed to fully funded Federal agencies. We are committed to
ethics, courts, and filibuster reform.
There is someone who has been doing this work for a very long time
and has developed the leadership among other Members to continue this
work even after he leaves this Chamber.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to another gentleman from Maryland (Mr.
Sarbanes), a friend, someone that I am inspired by. I am committed to
make sure that we carry on this legacy of progress.
Mr. SARBANES. Mr. Speaker, I thank Representative Ramirez for
yielding.
I salute the Progressive Congressional Caucus for pulling together
this Special Order to talk about the importance of strengthening our
democracy.
You are absolutely right to begin the discussion tonight by reminding
us that this is the anniversary of September 11, the tragedy that
struck our country.
This is a day when, as patriots, we stand up as Americans. We salute
the flag. We salute our history. It is very appropriate that it is a
day on which we want to speak to the need to strengthen and deepen our
resolve when it comes to making sure the democracy of this country,
that connected tissue, is as strong as it can possibly be.
The sad reality is that over a period of years now, many Americans
have become more cynical because they look at Washington, they look at
the places where laws are made, and they feel that it is more distant
from them; that it doesn't fully express their voice, their dreams,
their hopes, and aspirations.
A lot of that has to do, as you know, with throwing obstacles in the
way of voters as they try to access the ballot box or making it
difficult for their priorities to be carried forward because of the
insidious influence of dark money and other forces that are behind the
curtain.
We have applied ourselves over a period of many Congresses now to try
to channel the grievances that our constituents have expressed into
pieces of legislation that can begin over time if we can get them
passed to restore that fundamental faith in democracy.
These include the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act, which
would restore the protections of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. By the
way, a piece of legislation that at every opportunity for
reauthorization, until very recently, was supported in a bipartisan
fashion. Republicans and Democrats understood that you needed to have
these voting protections in place.
Unfortunately, over the last few years, for reasons difficult to
discern sometimes, our Republican colleagues have fallen away from this
commitment, and we have had to carry it ourselves.
That is one important piece of legislation that Democrats are
supporting that repeatedly we have brought to the floor of this House,
and we have passed here. It has been a more difficult prospect on the
Senate side, but we have the hope that that opportunity will present
itself, as well.
Another critical piece of legislation that I felt privileged to carry
and exercise some leadership on is the Freedom to Vote Act. It started
out as the For The People Act. It has evolved over a period of two or
three Congresses. We have passed it four or five different times out of
this Chamber, again, running into the blockade on the Senate side. This
is a bill where every provision of it is designed to respond to that
cynicism that Americans are feeling. The first 300 pages of the Freedom
to Vote Act were penned, were authored by our late colleague, John
Lewis, the freedom fighter who inspired so many of us before he came to
Congress and during his time in Congress.
He understood that we had to make it possible for people to access
the ballot box without having to run an obstacle course every 2 years,
to put in place these fundamental reforms that every American and every
community can benefit from: automatic voter registration, same-day
registration, early voting, mail balloting.
All the things that make it possible when somebody gets up on the
morning of that day when they have decided to cast their vote and know
that that is not going to be a difficult transaction. They can do that.
They can access their democracy in a straightforward way. That is one
centerpiece of the Freedom to Vote Act.
Another grievance we heard from Americans for many, many years is,
why should politicians be able to choose their voters instead of the
other way around? We have seen what extreme partisan gerrymandering has
done across the country. It means that in the House of Representatives,
we don't actually have a fair representation of what the vote is out in
the country.
This makes average people out there feel disrespected. Voters feel
like their voice is not being given the weight and the due that it
deserves, so included within the Freedom to Vote Act are provisions
that would establish an objective, independent way of determining how
districts should be drawn so that we are respectful of the voters. It
is another key piece of this reform package.
The last critical dimension of this is what to do about the undue
influence, the sinister, insidious influence that money has over the
political system.
{time} 1815
Your voice consists of two basic components in a democracy. One is
that you can cast your vote freely and fairly, but the other dimension
of it is if you send people to Washington, if you elect them, if you
pull the lever for them, your expectation is when they get there, they
will fight for your priorities and won't get hijacked or captured by
special interests and big money. The reality is very different,
unfortunately, and it leaves people feeling disempowered.
Two key reforms that are included within this legislation are the
DISCLOSE Act, which would require that we have transparency in terms of
this dark money that is flooded into our system, and another piece,
which I know Representative Ramirez feels very passionately about, is a
small donor matching system that can support candidates' efforts to get
out there and run their campaigns free from dependence on big money and
deep pockets.
This legislation would create a system where for every dollar you
raise from small donations, grassroots donations, you get a 6-to-1
match from something we call the Freedom From Influence Fund.
By the way, that fund would not be taxpayer underwritten. We would
put a small surcharge on government settlements with big corporate
lawbreakers and high-end tax cheats. That would go into a special fund,
and that would underwrite the matching funds to come in to support
these candidates.
What I like about that is the people who are leaning on our democracy
and trying to break it are going to have to pay to create a system that
can lift up our democracy.
All of these things are designed to respond to those grievances that
Americans feel. These key pieces of legislation--the John R. Lewis
Voting Rights
[[Page H5191]]
Advancement Act, the Freedom to Vote Act, the Native American Voting
Rights Act, the D.C. statehood bill--are very simple in what they are
trying to achieve: Give a voice to all Americans.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the Progressive Caucus for pulling us together
this evening.
Mrs. RAMIREZ. Mr. Speaker, I thank Congressman Sarbanes for his
remarks. He couldn't have said it more perfectly as we are wrapping up
here.
I often ask myself what it would look like if money didn't determine
elections, if qualifications did, if competency would. What would it
look like if we got big money out of politics, which is exactly what we
should all be prioritizing?
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Bowman). I
don't think anyone can speak better about that issue than him.
Mr. BOWMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank Representative Ramirez for her
leadership and for allowing me to participate in this really important
discussion. I thank her for bringing this issue to the forefront of the
American people.
There are many who believe we no longer have a democracy. There are
many who believe our country is controlled by an oligarchy. Many
believe our country is controlled by a few wealthy Americans who act as
puppet masters over Members of Congress and who act as puppet masters
over elected officials across the country.
We are not engaging in the arena of new ideas. We are not engaging in
the arena of shared values. We take an oath to protect and defend the
Constitution against enemies, foreign and domestic, but if we allow
people with wealth to undermine our Constitution, we are not doing our
job.
Yes, I can speak personally to this issue because, in my primary
race, I had special interest groups spend more money against me in my
primary than has been spent against any Member of Congress in United
States history.
My district was bombarded with advertisements, with mailers, with
misinformation and disinformation, and with ideas and policies that
reflected the values behind the big money that was being poured in.
What made it worse is a lot of this big money came from unknown
sources. Because of Supreme Court decisions like Citizens United, we
don't have to publicly know where these dollars are coming from as we
engage with super-PACs.
We absolutely need democracy reform, and it starts with getting big
money out of politics. One important way to do that is to overturn
Citizens United. We must overturn Citizens United. If you want to
support a candidate, your name must be public, period. Not only that,
but if you believe those who say, and I do, that our democracy is no
longer a democracy because it is controlled by an oligarchy, the
wealthy elite, we have to look at the outcomes that our democracy is
currently producing.
Why don't we have universal healthcare? Why don't we have fully
funded public schools? Why don't we have paid leave for all? Why don't
we have a Green New Deal? Why do one in five children go to bed hungry
in our country? Why do we have consistent economic and wealth
inequality?
I would argue it is because those in the oligarchy class want things
to remain that way. As a result, Members of this body continue to vote
in favor of special interests.
We couldn't even raise the Federal minimum wage from $7.25 to $15 an
hour. If you grow up or live in a redlined community, redlined by
American politicians in this body, your schools are less funded than
wealthier communities.
A strong, vibrant, healthy democracy must include every single person
in our country voting in every election, but they are being
disenfranchised by the big money, and they have lost hope because of
the big money.
Again, I thank Representative Ramirez for her leadership and for
allowing me to say a few words. In order for our democracy to be as
strong as ever, both on the domestic front but also supporting
democracies around the world, we have to get big money out of politics.
Mrs. RAMIREZ. Mr. Speaker, I thank Congressman Bowman for his
remarks, and I am committed to working with him here and out of here to
ensure that happens.
When we talk about the issues that matter most, as Congressman Bowman
mentioned, everything from housing to healthcare to education, we
understand that when democracy is weakened, our ability to move reforms
because of these issues is also impacted.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Vermont (Ms. Balint),
someone I have had the opportunity to serve with for the last 21
months, a fierce advocate for our communities, not just in Vermont but
all over, making sure that justice, equity, and strengthening democracy
is at the forefront.
Ms. BALINT. Mr. Speaker, it is an honor to serve with Representative
Ramirez and to speak here tonight about an issue that is incredibly
important to me, and that is the health and strength of democracy.
When I ran for Congress, the issue I heard the most about was just
that, the health and the strength of the democracy.
Yes, of course, Vermonters care about particular issues for our
district--housing, the workforce crisis, the mental health crisis, all
of these things--but they said more than anything, they are worried
about the health of the democracy.
I came to the job having come up through the Vermont State Senate,
and before that, I was a teacher and tried to instill in my students
the importance of being involved in the democracy to keep replenishing
it with the energy and attention it requires.
What I have noticed over the last few years is that there is, indeed,
a cynicism creeping in, as my colleague mentioned earlier, and cynicism
has a corrosive effect, not just on the democracy but on our own health
and stability and the health of our communities.
It is, in fact, the voice of the status quo. It is about convincing
people that you can't actually make change, so why even try, that it is
futile.
The stakes are so incredibly high. I will tell you that my family
knows firsthand that democracies don't fail overnight. My grandfather
was killed in the Holocaust, and I grew up with the understanding that
people can be horribly cruel to one another and can perpetuate horrors
upon individuals and families when the law does not protect the most
vulnerable and when people turn away from each other and demonize each
other. I can tell you in earnest that we have seen this in this country
in the last few years grow to a fever pitch of dehumanizing and
demonizing our fellow Americans.
I see it in my committees, whether it is attacking immigrants or
migrants, attacking the LGBTQ community, or attacking the poor.
It is not about coming together as Americans and finding common cause
with other Americans. It is often about making people the scapegoats.
Democracies fail little by little as our rights are stripped away
from us, as democratic norms are upended, and as people are
scapegoated.
My parents never took for granted the rights and privileges provided
to us by the U.S. Constitution and that we must be vigilant and take
our responsibility of supporting and protecting the Constitution
seriously.
I was very concerned, coming up on almost 2 years ago when I started
in Congress, because I knew that 139 Members of this body did not vote
to certify a free and fair election. Of those 139, 124 ran for
reelection, and 118 are still serving in Congress. They serve with us
in committees, and we have to see them on the floor, people who did not
support a free and fair election and the peaceful transfer of power.
This sickens me.
In moments when I am home in Vermont, it is very difficult to convey
to my constituents what it feels like sometimes to be here as a public
servant supporting the democracy, supporting the ideals that supposedly
we all hold so dear, and to serve alongside people who still will not
admit that Joe Biden is the rightful winner of the 2020 election. It
should outrage all of us.
How can we make the case to our children and to my former students
that democracy is something to protect, that it is sacred, that we all
have a stake in making sure it is healthy when there are Members of
Congress
[[Page H5192]]
who still will not admit that Joe Biden is the rightful winner of the
2020 election?
{time} 1830
We must commit, all of us, to rising above this dangerous nonsense
because we all know the truth. We do. We know the truth. As we head
into another election season, I know what I fear. I fear that once
again we will be faced with a critical moment of courage, and that some
will fail that test.
When I heard that the topic tonight was about strengthening the
democracy, I said: Absolutely, I will be there. None of these things--
strengthening our voting rights, improving our representation, making
sure that we have campaign finance reform, supporting our communities,
and on and on--can happen if we do not have a commitment from the
people in this Chamber to admit the rightful winner of an election and
to stand in this Chamber and certify those election results.
I look forward to seeing some courage, regardless of the outcome. I
hope that I am not, once again, deeply, deeply disappointed and
disgusted by the lack of courage and fortitude of those who say that
they support the Constitution, the rule of law, and this great
democracy.
Mrs. RAMIREZ. Mr. Speaker, I thank Congresswoman Balint. Her words
could not have been more powerful.
We are at a crossroads right now, and the Congressional Progressive
Caucus is committed to strengthening voting rights because our caucus
wants to make sure that we protect the right to vote by passing broad
and comprehensive voting rights bills that eliminate barriers to voting
for U.S. citizens.
We want same-day, automatic, and online voter registration. We are
committed to improving representation because we are the party that
wants to abolish the electoral college, grant statehood to the District
of Columbia, and establish a democratic process for the people of
Puerto Rico to determine the island's future political status.
We are committed to bold campaign finance reform. We are the party
that wants to end corruption and get big money and corporations out of
politics by finally eliminating dark money in elections.
We are committed to fully funding Federal agencies that invest in
Americans' health, education, and well-being. We are the party that
wants to ensure that Congress funds vital Federal agencies and prevents
the privatization of government services.
We are committed to eliminating or reforming the filibuster, and we
are the party that wants to allow for the democratic consideration and
passage of essential legislation.
We are committed to ethics reform. We are the caucus that wants to
ban stock trading and ownership for Members of Congress and the Federal
judiciary and impose an enforceable code of conduct on the Supreme
Court, including instituting accountability measures and restrictions
on gifts and requiring judicial disclosures and recusal.
We are committed to reforming the Court. We are the party that wants
to expand the number of Justices on the bench, implement term limits,
and create new judgeships across the Federal system.
Folks, as you heard from my colleagues here, we are committed because
it is important to remember that this week extreme Republicans are
attempting to hold the government hostage so they can advance a bill
that creates barriers to voting for U.S. citizens.
Bottom line: It is already illegal under current law for noncitizens
to register to vote or to vote in Federal elections. Despite numerous
recounts, challenges in court, and the deep dives by Conservative think
tanks, there has been zero evidence of widespread voter fraud.
Folks, it is a scare tactic, and extreme Republicans are trying to
scare Americans--the fear-mongering--into giving up their right to
exercise their vote in an accessible and unburdensome election process.
The SAVE Act is voter suppression, plain and simple. Requiring
citizens to show documentary proof of citizenship to register to vote
places an extreme burden on countless Americans, including military
voters, Native voters, people who have changed their names, including
tens of millions of American women, the elderly, the young, the poor,
and naturalized citizens.
The SAVE Act's burdens on rightful voters are extreme because most
Americans would be unable to register to vote using their driver's
license or other State-provided identification alone. Even Real IDs do
not meet the SAVE Act's requirements.
Millions of Americans, including tens of thousands in each
congressional district, would be prevented from registering to vote
easily, if at all. Americans would not be able to use military IDs or
Tribal IDs alone when registering to vote. U.S. citizens who are
putting their life on the line would have to go get a passport and
other documents to prove their citizenship.
People who have changed their names, including millions of married
women, would not be allowed to use their birth certificates when
proving their citizenship.
Registration applications would need to be presented in person,
essentially ending mail-in voting and creating barriers for same-day
voter registration.
The SAVE Act makes it clear exactly who extreme Republicans believe
should have an easy time accessing the right to vote and, more
importantly, who they believe should have a difficult time.
It is in this moment, in this context that my colleagues and I come
to this Chamber to convene this Special Order hour, to make it crystal
clear exactly who is committed to doing the work of repairing and
strengthening democracy.
Repairing, strengthening, and protecting our democracy is one of my
greatest priorities in Congress. I have the honor of co-chairing the
House Task Force on Strengthening Democracy, where I meet with my
colleagues to discuss legislative solutions to act on Americans' desire
to fortify the basic building blocks of healthy democracy.
During the August recess, I launched my democracy working groups in
Chicago and DuPage County. I convened constituents, grassroots leaders,
and organizations to share what they have seen, what they have learned,
and what they have felt as they do the work on the ground of building a
democracy that works for everyone.
I hosted a teletownhall focused on making government work for
Illinois-3 and a Wheaton townhall focused on the topic of defending
democracy. Listening to the voices of our communities and ensuring
those voices are heard and valued is part of our democracy, and it is
what is most important.
What we learned and affirmed is that democracy is a work in progress.
It is not perfect, by any means. We have heard that we cannot simply
strengthen democracy, simply preserve democracy. We must repair it and
expand it where it is not living up to its potential.
We need democracy that truly works for the people, where government
is responsive to the needs of its citizens, where we keep big money out
of politics, where there is ethics reform both in our Supreme Court and
Presidency, where we protect our election workers and our right to
vote, where we defend public institutions from privatization and
elimination.
That is why I am so proud to cosponsor numerous substantial pieces of
legislation across the broad aspects of democracy and good governance,
including bills like the Freedom to Vote Act by Congressman Sarbanes
and the John Lewis Voting Rights Act by Congresswoman Sewell, which
must be among the first bills we take on in the 119th Congress.
As I wrap up our Special Order hour in a few minutes, I do want to
talk about some of the movers and shakers that are helping do this work
to repair, strengthen, and protect our democracy.
To do so, I want to start by recognizing an organization that serves
the State of Illinois led by one of my constituents, Mary Ellen
Daneels. She is improving access to information, amplifying the voices
of young people, and breaking down barriers to their participation.
Illinois Democracy Schools Network is a vital initiative committed to
educating the next generation about the civic process. The growing
network of middle and high schools is dedicated to expanding civic
learning opportunities across Illinois, particularly in schools
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serving students of color to ensure all students are prepared to
meaningfully participate in public life.
By creating high-quality learning experiences, the Democracy Schools
Network helps foster informed, active, and equitable civic engagement
among young people. On behalf of Illinois' Third Congressional
District, I do want to thank the Illinois Democracy Schools Network for
nurturing the foundations of our democracy.
Free and fair elections are the cornerstone of our democracy. It is
why I cosponsored and am cosponsoring several pieces of legislation
that protect and expand ballot access, as we just talked about.
I do want to go into H.R. 11 a little deeper. Expanding voter
registration and voting access prohibits voting roll removal,
establishes election day as a Federal holiday, and enacts other voting
rights and election reforms.
H.R. 14, the John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act, strengthens
voting rights by expanding and strengthening government's ability to
respond to voting discrimination.
Defending the right to vote is defending our communities. Let me say
that again. Defending the right to vote is defending our communities.
Therefore, I will continue resisting and challenging any attempt from
extremists in our government to undermine our democracy and erode our
rights.
We all have a role to play. I encourage us all to get engaged:
register people to vote, serve as election judges, combat
misinformation. We have to fight for the democracy that we deserve.
There is an organization that has been doing this work around the
clock, defending democracy, and that is Midwest Voting Rights Program
of the Chicago Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights.
This vital initiative focuses on ensuring fair access to the vote and
upholding election laws. Through their Election Protection program and
litigation, they provide critical resources on election day. They
partner with incarcerated and returning community members to expand
voting rights. They ensure racial equity in redistricting. They defend
civil rights and advocate for equitable election laws in Illinois and
Indiana.
A notable leader in this work is Clifford Helm, senior counsel for
the program and a proud constituent of Illinois' Third Congressional
District. I thank Clifford and Chicago Lawyers' Committee for Civil
Rights for their dedication to eliminating barriers to voting and
enhancing civic participation, especially in marginalized communities.
We also need organizations that create and provide citizens tools to
hold our officials accountable, and that is why I am proud to recognize
Indivisible, a grassroots movement dedicated to strengthening our
democracy through education and civic engagement.
Through Indivisible Civics, they provide invaluable resources,
training, and tools to empower local groups and activists, including to
engage with their local elected officials and hold them accountable.
Since the beginning of 2019, Indivisible members have made 73,625
calls to Congress and have organized over 2,000 grassroots events in
all 50 States. Their focus on building civic knowledge and skills helps
individuals become effective advocates and informed citizens.
In Illinois' Third Congressional District, active Indivisible
chapters in Illinois and civic leaders like Dianne McGuire, Deborah
McCoy, Kathy Tholin, Geri Kahn, Patricia Graham, and Denise Poloyac are
working tirelessly to engage their neighbors in the civic process. I
thank Indivisible for their commitment to fostering a well-informed
electorate and a stronger democracy.
While extreme Republicans demonstrate which Americans they believe
should have access to vote and who they believe shouldn't, I am honored
to recognize the nonprofit Chicago Votes for their efforts in fostering
civic engagement among the next generation of leaders in our city.
Their Unlock Civics program works to increase democratic
participation from justice-impacted adults, from registering over 5,000
voters in Cook County jail to advocating for legislation to make the
jail the first in the Nation to serve as a primary election voting
location.
Chicago Votes also works to engage young people in local civic
processes, from their regular parade to the polls to creating
nonpartisan voting guides to support educators around civic curriculum.
{time} 1845
Their fellowships and leadership development opportunities for youth
and justice-impacted individuals, including their Democracy Corps,
build stronger leaders for a stronger, more informed democracy. I thank
Chicago Votes.
I also want to acknowledge the work of organizations like the Latino
Policy Forum. The Latino Policy Forum is doing the work to protect our
multicultural, our multiracial democracy from attempts to scapegoat,
silence, criminalize, and persecute our Latino and our immigrant
communities.
Through their efforts in coalition, the forum has engaged Comunidades
Latinas in the civic process of our democracy.
Whether by expanding participation in the Census or access to
multilingual and culturally competent educational voter material, the
organization is fighting to ensure equitable representation and fair
investment in our communities.
The work has been possible thanks to the efforts of its staff and its
president and CEO of the Latino Policy Forum, Sylvia Puente, who after
16 years of service, announced her well-earned retirement.
Her unwavering leadership has been instrumental in driving positive,
meaningful change for our communities.
In the face of the cruel policies that are looking to hurt our
communities, I thank Sylvia for inspiring us with her leadership.
``Gracias por luchar por nuestra comunidad contra viento y marea.''
``Thank you for your fight for our community against all odds.''
As I wrap up here, I want to thank all my colleagues who join
tonight's Progressive Caucus Special Order hour. I want to end with
this: I am the product of community organizing. I am the product of a
movement that continues to fight for what is right even when the
attacks just keep coming and coming and even in the face of fear, even
in the face of loss and hardship.
We are and have been a nation at a crossroads. We say we are facing
an existential crisis, but the truth is that we have been facing this
crisis for a very long time. This country has consistently faced a
crossroad to choose fear or to choose hope, to choose love or to choose
hate, to choose bigotry or to choose equity, to choose oppression or to
choose justice.
We face those all-too-familiar crossroads again. Will we choose
democracy or will we submit to dictatorship?
Democracy is a grand experiment of collective experience, and it
cannot be taken for granted. It is precious and fragile, and it
requires that we strive to be the best of ourselves.
I am encouraged that each time this country faced a crossroads,
organizers were there bending the arc of history towards justice;
fighting like hell.
We fight like hell for our communities. Our communities have always
been the target of injustice. We also know that we fight like hell for
our children and the future. We fight like hell against Trump and MAGA
Republicans and Project 2025, as they are a fundamental threat to our
children.
The people want big money out of politics. The people want us to
reform the Supreme Court. The people want us to protect the integrity
of our elections. Our democracy will be repaired, strengthened, and
preserved when we fight for democracy.
I believe that the people united will never be defeated because we
have something to fight for. I fight for my husband, a Dreamer. I fight
for my nieces and nephews. I fight for every Latino who aspires to
public office. I fight for the movement. The fight ahead is worth it.
There is no greater honor to fight alongside you, to protect,
preserve, and expand democracy.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
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