[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 147 (2001), Part 12]
[House]
[Pages 17110-17156]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]



AUTHORIZING USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES AGAINST THOSE RESPONSIBLE 
              FOR RECENT ATTACKS AGAINST THE UNITED STATES

  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, at this historic moment when Congress 
and the American people stand united behind the President, our 
Commander in Chief, as America prepares to reclaim its security and 
punish the murderers who struck our Nation this week, I ask unanimous 
consent that it shall be in order at any time without intervention of 
any point of order to consider in the House, House Joint Resolution 64, 
to authorize the use of United States Armed Forces against those 
responsible for the recent attacks launched against the United States;
  The joint resolution shall be considered as read; the previous 
question shall be considered as ordered on the joint resolution to 
final passage without intervening motion except, one, 5 hours of debate 
on the joint resolution, equally divided and controlled by the chairman 
and ranking minority member of the Committee on International 
Relations; and two, one motion to recommit; and, upon passage of the 
joint resolution, the House shall be considered to have passed Senate 
Joint Resolution 23.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Florida?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to the previous order of the House, I 
call up the joint resolution (H.J. Res. 64) to authorize the use of 
United States Armed Forces against those responsible for the recent 
attacks launched against the United States, and ask for its immediate 
consideration in the House.
  The Clerk read the title of the joint resolution.
  The text of H.J. Res. 64 is as follows:

                              H.J. Res. 64

       Whereas, on September 11, 2001, acts of treacherous 
     violence were committed against the United States and its 
     citizens; and
       Whereas, such acts render it both necessary and appropriate 
     that the United States exercise its rights to self-defense 
     and to protect United States citizens both at home and 
     abroad; and
       Whereas, in light of the threat to the national security 
     and foreign policy of the United States posed by these grave 
     acts of violence; and
       Whereas, such acts continue to pose an unusual and 
     extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign 
     policy of the United States; and
       Whereas, the President has authority under the Constitution 
     to take action to deter and prevent acts of international 
     terrorism against the United States: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
     United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This joint resolution may be cited as the ``Authorization 
     for Use of Military Force''.

     SEC. 2. AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES.

       (a) In General.--That the President is authorized to use 
     all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, 
     organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, 
     committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on 
     September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or 
     persons, in order to prevent any further acts of 
     international terrorism against the United States by such 
     nations, organizations or persons.
       (b) War Powers Resolution Requirements.--
       (1) Specific statutory authorization.--Consistent with 
     section 8(a)(1) of the War Powers Resolution, the Congress 
     declares that this section is intended to constitute specific 
     statutory authorization within the meaning of section 5(b) of 
     the War Powers Resolution.
       (2) Applicability of other requirements.--Nothing in this 
     resolution supercedes any requirement of the War Powers 
     Resolution.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) and 
the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) each will control 2\1/2\ 
hours.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde).


                             General Leave

  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may 
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and 
include extraneous material on the legislation under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Illinois?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may 
consume to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hastert), the distinguished 
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
  Mr. HASTERT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Illinois for 
yielding time to me.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution, which authorizes 
the President to use all force necessary to bring to justice those 
nations, operations, and people responsible for the cowardly act that 
was perpetrated upon this Nation on September 11, 2001.
  The Constitution of the United States, the document that protects the

[[Page 17111]]

freedoms of all Americans, gives the Congress certain responsibilities. 
Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution says the Congress shall have 
power to provide for the common defense and the power to declare war.
  Earlier today, the Congress exercised its responsibility to provide 
for the common defense by passing the supplemental spending 
legislation. Now we give the President the congressional authority to 
use all necessary force to bring to justice those who attacked our 
Nation.
  This is the most solemn responsibility that this Congress can 
undertake. We do not do so gladly or with a bitter sense of revenge. We 
do so because we must in order to preserve freedom and democracy in 
this Nation.
  These are the times that try men's souls. On September 11, we lost 
thousands of people, with thousands more injured, and with two symbols 
of the strength and vitality of our democracy, the World Trade Center 
and the Pentagon, destroyed or badly damaged.
  A sworn enemy that dares not confront us in the open attacked us in 
the most cowardly way, by targeting innocent citizens of this great 
Nation. This enemy operates in the shadows, hates with an unnatural 
passion, and practices political fanaticism that glorifies violent 
death and condemns innocent life.
  For too long, this enemy has been protected and supported and 
sheltered by rogue nations. The friends of our enemies are also our 
enemies, and they will bear equal responsibility. We must defend our 
Nation. We must defeat these enemies once and for all. We must 
eliminate the scourge of terrorism.
  This will be the great challenge for our generation. It may take 
years. It may cost additional lives. It may require greater sacrifices 
for our citizens. But great challenges have made us stronger in the 
past. On July 4, 1776, our Founding Fathers decided to challenge 
tyranny. After we won our freedom, we constructed the world's greatest 
constitution, and created a stable, thriving democracy.
  We faced dark days when our Nation was torn asunder in the Civil War, 
and we came together after that war between the States to become the 
savior of Europe in the First World War.
  The empire of Japan deliberately attacked us on December 7, 1941, and 
we emerged as the greatest defender of the free world.
  We faced down communism in a painful Cold War and emerged as the 
world's sole superpower.
  Now, after this greatest of American tragedies that we have faced 
here on American soil, we face the greatest of challenges.
  I am comforted by the work of the President and his team. They are 
assembling a worldwide coalition of civilized nations. These nations 
look to the United States for leadership, and they want to join us in 
this great crusade. We will provide that leadership.
  We have a job to do in this Congress, and this authorization for the 
use of force is an important part of that responsibility.
  I ask my colleagues to vote for this authorization and to join with 
me in supporting our President, in supporting our Constitution, and in 
supporting the American way of life.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, this is a fateful moment in our Nation's history and in 
the history of this Chamber. Once again, we have been awakened to the 
reality that we have mortal enemies. They do not desire compromise. 
They are not interested in negotiation. Our suffering does not give 
them human pause. Indeed, they celebrated. They do not seek our mere 
defeat. They are intent on our destruction.
  The demonic horror of these deliberate attacks remains inconceivable, 
but we have no choice except to accept that it is real nonetheless. Our 
enemies' message was stark and inescapable. They will make war on all 
of us wherever we exist for as long as we exist.
  The orchestrators would not have ordered these actions if they did 
not believe that they themselves would survive, that they would 
celebrate in triumph. I fear they have judged our failure to render 
justice for their past atrocities as weakness and as an invitation to 
even greater assaults. We must correct this misperception, not with 
words but with acts.
  No creed which revels in the slaughter of innocents can be included 
in the human community. No cause which aligns itself with evil can be 
allowed to exist among us. Toleration of such things not only invites 
our own destruction, it is a mortal sin.
  Those who hate us believe that a free people cannot defend 
themselves. They assure themselves that we will falter in the difficult 
task before us. Our self-proclaimed enemies will seize upon any 
weakness of resolve on our part. As long as they believe that there are 
divisions among us, as long as they expect our course of action to be 
indecisive and incomplete, they will have hope of success.
  We must deny them that hope. Our forefathers, who won our liberty, 
bequeathed it to us in the knowledge that to keep it we would have to 
prove ourselves worthy of it. They were confident that we would not 
shrink from the measures necessary to defend it. All who have gone 
before us, all who have given their lives for their country are 
witnesses to us here today. That is why I ask my colleagues to put 
aside our differences and move beyond rhetoric and now act.
  During the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln reminded his countrymen of 
their responsibility with these words: ``We cannot escape history. The 
fiery trial through which we pass will light us down, in honor or 
dishonor, to the latest generation.''
  It is a profound thing that a free people go to war. That is why we, 
the Nation's elected representatives assemble in Congress, meet today, 
for we share with the President the responsibility for ensuring that 
our country is protected, that our people remain safe.
  Therefore, we as Members of Congress now have a duty to perform. We 
must grant the President the fullest authority to employ all of the 
resources of the United States, to make war on our enemy, to destroy 
their ability to harm us and to defend our beloved country.
  In an earlier hour of trial for our Nation, Julia Ward Howe was 
inspired to write the words that became known as the Battle Hymn of the 
Republic. We ask God once again to ``loose the faithful lightning of 
his terrible swift sword'' against the enemies of our country and of 
mankind.
  America has always triumphed over her enemies; and with God's help, 
we will do so again.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I rise in strong support of this resolution.
  This week our Nation lost its innocence but found a new sense of 
unity and purpose. We now face a severe test, one demanding severe 
measures. The resolution before us empowers the President to bring to 
bear the full force of American power abroad in our struggle against 
the scourge of international terrorism. It will enable him, in the 
words of our Secretary of State, to eradicate terrorism, ``root and 
branch.''
  The President currently has many powers to deter and prevent 
international terrorism, including diplomatic pressure, economic 
measures, military action to stop imminent threats to the people of the 
United States. Our resolution arms the President with the certain 
knowledge that he has the full support of the united Congress and the 
American people in exercising these powers.

                              {time}  1800

  In considering this resolution, Mr. Speaker, the historic nature of 
this occasion cannot be overstated. Precious few times in our 225 years 
as a Nation have we been faced with such a grave and momentous 
decision. One need only look at the devastation, the broken bodies, the 
flood of tears left in the wake of Tuesday's monstrous terrorist 
attacks to grasp the awesome responsibility before us.

[[Page 17112]]

  Mr. Speaker, the world is watching these deliberations and is asking: 
Is the United States up to the challenge? Are we, as a Nation, blessed 
for so much of our history with peace and prosperity, capable of 
mounting a costly and concerted campaign against international terror? 
Let us today answer those doubts with a resounding affirmation.
  In committing to this fight, let us not delude ourselves. We are 
embarking on a long and difficult struggle, like none other in our 
Nation's history. It will demand resolve. It will demand patience. It 
will demand sacrifice. It will also demand that we draw upon the 
strength of each and every American.
  I am deeply concerned, Mr. Speaker, by reports of violence directed 
at Arab-Americans and Muslim-Americans, some in my own district. This 
is not a clash of civilizations or a war between the Western and the 
Islamic world, as some would have it. It is a struggle for the survival 
of civilization itself against barbarism.
  In this struggle, Mr. Speaker, we are not alone. All Americans deeply 
appreciate the many expressions of sympathy and support from our 
friends and allies across the globe. We trust that these words will be 
followed by actions--actions that may prove painful, costly and 
dangerous. But in the fight against international terrorism, there can 
be no neutrals. Those who are not with us are against us.
  Today's debate is a sign of the unity and vitality of our democracy. 
All among us are united in our outrage by the tragic events of this 
week. All among us are united in our commitment to defeat international 
terrorism. On this we stand undivided and indivisible. If we are to 
defeat international terrorism, as we must, we must provide our 
commander in chief with the power this resolution entails.
  In granting the President this power, Congress is not abdicating its 
prerogatives. We do not weaken our role by approving this measure. By 
signaling our solidarity with the President and by trusting him with 
this power, we take our place at his side as full partners in this 
fight.
  The President has a solemn responsibility to use this power wisely 
and to consult with and report to the Congress throughout the long 
struggle ahead. We in Congress also have an ongoing responsibility: to 
contribute to these efforts, monitoring the crisis, investigating its 
causes, gathering expert insights, and doing all in our power to ensure 
that these terrible events are never repeated.
  Mr. Speaker, I am an American not by birth but by choice. Following 
the Second World War, I fled my native Hungary for the United States, 
the land of the free and the home of the brave. I chose to become a 
citizen of the Nation that saved my homeland and the entire world from 
international fascism and, later, from international communism. Today, 
I proudly reaffirm my allegiance and reenlist in the new struggle to 
save this Nation and the world from international terrorism.
  I have never been prouder to serve in the United States Congress than 
I have during this week. The many words spoken on the floor of this 
Chamber echo the world over and testify to America's resilience in the 
face of adversity. All of my colleagues who join this debate do honor 
to this institution and to the American people, whom we all serve.
  But the time for words has passed, Mr. Speaker, and the time for 
action is upon us. We must now make our rhetoric reality. We must now 
stand united in word and in deed, and we shall not flinch in the face 
of terror. Let us go forth, certain in our knowledge that should we 
cast this courageous vote.
  We shall prevail.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the learned 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Paul), but would like to first congratulate 
the distinguished minority leader of this committee, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos), for his usual superb remarks.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding me this 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. Sadly, we find 
ourselves today dealing with a responsibility to provide national 
security under the most difficult of circumstances. To declare war 
against a group that is not a country makes the clear declaration of 
war more complex.
  The best tool the framers of the Constitution provided under these 
circumstances was the power of Congress to grant letters of mark and 
reprisal in order to narrow the retaliation to only the guilty parties. 
The complexity of the issue, the vagueness of the enemy, and the 
political pressure to respond immediately limits our choices. The 
proposed resolution is the only option we are offered, and doing 
nothing is unthinkable.
  There are a couple of serious points I would like to make. For the 
critics of our policy of foreign intervention in the affairs of others, 
the attack on New York and Washington was not a surprise, and many have 
warned of its inevitability. It so far has been inappropriate to ask 
why the U.S. was the target and not some other Western country. But for 
us to pursue a war against our enemies, it is crucial to understand why 
we were attacked, which will then tell us by whom we were attacked. 
Without this knowledge, striking out at six or eight or 10 countries 
will not help.
  Without this knowledge, striking out at six or eight or even ten 
different countries could well expand this war of which we wanted no 
part. Without defining the enemy there is no way to know our precise 
goal nor to know when the war is over. Inadvertent or casual acceptance 
of civilian deaths as part of this war I'm certain will prolong the 
agony and increase the chances of even more American casualties. We 
must guard against this if at all possible.
  Too often over the last several decades we have supported both sides 
of many wars only to find ourselves needlessly entrenched in conflicts 
unrelated to our national security. It is not unheard of that the 
weapons and support we send to foreign nations have ended up being used 
against us. The current crisis may well be another example of such a 
mishap.
  Although we now must fight to preserve our national security, we 
should not forget that the founders of this great nation advised that 
for our own sake we should stay out of entangling alliances and the 
affairs of other nations.
  We are placing tremendous trust in our President to pursue our 
enemies as our commander-in-chief but Congress must remain vigilant as 
to not allow our civil liberties here at home to be eroded. The 
temptation will be great to sacrifice our freedoms for what may seem to 
be more security. We must resist this temptation.
  Mr. Speaker we must rally behind our President, pray for him to make 
wise decisions, and hope that this crisis is resolved a lot sooner than 
is now anticipated.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to our 
distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Hoeffel).
  Mr. HOEFFEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, it is very appropriate for this Congress to be granting 
specific authority to the President to use all necessary and 
appropriate force against the terrorists that attacked America this 
week and against those that harbored the terrorists. It is important, I 
believe, to note that this grant of authority and this purpose of force 
is to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the 
United States. In other words, we are not just engaging in an act of 
retaliation or revenge, as satisfying as that will be, but we are 
taking action to prevent this from happening again to save the lives of 
Americans.
  The use of force that we authorize today must be used swiftly and 
surely and smartly. It has been said that this force should be used 
ferociously. And that is a strong word but an appropriate word under 
these circumstances. We need to punish the perpetrators of this 
terrorist activity. We must prevent a recurrence, and we must protect 
Americans.
  It may be we do not need to grant this authority. Under the War 
Powers Act, the President has the ability to use force when America is 
attacked, as we have been this week. But it is good for Congress to add 
our voice of support and to specifically grant this authority to the 
President.

[[Page 17113]]

  We must be targeted and accurate. We must spare innocent civilians, 
but we must act and act firmly. We must also be ready to use diplomacy, 
to build a worldwide coalition to combat terrorism, to lead the charge, 
to unite the democratic governments that oppose terrorism and those 
authoritarian governments that also oppose terrorism. We need to 
provide that leadership. This is our opportunity.
  We need to make sure that we fight the terrorists and not the Islamic 
world. Most of the Islamic world agrees with us in opposition to 
terrorism. If we are creative and sensible, this can be the beginning 
of the end of international terrorism.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am honored to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Diaz-Balart), a distinguished member of the 
Committee on Rules.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, this great Nation is a Nation made from 
many origins but with a national identity and a national cohesion, a 
nationhood, which is almost unprecedented in the history of the world. 
Yet American patriotism is not threatening to others. Americans seek to 
do no harm to the rest of the world. Quite the contrary. Repeatedly, 
Americans have gone to the aid of others whose sovereignty and freedom 
have been kidnapped by tyrants.
  America is a peaceful and free Nation; and we intend to pass on that 
peace and freedom to our children so that they, in turn, may bequeath 
it to their children.
  America is free and secure because each generation has made certain 
to preserve our freedom and our security for the next generation. There 
can be no freedom without security, just as security without freedom is 
the essence of dictatorship, something that this Nation, thanks be to 
God, has never known and will never know.
  It is now this generation's turn, Mr. Speaker, this generation's 
responsibility to preserve freedom and security for our posterity, and 
our commander in chief, our Armed Forces, and this entire Nation will 
not fail.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer), a distinguished member of the 
Committee on International Relations.
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me 
this time.
  Last Tuesday, war was declared, not just on the United States but on 
civilized people everywhere. The American people were instantly united 
and resolved around this challenge. This resolution this evening is 
another step in the long struggle for the American people to see that 
their Nation's leadership is equal to this challenge.
  While I am one who believes that the American President has these 
powers and more, there is a chance here to jointly define the 
challenge. There is an opportunity for Congress and the administration, 
people in both parties, to be very clear about what our challenge is 
and what we are going to do.
  Our Nation has never quite undertaken this issue in quite the same 
way. We can avoid the problems of the past. We saw in the Spanish-
American War we had the wrong cause for the wrong war. During World War 
II, we saw our government commit, sadly, acts against the civil 
liberties of Japanese-American citizens. I think we have learned from 
those experiences in the past.
  I am hopeful this resolution will be the first step for more direct 
actions that will be inclusive, inclusive here on Capitol Hill, 
inclusive of citizens around the country, inclusive with our friends 
and allies abroad, and, indeed, with some countries with whom we may 
not have the warmest of relations; but we are all united in this effort 
to protect the rights of many men and women in civilized countries 
everywhere.
  I hope this is a beginning of an effort to show that we Americans are 
equal to the challenge and that we are going to lead it in a way that 
is going to help spare other people around the world from the terror of 
these dark and sinister forces.

                              {time}  1815

  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood).
  Mr. NORWOOD. Mr. Speaker, I rise tonight to fully endorse and 
authorize the use of force as directed by the President of this great 
Nation.
  Now is the time to lead the most extensive campaign again terrorism 
this world has ever seen, to annihilate those sources of hatred and 
terror, to break any nation assisting them in their efforts, to cleanse 
the Earth of this entire breed.
  Mr. President, no matter where we have to go, no matter how long we 
have to fight, we are prepared to fulfill our duty to generations to 
come, for them to live in a world free of terrorism. Our mission is of 
the grandest kind and must be resolved on the grandest scale.
  Our Nation will not cower from this fight. We will march into the 
lion's den and slay this pride. No mistake about it, we are fighting 
for our lives and livelihoods and we will prevail.
  To say it in a way that perhaps Osama bin Laden might understand and 
other terrorist groups, I ask them to hear me tonight. We are coming 
after them and the fury of hell is coming with us.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. George Miller), the ranking member of the Committee on 
Education and the Workforce.
  Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. Mr. Speaker, the other night I had 
the honor of joining you at the prayer service in the rotunda of this 
great building, this great monument, this beacon of our democracy and 
our freedoms to the world. As I sat there, I thought about the fact 
that this building may very well have been a target on that sad day.
  As I looked around, I thought what a tragedy it would be if this 
building had been leveled by that terrorist act. Then I thought more as 
I listened to those who spoke so eloquently from both sides of the 
aisle and our religious leaders. I thought it is really not about 
buildings. It is really not about monuments. It is about the American 
people.
  The action that was taken by these terrorists against the American 
people must be responded to and it must be responded to with resolution 
in a most comprehensive fashion. It cannot be a symbolic act. It cannot 
be a one-time action. It must be comprehensive. We must be diligent and 
the American people must be patient.
  This is very difficult and it is very different than the forces of 
power we have authorized in the past where many times enemies were 
clear. Here there are subtleties and complexities and organizational 
complexes that defy much of our thinking. We will have some successes 
and we will have some failures. But we must do this because we must 
understand that the enemy here made a conscious and intentional 
decision to slaughter innocent people.
  They put people randomly, randomly in harm's way and killed them in a 
most arbitrary of fashions, in a manner which overwhelmed our senses 
and stunned our Nation. We must understand we have an obligation to the 
American people to take that action.
  I would hope as we do that, the people in this country would have 
patience with one another; that they would recognize that when the 
airplane slammed into those buildings, it killed Muslims and Christians 
and Jews and Asians and Italians and Irish and all the rest. It killed 
the landscape of the American society. When we do this, we must 
understand that we cannot lose that national character, which is truly 
our liberties and freedoms that are the beacon, the light that goes out 
from this building to those people in those nations that yearn for them 
and do not have them.
  I wish our President well. I wish our armed services well in this 
effort, and I ask the American people for their understanding in the 
complex nature of the force we are authorizing here today.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Boehner).
  Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Speaker, until tonight the most important vote that 
I had cast as a Member of this body was

[[Page 17114]]

the vote that I cast in 1991 to support then President George Bush in 
our Gulf War. Now we are at another grave moment of decision for our 
Nation.
  This is a tragedy of unspeakable proportions. We grieve for all of 
those who have been affected by this horror.
  After Abraham Lincoln was assassinated, Melville wrote a poem that 
expresses as best we can the force of our emotion in the wake of this 
horror. He wrote, ``There is a sobbing of the strong, and a pall upon 
the land. But the people in their weeping bare the iron hand. Beware 
the people weeping when they bare the iron hand.''
  The cowards who planned and executed the attack and any state that 
harbors them should be aware and beware of our iron hand, because they 
will pay.
  As a Congress we will lock arms, we will rally behind our President 
and we will confront terror as one, because freedom will prevail.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Davis).
  Mr. DAVIS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
resolution authorizing the President to use military force against 
those responsible for the horrific acts committed on Tuesday of this 
week.
  Mr. President, we are wholeheartedly entrusting you with the most 
powerful military the world has ever known. We are doing so because we 
trust him to use this force with certainty, with swiftness, with 
judiciousness, and firmly, to make it perfectly clear that this country 
and the world will not tolerate again what happened on Tuesday.
  Mr. President, I want to encourage you to continue to work closely 
with Congress. This is not just your travails you face. These are our 
travails. These are the travails of the entire country. Mr. President, 
we will work together with you to help you succeed because your success 
will be our success as a country.
  There are Members of Congress, Democrat and Republican, who are 
anxious to work with you to address the very difficult details in terms 
of the military issues, the diplomatic issues, the economic issues, the 
judicial issues we all face as we launch into this new stage in 
fighting terrorism.
  Mr. President, we support you this evening, and we look forward to 
continuing to work closely with you.


                      Announcement by the Speaker

  The SPEAKER. The Chair would advise all Members to address the Chair 
and not the President directly.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Virginia (Mr. Cantor).
  Mr. CANTOR. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this resolution. 
On Tuesday, unspeakable acts of violence were committed against 
innocent Americans. As we mourn the loss of these Americans, we stand 
united behind our President. I send my condolences to the families that 
are suffering.
  I am inspired by those who have given of themselves to assist the 
victims of this attack. Civilized society has long sought to end the 
use of violence, but the perpetrators of terrorism and states that 
harbor them are the enemies of civilized society. They only understand 
the use of force, and the time has come to speak to them on their 
terms.
  Today we will authorize the United States to strike out against this 
enemy. It will be a determined effort, sustained over time with the 
full support and resources of this Nation. Let our enemies know that we 
stand together, one Nation under God, prepared to pay the price to 
bring terrorism to its knees, the price of freedom.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from the 
District of Columbia (Ms. Norton).
  Ms. NORTON. Mr. Speaker, I have always opposed the wholesale use of 
our mighty military power except with a scalpel. However, I have always 
assumed that my country would never be attacked where we live and that 
my constituents and neighbors would never be innocent victims.
  Mr. Speaker, the language before us is limited only by the slim 
anchor of its September 11 reference, but allows war against any and 
all prospective persons and entities. This resolution shows that the 
challenges presented by terrorism as war have already begun with 
language before there is any action.
  The point is to give the President the authority to do what he has to 
do, not whatever he wants to do. But the truth is that under our 
Constitution and existing law, when the country is attacked, the 
President's power is almost limitless.
  In supporting his constitutional authority to protect our great 
country, Congress must remain vigilant to ensure that his power is 
always sufficient but never unchecked.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Missouri (Mr. Blunt).
  Mr. BLUNT. Mr. Speaker, as I listened the other day to my colleagues 
respond on their own, away from this building, to what had happened, I 
noticed two overriding themes. One was in a free society that stands as 
a symbol for freedom of the world, we are uniquely open to the kind of 
cowardly acts that happened this week.
  The second was that our only real safeguard against those kinds of 
acts, no matter how much we might attempt with funding of our efforts 
to see that they never occur, our only true safeguard was to make 
certain that the people who planned, who perpetrated, who helped 
finance, who sheltered those who did any of those things, paid such an 
incredible price that they would not be willing to disrupt the freedom 
of the United States of America.
  This resolution ensures that the President has the support of the 
Congress as he does everything possible to see that that price would be 
paid. It is a price that must be paid. We must move forward. I urge my 
colleagues to vote for the resolution.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Sherman), a distinguished member of the Committee on 
International Relations.
  Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, in certain foreign cities there were those who danced in 
the streets believing that the terrorists' ability to kill thousands of 
American civilians showed the terrorists' strength. America's strength 
is not our ability to kill civilians, but our great strength is that we 
do everything possible to avoid killing civilians.
  We must remember that our conflict is not with Islam and not with 
Muslims. The last three military campaigns of the United States were to 
protect Muslim people in Bosnia, in Kosovo and in Kuwait.
  For years we have urged our allies to join us in curtailing 
investments and aid to countries that support terrorism. Now we must 
insist that they join us in this effort. Those who claim to be 
America's friends can no longer do business as usual with countries 
that support terrorism, nor can we allow European bank secrecy laws to 
stand in our way of tracing the money that was spent on this horrendous 
action.
  We must wage a war against all of the well-organized, well-financed 
terrorist groups who have dedicated themselves to killing Americans. 
Chief among this group is the one headed by Osama bin Laden. He is 
probably responsible for the atrocities of September 11, and certainly 
responsible for the attack on the USS Cole in Yemen and the attack on 
our embassies in East Africa. As long as the Taliban government in 
Afghanistan harbors Osama bin Laden, he will be working every day to 
top the evil of September 11.
  Mr. Speaker, it is easy to blame our intelligence agencies for what 
happened, but as long as we have allowed Osama bin Laden and others to 
sit there in safety, launching attack after attack against America, 
some of those attacks will be successful. We must demand that the 
Taliban government hand Osama bin Laden and his henchmen over to us now 
and stop harboring terrorists. If they refuse, then we must initiate 
hostilities. We will prevail by aligning ourselves with the Northern

[[Page 17115]]

Alliance. Hostilities with the Taliban may involve American casualties, 
but failure to act will involve thousands and tens of thousands of 
American casualties.

                              {time}  1830

  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Callahan).
  Mr. CALLAHAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the authorization for 
the use of military force. There are no words to describe the anguish 
we and all Americans feel. Our national spirit has been dampened but 
not extinguished by the despicable acts of September 11. President Bush 
has reassured Americans that while those who detest freedom may destroy 
brick and mortar and even take the lives of innocents, they cannot 
destroy the American will. We can take comfort and confidence in our 
national resolve and depend on that to help us overcome this temporary 
setback.
  Clearly, we must rally around our President. We must support his 
efforts and make crystal clear the fact that the American people are 
united and resolute that we will take a stand against attacks on our 
sovereignty and that we will avenge this grievous act.
  It is an American characteristic to unify in times of crisis. It is 
important to stand behind our President by authorizing the use of 
military force against those forces of evil. I am comforted to know 
that this body will pass this use of force resolution, probably 
unanimously, later today.
  I am sure that the entire membership of this body joins me in praying 
for God to guide us and our President.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to my 
valued colleague, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), a member 
of the Committee on International Relations.
  Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank our ranking member and my 
friend for yielding time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today really with a very heavy heart, one that is 
filled with sorrow for the families and the loved ones who were killed 
and injured this week. Only the most foolish and the most callous would 
not understand the grief that has really gripped our people and 
millions across the world.
  This unspeakable act on the United States has forced me, however, to 
rely on my moral compass, my conscience, and my God for direction. 
September 11 changed the world. Our deepest fears now haunt us. Yet I 
am convinced that military action will not prevent further acts of 
international terrorism against the United States. This is a very 
complex and complicated matter.
  This resolution will pass, although we all know that the President 
can wage a war even without it. However difficult this vote may be, 
some of us must urge the use of restraint. Our country is in a state of 
mourning. Some of us must say, let us step back for a moment. Let us 
just pause for a minute and think through the implications of our 
actions today so that this does not spiral out of control.
  I have agonized over this vote, but I came to grips with it today and 
I came to grips with opposing this resolution during the very painful 
yet very beautiful memorial service. As a member of the clergy so 
eloquently said, ``As we act, let us not become the evil that we 
deplore.''
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Kerns).
  Mr. KERNS. I thank the gentleman from Illinois for yielding time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this resolution to use 
force.
  Earlier this week, war was declared on America. Out of the horror and 
carnage, America has risen united, resolved to bring justice to all 
those responsible for this evil act. The resolution before us today 
authorizes the use of force against those who planned, authorized, 
committed or aided the deadliest attack ever on U.S. soil.
  While I strongly support today's resolution in response to the 
specific attacks that occurred on September 11, I believe that we will 
have to take additional action to address future threats. This must 
only be the beginning of a comprehensive war on terrorism.
  In 1795, British statesman Edmund Burke said, ``All that is necessary 
for evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing.'' The same holds 
true today. The free nations of the world must seize this opportunity 
and work together to end the evil of terrorism. As the rock of freedom 
in the world, America must lead the charge.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Napolitano), a distinguished member 
of the Committee on International Relations.
  Mrs. NAPOLITANO. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend for yielding 
time, and I join my colleagues in support of this resolution 
authorizing the use of military force. Our American public and the free 
world look to us today for leadership and swift action. We cannot and 
we will not fail them. The sheer horror of the events that transpired 
in New York and the Pentagon are unprecedented in our history and they 
demand strong, decisive and deliberate action. Anything less is an 
abrogation of our responsibility as congressional leaders and would be 
interpreted by those who have utter disdain for our country, for our 
institutions, and for our people as a failure of resolve and the 
ultimate sign of weakness.
  Our enemies, whoever and wherever they are, and those who harbor 
them, must clearly understand that we will never tolerate the acts of 
terrorism, acts of war, that have been perpetrated upon us and they 
must understand that there is no escape from American justice.
  Inaction is capitulation. Of one thing I am certain, we as Americans 
will never capitulate to terrorism or to any interest that looks to 
destroy our Nation. There comes a time when action and force become an 
absolute necessity. The families of those who died in this unspeakable 
horror, mothers, fathers, children, old and young, deserve to know that 
they did not die in vain. From this day forward we are a wiser, changed 
people, stronger, more united, firm in our commitment to our 
government, our country, our freedom, and to justice. Fear must not be 
allowed to rule us.
  God bless America.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the learned 
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Isakson).
  Mr. ISAKSON. I thank the distinguished chairman for yielding time.
  Mr. Speaker, the book of Ecclesiastes tells us that for everything 
there is a time; a time for love, a time for hate.
  On Tuesday morning, an expression of hate, unbelievable and 
unparalleled in all of our lifetimes, took place as Americans were used 
as instruments against Americans in a horrible toll of life and 
tragedy. On behalf of the sixth district of the State of Georgia and 
the United States of America, I rise in support of a resolution to give 
our President the full authority to respond and act to this act of hate 
and violence.
  Mr. Speaker, the last thing I did before I walked to this Chamber was 
to call Brandi Unger, 13 years old, in Roswell, Georgia, to thank her 
for the letter she sent to me and the President and the handful of 
dollars she raised this past week to help America to fight this evil.
  Mr. Speaker, when my father's generation, America's greatest 
generation, fought and defeated the evil of the 1940s, they did it for 
us; and we have enjoyed peace and prosperity. Today, we do it for the 
Brandi Ungers of the next generation, for a free, a safe America.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Berman), a valued senior member of the 
Committee on International Relations.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. There 
are many facets of it, but I would only like to focus on one. We know 
the hijackers had ties to Osama bin Laden and his al Qaeda 
organization. We must do whatever it takes, including the use of 
military force, to track down bin Laden and destroy his organization. 
But this is not just about bin Laden. There are other radical groups 
that engage in terrorism, including Hezbollah, Hamas, Islamic Jihad. To 
win the war against

[[Page 17116]]

terrorism, we must eliminate the entire infrastructure that sustains 
these organizations. This will involve getting tough with governments 
that aid and harbor terrorists.
  Syria allows Hezbollah to operate freely in southern Lebanon. Iran 
recently hosted a terrorist summit and routinely provides arms and 
ammunition and other assistance to Hezbollah and other radical groups. 
Bin Laden is a guest of the Taliban regime. The suicide bombers of 
Islamic Jihad and Hamas are nurtured by the Palestinian Authority.
  The time has come for these and other governments to make a 
fundamental choice: Will they continue to support those responsible for 
taking the lives of thousands of innocent men, women, and children? Or 
will they realize the error of their ways and end their financing, the 
facilitating, the harboring of terrorists and their organizational 
infrastructures and their state-sponsored incitement of terrorist 
attacks? For if they choose to continue their present course, they are 
not states of concern, they are not rogue states, they are America's 
enemies.
  I applaud the administration's efforts to assemble an international 
coalition to fight terrorism. We have a real opportunity to make the 
world safer for freedom and democracy.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Tauzin).
  Mr. TAUZIN. Mr. Speaker, this is the second time in my tenure in this 
body that we are called upon to vote to commit the sons and daughters 
in the uniform of this country to war, to put their lives on the line 
for this country again, and this is indeed a profound moment in the 
history of this Chamber.
  We should ask ourselves carefully why we do this. Do we do it just in 
anger, just for revenge? No greater authority than St. Thomas Aquinas 
taught me as a young lad the meaning and the understanding, the 
definition of self-defense. Our greatest duty under the Constitution is 
to protect and defend the citizens of this country from all enemies, 
both foreign and domestic. It is for that reason we rise in support of 
this resolution.
  We have literally in this world allowed terrorism to exist too long. 
We have been on the defensive too long. We have taken too many body 
blows. It is time civilized man goes on the offensive.
  Today, we go on the offensive. And we commit our sons and daughters 
to that enormous chore. This week, a reporter caught a citizen in New 
York taking dust off a car and putting it into a jar and he asked, ``Is 
that your car?'' The citizen said, ``No. These are my friends. We have 
lost our friends.''
  It is time to put an end to this madness.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hinojosa).
  Mr. HINOJOSA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
resolution. War has been declared on this country. Today we must 
answer. Without warning or provocation on September 11, a deliberate 
attack was launched, using hijacked planes with innocent American 
civilians to kill other innocent American civilians and military 
personnel.
  Unlike the terrorists who attacked the innocent, our response will be 
against the guilty. The U.S. Constitution carefully divides the power 
to wage war between Congress and the President. I am confident that the 
resolution before us today strikes the appropriate balance between the 
President and Congress. It gives the President flexibility as Commander 
in Chief to conduct military operations as he sees fit, but it also 
requires the President to consult and report to Congress. It retains 
the important 60-day limit on military action without further 
congressional approval.
  Make no mistake, this Congress and the American people are committed 
to seeing this war through to the end. We realize that we are in for a 
long fight, but Congress needs to take seriously its responsibility to 
authorize the continued use of force and not give up its rights to the 
President. Our Founding Fathers created this separation of powers for 
an important reason, and their ideals have served us well for the last 
230 years.
  Today, we join together in a day of mourning and remembrance for 
those we have lost. We pledge our best effort to hunt down those 
responsible. We owe no less to those whose blood has been shed again 
for the cause of freedom.
  I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

                              {time}  1845

  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am honored to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Hunter).
  Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, we are giving the President the power to conduct a war. 
We need to also give him, along with that power, the resources to 
conduct not only a war that could take a short period of time, but a 
war that could be enduring.
  Right now, our military forces badly need equipment, spare parts, 
munitions and intelligence resources to win this war. So along with 
this resolution, Mr. Speaker, let us resolve that, over the coming 
months and years, we will give our troops and our commander in chief 
what it takes to get the job done.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton), the ranking member of the 
Committee on Armed Services.
  Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, it is fitting on this national day of 
mourning and remembrance that we take the first steps in healing our 
Nation and bringing those responsible for Tuesday's heinous acts to 
justice. We have condemned the unspeakable aggression visited upon our 
cities, we have united the Nation behind the great symbol of our 
American flag, and we have appropriated emergency funds to help States 
and communities to respond and to rebuild.
  Now we face the hard task of going forward, of responding soberly and 
deliberately, but with great focus and conviction, and with the full 
strength and righteous fury of the United States Armed Forces. In this, 
we are in unchartered territory. While we have fought great aggression 
before, our means of authorizing action today fit only imperfectly.
  When Congress responded to Franklin Roosevelt's call in 1941 by 
declaring war against the Japanese Empire, it could do so with full 
knowledge. We knew who had attacked us. We knew that we would fight 
against another sovereign nation in a traditional war that would 
involve the full range of our military forces. We knew what victory 
would mean, and we were committed to meeting that goal and we did.
  The current circumstances leave us with great uncertainty. We do not 
yet know who committed these unspeakable acts or where we may find 
them, we do not know the scale and scope of what bringing the 
perpetrators to justice may mean, and we do not know how long it may 
take.
  Yet there are some things we do know. We, the Congress, have a 
constitutional duty to partner with the President in undertaking 
military action. We fulfill that duty here with this resolution. While 
our actions here may be imperfect, they are an essential first step to 
show the unity of our Nation behind our President and our commitment to 
stand with our Armed Forces.
  We also know that we will not be alone. The world is behind us. Our 
NATO allies, so long our partners and friends, are all ready to stand 
with us. They have acted upon the principle that many throughout the 
world have come to realize, that an attack on one peace-loving country 
is an attack upon all.
  We also know that our response to these attacks will require great 
sacrifice. Our troops, who have long earned our respect and admiration, 
will be called again into harm's way and will need our unwavering 
support. Ordinary Americans, already sacrificing so much in the loss of 
those they love and in their commitment to supporting our Nation, will 
be called upon to sacrifice still more. This battle will be

[[Page 17117]]

long and difficult, and it will require concerted resolve from all 
Americans.
  For us in Congress, we must continue to work with the President, 
recognizing that the actions of the weeks and months ahead will require 
both branches of government to execute their constitutional duties. We 
must improve our intelligence capabilities and assess the ability of 
our government to respond to unthinkable possibilities. After Tuesday, 
we know we must think about them strategically and thoroughly.
  Mr. Speaker, let us stand together and pass this resolution.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as she may 
consume to the gentlewoman from New Jersey (Mrs. Roukema).
  Mrs. ROUKEMA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the 
resolution, so that, in the words of Lincoln, ``this Nation, of the 
people, by the people and for the people, shall not perish from the 
Earth.''
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 64--a resolution 
authorizing the use of the armed forces of the United States against 
those responsible for this week's attack on our American homeland.
  Our community has been devastated. Families in each and every town, 
village and borough in northern New Jersey are in pain. We pray for 
them and promise that we will do all in our power to find the villains 
who perpetrated this crime against them, against our nation, and 
against the free people of the world.
  We must be firm. Our investigation must be quick and retaliation must 
be certain.
  Yes, this is retaliation.
  But these are not singularly the objectives of our use of force. The 
defense of our democracy--and our loyal hardworking citizens. The 
principle that we will stand tall for the world to see and defend the 
rule of law--our law and international law.
  And on the basis of these recognized standards supported by most 
governments--including many European, Asian and Muslim nations--and 
every international group--the United Nations, NATO, the European 
Union--as well. They are standing tall and supporting our defense of 
liberty and national sovereignty to ``use all necessary and appropriate 
force against nations, person or entities, as clearly defined in this 
Resolution.
  I stand in strong support of action and am confident there will be 
overwhelming support--if not a unanimous vote--for this resolution.
  We must stand tall and firmly state--with the hammer of force if 
necessary--to protect innocent Americans. In the words of Lincoln 
``that this nation--of the people, by the people, for the people, shall 
not perish from the earth.'' (Abraham Lincoln)
  We must continue to work together to heal each other and reaffirm the 
solidarity so many Americans have shown over the last few days. May God 
comfort those families who have been devastated by this atrocity.
  And may God bless the United States of America.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe).
  Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, on Tuesday, September 11, the United States 
sustained, but heroically withstood, a terrorist attack of 
unprecedented magnitude. Make no mistake about it: this was not only an 
attack committed against this Nation as the leader of the free world, 
but was also an assault against all of humanity, against our very 
civilization as we know it.
  Today, the U.S. Congress will authorize the use of force to repel 
this attack on the people of the United States. As we take this step, 
we should be conscious of the magnitude of the undertaking. This is not 
a resolution expressing our outrage. It is nothing less than a 
declaration of war. Success will be measured by eradicating the 
individuals and the networks of those responsible for this act of war.
  Given the tactics that we know of terrorists, this task will be 
arduous and difficult, but we can and we must be victorious. To all 
those who cherish freedom and democracy around the world, let there be 
no doubt: your way of life, your aspirations for the future, the 
security of your family, have also been attacked. The devastation in 
New York, Pennsylvania, and Washington is not limited to the United 
States. It stretches to your countries, to your streets, indeed to your 
homes.
  You too must stand and be counted in the fight against the 
perpetrators of this crime as well as threats from other terrorist 
acts. After this authorization, Congress and the President will need to 
re-visit the threat of terrorism. We will have to develop a new 
comprehensive strategy to combat terrorism at home and around the 
world. In that endeavor, we will prevail. Today's legislation marks the 
beginning of that effort.
  Mr. Speaker, in this effort, we will prevail, and today's legislation 
marks the beginning of that effort.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich).
  Mr. KUCINICH. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, whatever form of action we choose must reflect our 
democratic principles and distinguish us from the mentality of 
terrorists and destructive violence. Our actions must pursue a path 
towards reducing violence, not escalating violence. Launching weapons 
of mass destruction or collateral attacks against innocent civilians 
would be no different than the terror we already have had brought upon 
us. An eye-for-an-eye mentality is unacceptable. We are a Nation of 
civil and moral values, and we must show the world that.
  These terrorist attacks were clearly a crime against humanity. What 
does a democracy do to punish criminals? We put them on trial. If found 
guilty, we imprison them. The U.S. military action should be centered 
on arresting the responsible parties and the Government placing the 
suspects on trial.
  That is how we win this. This is how we should show the world that we 
are a humane and democratic Nation. That is what gives us the moral 
high ground. That is what we need to do to help prevent future attacks.
  Future attacks will not be prevented because terrorists fear our 
military. To kill them does not scare them. It is an honor for them to 
be killed. But for our democracy, it is important to rise above their 
violent attacks and punish them with unquestionable moral superiority. 
That will vindicate our highest principles.
  Violence is reciprocal in nature. Peace is also reciprocal. The 
direction we take will speak volumes about our democracy. We must and 
will defend our country, and we must and will pursue and arrest these 
criminals. We must do so in a manner that upholds democratic 
principles.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am honored to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sam Johnson).
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, America is strong, America is 
united, and America will prevail over evil. The terrorist attacks 
against us have failed; and they have only made us more determined, 
more focused, more resolute.
  Mr. Speaker, the President will, at the appropriate time, use the 
full force of the United States to stop those who are opposed to 
freedom and the American way of life.
  Do you remember our Declaration of Independence? ``We mutually pledge 
to each other our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor.'' These 
words should remind anyone who tries to destroy our freedoms that 
Americans always stand together.
  Mr. Speaker, I fought in a couple of wars myself; and this is a war, 
and I am ready to do it. That is why we remain the greatest, most 
powerful country on Earth. Let us go to war for freedom.
  God bless America.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Kleczka).
  Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, almost 60 years ago the United States 
suffered massive casualties in a surprise attack on one of our military 
bases. On Tuesday, September 11, Americans were forced to relive the 
terror of another brutal and malicious attack on our citizens.
  Then, just as now, our Nation rose up as one to respond to a horrific 
incident with steadfast determination to defend ourselves and to find 
and punish the aggressors. The resolution before us gives the President 
authority to use all necessary and appropriate force against those 
nations, organizations or persons he determines planned, authorized, 
committed, or aided in these terrorist attacks. Make no mistake about

[[Page 17118]]

it: the cowardly terrorists responsible for bringing harm to our 
American family will be punished.
  A force resolution was presented to Congress in 1991 which did not 
receive my support, for I felt the situation lacked the gravity 
required before we put our men and women in uniform in harm's way. Our 
borders were not at risk of an invasion; our citizens were not in 
imminent danger.
  The tragic events of this week have violated all these precepts. We 
must respond swiftly and with force against those who maimed and killed 
innocent Americans, men, women and children.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to vote to endorse this 
resolution.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the learned 
gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus).
  Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, a formal authorization for use of force now is just 
that, a formality. We have now been in war and have been since Tuesday 
morning. As Americans, we did not seek this war, but we will not shirk 
from defending our country. Let us go forth with confidence; let us go 
forth with resolve, to seek down these murderers, to destroy them, and 
to destroy their ability to repeat Tuesday's dastardly attack.
  Our response must encompass not only those who perpetrated the crime, 
but those who supported it, and all those who have sheltered and 
provided resources to these killers. In this, I am confident all 
America is united.
  May God be with us.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished ranking member 
of our Committee on House Administration.
  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the ranking member for yielding me 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, centuries from now, when future generations look back, 
they will see that September 11, 2001, was a day like no other in our 
history. A bright, late summer morning on our Nation's East Coast was 
shattered by unspeakable acts of war against all Americans and all 
freedom-loving people.
  We fear that these cowardly attacks have claimed more than 5,000 
innocent men, women and children, making this the deadliest day ever on 
American soil.
  At Pearl Harbor, 2,300 perished; at Antietam, 4,000 fell in a day; 
and during our entire 8-year struggle for independence, 4,500 patriots 
gave their lives for freedom.

  After the attack on Pearl Harbor, the Japanese admiral who planned 
that treachery remarked, ``I fear all we have done is awaken a sleeping 
giant and filled him with terrible resolve.''
  Mr. Speaker, our national resolve expressed in the resolution before 
us is equally determined, and those responsible for these depraved 
attacks have every reason to fear it.
  Under the authority granted by Article I of the Constitution, 
Congress has declared war only 11 times. We do not make a formal 
declaration of war today. However, in fulfillment of our constitutional 
duty and as contemplated under the War Powers Resolution, Congress does 
today authorize the President to use all necessary and appropriate 
force against those nations, organizations or persons who planned, 
authorized, committed or aided these horrific attacks.

                              {time}  1900

  Importantly, Mr. Speaker, we also authorize the President to use all 
necessary and appropriate force against those who have harbored such 
organizations and persons.
  A generation ago, one of this Nation's greatest friends, whose mother 
was an American herself, rallied free people against the darkness and 
despair descending on the European continent. ``You ask, what is our 
aim? I can answer in one word. It is victory.'' So said Winston 
Churchill.
  Victory is our aim today; not over nations or persons, but over 
terrorism. However long and hard the road may be, we must cut out and 
destroy this cancer which plagues civilized society.
  When future generations of Americans look back, let them see that we 
answered this challenge with courage and with unity. Let them see that 
we took decisive action that made the world safer for this generation 
and for generations to come, and let them see that September 11, 2001, 
a day like no other in our history, marked the turning point in the war 
on terrorism.
  In bracing us for war some 60 years ago, Roosevelt said, ``With 
confidence in our armed force, with the unbounding determination of our 
people, we will gain the inevitable triumph, so help us God.''
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Delaware (Mr. Castle).
  Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Speaker, I also rise in strong support for this 
resolution authorizing the use of military force against those who 
attacked our Nation on September 11, 2001. On this day of national 
remembrance and mourning, we must act to ensure that those who have 
lost their lives in these horrific acts of violence have not died in 
vain.
  Earlier today, we heard the words of our spiritual leaders reassuring 
us and giving us solace at this difficult time. Now, as the Nation's 
political leaders, we must act.
  We do so with the devastation of these attacks fresh in our minds. 
New York Mayor Giuliani reported that nearly 5,000 people have been 
reported missing. At the Pentagon, over 100 are dead or still missing. 
We must not forget those innocent people aboard the planes, nearly 200 
killed. If these estimates hold true, they would amount to twice as 
many casualties as those suffered in the Japanese attack on Pearl 
Harbor.
  Their deaths cannot go unanswered, or more Americans will die the 
next time terrorists want to champion their unjust cause at our 
expense. The United States must respond with our full might and force 
to destroy these terrorists and all who give them aid and safe harbor.
  Today, the House of Representatives will authorize the President of 
the United States to use the Armed Forces against those nations and 
organizations responsible for Tuesday's destruction. Mr. Speaker, it is 
our responsibility, our duty, to empower our President to act and act 
decisively.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may 
consume to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Etheridge).
  Mr. ETHERIDGE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the 
resolution. On September 11 we lost more American lives than on any 
single day in history. Terrorism must be stopped around the world.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution to approve 
the use of American military force in response of the attacks this week 
on our Nation and her people.
  Earlier today, I joined with our civilian and military leadership at 
the National Cathedral for the prayer service in mourning for the 
victims of Tuesday's attacks. The Reverend Billy Graham was absolutely 
correct to observe that the assault that was meant to tear us apart has 
instead joined us together. Our Nation has come together to grieve for 
the dead, the injured and the missing, and we all weep at the 
incomprehensible suffering that has been inflicted on the American 
family. This collective mourning is a necessary and healthy process to 
help us recover as a people and face the difficult days ahead.
  But as the Scripture teaches us, ``To every thing there is a season, 
and a time to every purpose under heaven.'' The time to mourn will 
pass. And the time to act will come.
  I support this resolution because America must act. America must act 
deliberately and with decisive force to strike down the terrorist 
enemy. American must act to protect our country from this new danger 
whose evil knows no bounds. America must act to eliminate the threat of 
terrorist attack on our people wherever that threat may exist.
  I support this resolution because this Congress must come together--
Democrats and Republicans alike--to stand side by side with our 
Nation's Commander in Chief as he leads our military into the most 
challenging campaign we have ever faced. We must come together on a 
bipartisan basis to support our brave young men and women in uniform, 
some of whom may not live to see our victory over this enemy.

[[Page 17119]]

  I support this resolution, but this Congress and the American people 
must understand that we are embarking on a very dangerous mission whose 
duration is unknown and whose outcome is not foreordained. Our enemies 
in this war hide in the shadows and retreat to the far reaches of the 
Earth. Our enemies do not have the courage to face us in open combat so 
our military leaders will need to adapt a new approach to win this war. 
But I strongly support this resolution because America must stand up 
once and for all and state to the world: no one with the means and the 
will to threaten the American people will be tolerate--anywhere on the 
face of the Earth.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff), a distinguished member of the 
Committee on International Relations.
  Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, tonight we authorize the President to use 
all necessary and appropriate military force against any nation, 
organization or person responsible for the terrible attacks of 
September 11, or anyone who harbors such individuals. Make no mistake; 
it is a broad delegation of authority to make war on those who have 
attacked us. We do not do so lightly or without consideration for the 
weighty consequences of our act.
  After the attacks of this week, many Americans recalled Pearl Harbor. 
I thought of the Battle of Britain and Hitler's indiscriminate bombings 
of London, Churchill's words still so powerfully resonant: ``He hopes 
by killing so many numbers of civilians and women and children that he 
will terrorize and cow the people of this mighty imperial city. Little 
does he know the spirit of the British nation or the tough fiber of the 
Londoners who have been bred to value freedom above their own lives.''
  So true of America. Little do these petty tyrants and murderers know 
the spirit of the American people or the tough fiber of the New 
Yorkers, our defense workers, or the civilians who spared further 
casualties by taking down the hijackers and their own plane over 
Pennsylvania.
  The face of this tyrant is new and yet not so new. Like others before 
him, he abhors a free society and democratic institutions. He is 
willing to kill innocent men, women and children to further his 
perverse aims. There are no means too inhuman, no tactic too appalling 
to further his end. He thinks we are weak because we do not tell our 
citizens what to think, how to act, whom to worship; because we 
tolerate dissent. He does not realize this is our strength, and he has 
awoken the sleeping giant.
  ``What he has done,'' as Churchill has said, ``is to kindle a fire in 
hearts here and all over the world which will glow long after all 
traces of the conflagrations he has caused have been removed.''
  What these petty tyrants do not understand and have never understood 
is that for all of our rough-and-tumble public discourse, we are one 
people, under one President, and capable of greater single-mindedness 
of purpose than any repressive regime.
  We will not relinquish our freedoms of speech, assembly, and 
religion, nor sacrifice our precious right of privacy or way of life. 
``The price of freedom is high, and Americans have always paid it,'' 
President Kennedy said. We pay it still.
  This is the battle of America. The enemy may be new, but the fight 
has always been the same. Our government, our democracy, is premised on 
basic human freedoms, on the right of the governed to control their own 
national destiny. The Civil War tested whether any Nation so conceived 
could long endure. We have endured. We will go on, with growing 
confidence that we can fight terrorism wherever we find it and 
strengthened by the conviction that the generation of Americans now 
being tested will not falter or flag.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Knollenberg).
  Mr. KNOLLENBERG. Mr. Speaker, I rise in very strong support of this 
joint resolution authorizing the use of military force against those 
responsible for the September 11, 2001 terrorist acts against our 
country.
  We are about to make what, for most of us, will be the most important 
vote in our time as Members of Congress. Authorizing the use of force 
is a monumental event, and its significance should not be minimized. 
This resolution is not about vengeance; it is about victory, it is 
about winning a war against an enemy that is actively seeking to kill 
American citizens and destroy our way of life.
  We are not naive. The use of force has many risks, but we risk more 
by doing nothing. This resolution acknowledges that the world is a 
different place today, but we have the ability and the will to win a 
war against terrorism. The security of American lives requires us to 
succeed.
  I urge adoption of this resolution.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Berkley), a distinguished member of the 
Committee on International Relations.
  Ms. BERKLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise to offer my strongest support for 
this resolution authorizing the President to use all necessary and 
appropriate force against those responsible for the terrorist attack of 
September 11, 2001.
  Today I stand in solidarity with my colleagues, with the 
administration, and my countrymen in defending America, in promising to 
seek justice and revenge on those who planned, authorized, committed or 
aided the vicious agents of evil who carried out these terrorist 
attacks. It is a war we are ready to wage; it is a war we must win.
  America stands ready to fight against terrorism wherever it rears its 
ugly head. Ours is not a war against a people or a religion, but it is 
a war against those that would enslave the minds of men and sow the 
seeds of hate and fear. I am confident that those who cherish freedom 
will heed our call to join us in our fight against international 
terrorism, and I am equally confident that we will make these cowardly 
terrorists suffer the wrath of a determined Nation.
  No one can perpetrate such devastation on the United States of 
America and escape unscathed. To these blights on humanity, let me say 
this: This Nation will hunt you down and we will find you, and when we 
do, we will hit you once and, if we have to, again, and a third time. 
We make this oath to you today with a saddened heart, but with firm 
resolve. We will be victorious. Nothing less than our freedom depends 
on it.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), the chairman of 
the Committee on Rules.
  Mr. DREIER. Mr. Speaker, it now appears that Tuesday's attacks will 
have taken over 5,000 of our friends, family, and neighbors. Five 
thousand innocents murdered because they were Americans. If this does 
not call for an American military action of some sort, then I do not 
know what does. We are talking about nearly double the number of people 
who were killed in Pearl Harbor and, clearly, the largest military 
attack on American civilians in our Nation's history.
  A well-funded international terrorist organization has declared war 
on us, and we can do no less than fight this enemy as we would any 
Nation that had committed the same atrocities. Whether it is tomorrow, 
next week, or next month, we know that the only message that these 
butchers will understand is a timely decisive show of American might. 
Our decision to take action will not be made in haste. We will pinpoint 
those responsible and make our judgment swift and effective.
  This is not about revenge, Mr. Speaker. It is a means of ensuring 
that those who would wreak acts of terror upon the United States know 
the price of their barbarity. America is the world's symbol of freedom, 
of prosperity. The idea that is America has been savagely attacked, and 
we have an obligation to the world to defend the values we embody.
  Nations across the world have offered their condolences, their 
prayers, and pledges of logistical support should we choose to take 
military action. They know that the next attack may not be

[[Page 17120]]

New York or Washington, but Brussels or London. We have the 
responsibility and the power to bring these terrorists to justice.
  Mr. Speaker, the challenge has been issued and now it is up to us to 
decide whether we will rise to the occasion. Supporting the President 
is our duty to the victims and to the world.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Capps), my distinguished colleague.
  Mrs. CAPPS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution.
  Tuesday was the darkest day in American history. Our grief for the 
victims knows no bounds. Our compassion for their families fills our 
hearts. Our pride in the rescuers, medical personnel, and volunteers is 
endless.
  In the aftermath of this terrible assault, our Nation now faces 
tremendous challenges. We have no greater challenge than to protect our 
citizens and our institutions against further acts of terrorism. Never 
before has our Nation faced such an extraordinary threat to our 
security and to our way of life.
  By passing this resolution, Congress stands united with the President 
in what may be a long and costly fight against these forces of darkness 
and evil. But make no mistake. We will prevail.

                              {time}  1915

  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence).
  Mr. PENCE. Mr. Speaker, at 10 a.m. on September 11, I stood on the 
east lawn of the Capitol, smoke billowing from the Pentagon behind the 
Capitol dome, F-16s coursing through the air. The Earth beneath my feet 
shook with a secondary explosion at the Pentagon.
  I was filled, Mr. Speaker, with a deep and resolute anger that this 
would not stand; that America would respond. That is altogether 
fitting. The butchers who carried out these attacks see themselves as 
warriors, and it would be wrong of us to deal with them otherwise.
  What they are about to learn is that America's fighting men are the 
most powerful warriors in the history of the world. Tonight I will 
solemnly and with deep humility vote to give our President the power to 
use all necessary and appropriate force to vanquish the enemies of our 
peace. May God have mercy on their souls, because the United States of 
America will not.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to our 
distinguished colleague, the gentlewoman from Hawaii (Mrs. Mink).
  Mrs. MINK of Hawaii. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman very much for 
yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, I served in the Congress during the heated debates about 
Presidential powers during the war in Vietnam. As a consequence of the 
differing opinions that were so heatedly fought on this floor, the War 
Powers Act was enacted. It clarified specifically what the Presidential 
powers were, and to what extent the responsibility of the Congress was 
to review those actions taken by the President.
  We are here today to authorize President Bush to take such powers and 
such actions as may be necessary in order to find a way to punish, to 
retaliate against those who caused all this damage on the soil of 
America, and we join the President in our eagerness to give him that 
authority.
  But I want to make sure that I understand this resolution. I have 
read it a dozen times over, because I want to make sure that the War 
Powers Act that we enacted right after the conflagration in Vietnam is 
not in any way jeopardized.
  I think we have to call attention to those sections which say 
``Nothing in this resolution supersedes the war powers resolution.'' On 
that basis, I support the passage of this resolution tonight.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Pitts), a member of the Committee.
  Mr. PITTS. Mr. Speaker, we must pass this resolution and give the 
President all the power he needs to stop the slaughter of innocent 
Americans from happening again. The evil men who orchestrated this 
attack have shown that they will stop at nothing. Their goal is to kill 
as many Americans as they can. If they ever get their hands on 
chemical, biological, or even nuclear weapons, they will use them. Let 
no one doubt it. We are at war, a war to save innocent Americans from 
the specter of grisly death by the weapons of mass destruction.
  But it is not a war against Muslims or against Arabs. Many of our 
Arab and Muslim Americans came to the United States to get away from 
the very same type of extremists as those who attacked our country. In 
the past few days, my office has received an outpouring of deeply 
sympathetic support and condolences from people in many Islamic 
countries around the world.
  As our great Nation pulls together, let us be careful not to turn to 
hate or stereotyping. Justice must and will be carried out, but it will 
be against those who deserve it, the savage radical terrorists, not 
against our fellow Arab and Muslim citizens and friends here and around 
the world.
  In that spirit, I urge my colleagues to pass this resolution 
unanimously.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my 
distinguished colleague, the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Meek).
  Mrs. MEEK of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding 
time to me.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the joint resolution. By 
passing this resolution we say, never again. We stand shoulder to 
shoulder with President Bush, our Commander in Chief, firmly united in 
our resolve to identify and punish all nations who harbor hatred to our 
country.
  Mr. Speaker, that is our highest duty. This can be our finest hour. 
This afternoon this House took a major step toward winning this war 
when it unanimously passed the $40 billion emergency supplemental. Now 
we take the next necessary step, authorizing the President to use all 
necessary force to prevent any further acts.
  Mr. Speaker, as I noted yesterday, Americans have always known that 
freedom is not free. It often comes with a tremendous cost, and often 
imposes a tremendous responsibility. Throughout our history, Pearl 
Harbor, Gettysburg, from the founding of our constitutional democracy, 
our citizens have always been willing to pay that price. We are ready 
to pay that price, Mr. Speaker. We will never forget the sacrifices of 
all the victims of terror. We will honor their sacrifices by waging and 
winning the war against terrorism.
  Sixty years ago, after he learned of the attack on Pearl Harbor, 
Winston Churchill quoted a remark made to him: ``The United States is 
like a gigantic boiler. Once the fire is lighted under it, there is no 
limit to the power we can generate. It will be generated.''
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to 
the distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), the majority whip.
  Mr. DeLAY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time to 
me.
  Mr. Speaker, Members should support this resolution because it 
affirms the President's authority to firmly direct America as we 
identify, isolate, and eliminate the networks of terrorism. This 
international network of terror is a cancer growing on the heart of 
every free Nation.
  We must hand President Bush the tools that he needs to defeat our 
enemies. We must fortify our Armed Forces with the certain knowledge 
that a united America marches behind them, and we must convince our 
enemies that America will ultimately vindicate freedom, no matter how 
depraved, twisted, or evil our enemy's ideology may be.
  We do not walk an easy road. Our Nation faces a long and demanding 
conflict with forces of determined evil, but the fiber of our American 
spirit and the strength of our faith will sustain us as we do what 
needs to be done to protect freedom and secure victory.
  Every American should anticipate and prepare for a prolonged and 
sustained campaign. They should understand that this war will be 
measured in years, not months. They should prepare themselves for 
additional assaults

[[Page 17121]]

at home. They should expect casualties as we take the battle to our 
enemies.
  But they should take pride and draw confidence from the great 
reservoir of American patriotism and resolve. We are made of sterner 
things than our enemies know. We will show the world that we retain the 
qualities that made us the leader of the free world. We will do it by 
holding firm to our mission. Deeds, not words, will save America and 
the free world.
  When the President draws that sword of American justice, he needs to 
do it with all of us standing right beside him. Mr. Speaker, this 
resolution rallies our Nation behind the President, and I ask the 
Members to support it.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Texas Mr. Bentsen.
  Mr. BENTSEN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
legislation extending to the President the authority to take the steps 
necessary to respond against those persons, organizations or nations 
responsible for the attacks against America last Tuesday.
  I believe this authority fully complies with Congress' constitutional 
and statutory authority in authorizing the use of force in the defense 
of the Nation. It is necessary, I believe, to send a message loud and 
clear that the President and the Congress of the United States are 
committed to employing the full resources of the Nation to both respond 
and ensure that our adversaries who undertook and/or aided in the 
attacks of September 11, 2001, will be held responsible and prevented 
from future atrocities against America.
  Passage of this bill tonight will signal to these ruthless forces 
that the United States is fully committed and has done so without 
compromising our Constitution, laws or ideals. While September 11, 
2001, has caused great pain and agony for the Nation, it has not and 
will not defeat our resolve or our commitment to freedom and democracy.
  The fight may be long, it may be tough and costly, but we will know 
from tonight forward that it will be right.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Kennedy).
  Mr. KENNEDY of Minnesota. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of 
this bill. President Kennedy once said in his inaugural address that: 
``In the long history of the world, only a few generations of Americans 
have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum 
danger. I do not shirk from that responsibility. I welcome it.''
  We are once again called upon to defend freedom in an hour of maximum 
danger. My son, Charles, in a recent college application essay, noted 
that Americans have always risen to the challenge, from settling this 
rugged land and gaining independence until today.
  Freedom again is challenged. We owe it to my son, Charles, and all 
our children to rise to this challenge so that they can live in a land 
where freedom is safe.
  We have a responsibility and we will not shirk from that 
responsibility. We welcome it.
  It is my hope that, again quoting JFK, ``The energy, the faith, the 
devotion that we bring to this challenge can light our country and all 
who serve it and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.''
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my 
distinguished colleague, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Brown).
  Ms. BROWN of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this 
resolution. I would like to do so with caution. This is a resolution 
that comes with a tremendous amount of responsibility. I support the 
President, but we are treading on new grounds here today. As my 
favorite scripture says, ``To whom God has given much, much is 
expected.'' Let me repeat that. ``To whom God has given much, much is 
expected.''
  On September 11, for the first time in 175 years, the capital of the 
world's greatest military power was attacked. This was a well-thought-
out and organized attack, and it demands a well-organized and powerful 
response.
  Members of this group that designed this attack cannot go unpunished. 
Nor can the Nations that trained, supported or gave them shelter. The 
United States must deliver a swift and immediate response to this 
horrible act against the people of this great Nation.
  God bless America.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Pryce), a member of our elected leadership.
  Ms. PRYCE of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Nebraska 
for yielding me the time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong and unwavering support for this 
resolution, for the President and for our Nation. The events of 
September 11 have left a scar on the United States of America, a scar 
that may never completely heal. And part of us will always remain 
beneath that rubble, but as we steady ourselves, from deep within, we 
look toward the pursuit of security and justice.
  By enacting this resolution, we speak with one voice. We are united 
behind our common cause and against our common foe. We should not take 
lightly the great effort that we set in motion here today. Indeed, each 
of us must give pause in our hearts as we start the men and women of 
our Armed Forces down this path.
  But this pause, this reflection should not be mistaken for 
hesitation. Our resolve is undaunted. The attackers of September 11 
meant to unleash fear and chaos. Instead, they unleashed our fury.
  Mr. Speaker, we do not blink in the face of this challenge. Our 
Nation rises up, and when we clear away the dust and the smoke, the 
world can be sure that the United States will shine on, the brightest 
beacon of liberty and freedom.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute and 10 
seconds to my distinguished colleague, the gentlewoman from California 
(Ms. Woolsey).
  Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution.
  Like my constituents in Marin and Sonoma counties, I feel a 
combination of outrage and sorrow over Tuesday's tragic events. I share 
my constituent's wide-ranging conflicting emotions about what should 
come next. No doubt the events of September 11 have changed us forever; 
but as I stated Tuesday, our Nation's response to these attacks will 
also leave an indelible mark on the American people.
  Yes, we are united in our disgust for the violence that was 
perpetrated in New York City and Washington, D.C., against our 
democracy and against our freedoms. We know that we must bring those 
responsible for the attacks to justice, but my constituents also ask, 
do we know what means are appropriate to accomplish that? They are 
pleading with me and with you that we temper our absolute resolve with 
wisdom.

                              {time}  1930

  Our conscience and our memory reminds us that a hasty response to 
Tuesday's attacks, just for the sake of retribution, could mean killing 
even more innocent people. That is why my constituents beg me and I beg 
this body, please, do not respond to evil with evil.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
California (Mrs. Bono).
  Mrs. BONO. I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in very strong support of this resolution. As 
sons and daughters of what has been called the ``Greatest Generation,'' 
many of us grew up in awe of those giants of the 20th century, common 
citizens who performed uncommon deeds of valor and gallantry that 
secured our Nation and the world's freedom. We thought bravery of this 
kind was found only in our history books and in the memories of our 
veterans. This week, our generation confronts our own challenge, and it 
is a challenge of enormous consequence. Now our generation will be 
given the chance to rise to the occasion and make the ``Greatest 
Generation'' proud.

[[Page 17122]]

  We confront an enemy that is a threat to the civilized people of our 
times. Once our Nation rose to stave off tyranny. Now we must employ 
all our resources to stave off terror and fanaticism. We will answer 
this duty, and we will not go quietly and softly into the good night.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the 
gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Spratt), the distinguished ranking 
member of our Committee on the Budget.
  Mr. SPRATT. Mr. Speaker, in a strict sense, this resolution is not 
necessary, because the Constitution makes the President commander in 
chief; and as such, he has the power to strike back when our country is 
struck, as it was struck on September 11, and the War Powers Act 
confirms that power.
  Even though the President can retaliate without this resolution, he 
is far stronger with it. This is our way of saying that we are together 
in this cause. We approve the mission. We are one in our resolve. By 
this resolution, we say that unmistakably to the whole world, friends 
and foe alike.
  On occasions in the past, we have been aware of invoking the War 
Powers Act and becoming implicated in military actions we were not sure 
about. But the world should note that in this instance we set such 
concerns aside and give the President broadly the power to use all 
necessary and appropriate force.
  These words have large scope. We do not know for sure who the enemy 
is, where he may be found, or who may be harboring him. Congress is 
giving the President the authority to act before we have answers to 
these basic questions because we cannot be paralyzed. We need to answer 
this treacherous attack upon our people on our soil, and that is why we 
grant the President this broad grant of authority.
  We trust the President to use this authority with care and, above 
all, to consult continually with Congress so that the partnership that 
exists now will endure for the long fight that lies ahead. We do not 
expect to huddle before every play, but we do expect a seat at the 
table. We do expect to be advised and heard as we prosecute what is 
sure to be a long, hard mission.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Buyer), a member of the 
Committee on Armed Services.
  Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this joint resolution 
between the Senate and the House. As I have sat here and have witnessed 
my colleagues, I have seen great resolve uttered in this Chamber and 
the swaggering display of courage.
  I can share with my colleagues, as a veteran of the Gulf War, that 
war may be glorious in verse or prose, but in reality it is not. We are 
about to send America's finest, and that means men and women will die. 
It will be a noble cause, but we must remember the resolve of this 
moment, because in war it is chaotic. Not everything is going to go 
right. We cannot be 400 and 500 generals between the House and the 
Senate.
  The solidarity and resolve we have at this moment we have to remember 
at times when it gets tough, when we have to stand with a constituent 
in a lonely place at a burial service. We must make sure that we take 
care of the loved ones afterwards. And taking care of them means we 
resource them and we are patient and we are in this for the long haul.
  We cannot have the bravado of today and then run at the first sound 
of the guns. We have to stay the course and see it through. Please, 
when it gets hard, remember this day.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to my 
friend and colleague, the gentleman from California (Mr. Baca).
  Mr. BACA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution to 
authorize the President to take necessary actions against terrorist 
nations, organizations or persons. And in authorizing the President 
this power, we must ensure that we protect innocent people and nations 
and that we, as a Nation, do not use this authority to go back in time 
against innocent Americans.
  It is time to end this barbaric cowardly act on our country and 
Nation. What happened on September 11 was clearly an act of war that 
has landed on our shores. It has touched the lives of our country and 
Nation and many individuals, individuals such as Cora Holland, mother 
of three and grandmother of two from my district; Rhonda Sue Rasmusen, 
who lost her life at the Pentagon; Navy Yeoman Second Class Melissa 
Rose Barnes, who remains unaccounted for at the Pentagon, and many 
innocent civilians at the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, as well 
as those who were on the flights who were used to commit this evil 
horrible act.
  We as a Nation will pull together and build our courage and strength 
for we are united and our faith will guide the President and Congress 
in dealing with this horrible act. When America is attacked, we respond 
with one voice, with the full force of our Nation.
  I urge support of this resolution. God bless America.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Largent).
  Mr. LARGENT. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. In 
the immediate future our task is clear: we must wipe out terrorism and 
all those who support it. Under the U.S. Constitution, this body's 
overriding responsibility is to protect the security of American 
citizens. We must go to whatever lengths are necessary to hunt down and 
destroy those responsible for these attacks.
  However, achieving this immediate goal is only half the battle. We 
must begin with the long view in mind. We must also think now about how 
to shape the world so that another terrorist network will not rise up 
to replace the one we will destroy. We must create the conditions for 
hope and opportunity in the countries that are now fertile grounds for 
the development of future terrorists.
  We must develop a vision for American involvement in the 21st 
century, ``for without a vision, the people will perish.'' As President 
Reagan said, ``Great nations have responsibilities to lead, and we 
should always be cautious of those who would lower our profile, because 
they might just wind up lowering our flag.''
  If we are to thrive through this century, we must lead. For to whom 
much is given, much is required.
  This week's attacks were an act of war against the United States. 
When we determine who is responsible our reaction must be strong, 
decisive, and sustained enough to stamp out this threat against our 
nation. This resolution gives the President the authority he needs to 
conduct any operation that would punish the group responsible for these 
attacks and any government who harbors these terrorists.
  Many people have discussed the symbolism of these attacks. The only 
enduring meaning of these attacks--planes crashing into buildings--is 
barbarism, cruelty and hate.
  In the immediate future our task is clear. We must wipe out terrorism 
and all those who support it. Under the U.S. Constitution this body's 
overriding responsibility is to protect the security of American 
citizens. We must go to whatever length is necessary to hunt down and 
destroy those responsible for these attacks.
  However, achieving this immediate goal is only half the battle. We 
must begin with the long view in mind. We must also think now about how 
to shape the world so that another terrorist network will not rise up 
to replace the one we will destroy. We must create the conditions for 
hope and opportunity in the countries that are now fertile ground for 
the development of future terrorists.
  We must develop a vision for American involvement in the 21st 
century, for ``without a vision the people perish.'' Without question 
or wealth and power make us the leader of the free world, but we must 
also lead the free world.
  As President Reagan said, ``Great nations have responsibilities to 
lead, and we should always be cautious of those who would lower our 
profile, because they might just wind up lowering our flag.''
  If we are to thrive through this century we must lead, ``for to whom 
much is given much is required.''
  What this means for the coming battle is that we must target 
terrorists and the state-

[[Page 17123]]

structures that support them, not the citizens of nations who, in many 
cases, are already suffering under repressive regimes.
  Our greatest asset in this immediate battle against terrorism and the 
long-term fight to shape a world that is safe for democracy is the 
strength of our character. The rescue workers in New York and 
Washington have shown the world what we are made of. Their heroism has 
reminded me of the words on the Iwo Jima Memorial, ``Uncommon valor was 
a common virtue.''
  The depth of evil expressed in Tuesday attacks was extraordinary, but 
the love Americans have for freedom and for one another is greater 
still, and we must spread it. Terrorists may attack our structures but 
they will never dent our soul.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my 
distinguished colleague, the gentleman from California (Mr. Becerra).
  Mr. BECERRA. Mr. Speaker, 3 days ago, on September 11, our Nation 
suffered a grave terrorist attack that challenged not just America but 
democracy itself. Today, the American family gathered in churches, 
mosques, and synagogues to remember and pray for the victims of this 
unforgivable act.
  As generations before us, we will rise as one Nation behind one flag 
to defeat a common enemy. It is with this unity of purpose that we 
consider this joint resolution authorizing the use of all necessary and 
appropriate force against those responsible for this barbarous attack. 
My colleagues, today is only the beginning. This power we are about to 
entrust in the President is essential to ensure that our Nation is able 
to eradicate a vile weed all the way down to its roots.
  We too, as the elected representatives of the men and women of 
America, are responsible for the successful prosecution of this 
endeavor. In the weeks and months ahead, we must act and work as one 
with the President as he consults regularly with Congress about the 
status and progress of our great Nation's efforts against those who 
planned, perpetrated or were complicit in the infamy and inhumanity of 
September 11, 2001.
  Mr. Speaker, God speed to all of us as we prepare to undertake this 
dramatic struggle to restore the peace and security we as Americans 
cherish.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Goodlatte).
  Mr. GOODLATTE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
resolution authorizing the use of force. The recent attacks on the 
World Trade Center and the Pentagon leave our Nation horrified and 
angry. Our hearts grieve for the victims and for families who have lost 
loved ones to these acts of terrorism. But through this tragedy, we 
will see America at her finest.
  The wave of patriotism rising across the Nation exposes a fierce 
determination that we will not back down in the face of cowardly 
attacks. These attacks are solemn reminders that there are people who 
begrudge America for her stands for democracy and freedom.
  I fully support President Bush in his pledge to hunt down those 
responsible for these despicable actions and hold them accountable, and 
we must hold no distinction for these despicable terrorists and the 
countries that protect them.
  Mr. Speaker, may God bless America.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Kind).
  Mr. KIND. Mr. Speaker, I too rise in support of this resolution. But 
of all the important votes I have had to cast, this one scares me the 
most because we do not ultimately know the true magnitude of this 
challenge or its true cost.
  This is the beginning of a prolonged and lengthy fight against 
terrorism. I am confident that we will win most of these battles, but 
we should anticipate losing some as well, as we did last Tuesday. This 
resolution is not about retaliation or revenge, this is a matter of 
self-defense.
  Mr. Speaker, last Tuesday, our ship of state was hit. And while we 
will not sink, we were bloodied on our own soil. Now it is time for all 
hands to be on deck, not just here in the United States but amongst all 
the civilized nations in the world as we band together to defend 
ourselves against international terrorism.
  Our President has requested this authority, and he will get it. And 
may God bless those men and women in uniform who will be asked to carry 
out this task.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Gilchrest).
  Mr. GILCHREST. Mr. Speaker, our hearts go out to the hurt America now 
feels. For centuries, the international civilized community has been 
plagued by three fundamental enemies: ignorance, arrogance and dogma. 
America's solution for the long-term defeat of these enemies is to 
replace ignorance with knowledge, arrogance with humility, and dogma 
with tolerance.

                              {time}  1945

  Sometimes, as now, in the short term a terrible swift sword is also 
necessary. America now recalls the words of Franklin Roosevelt 60 years 
ago when he said, ``This generation has a rendezvous with destiny.''
  We defeated evil then. We will defeat evil now. Our generation has 
accepted a rendezvous with this destiny; and that is to rid the world 
of these plagues.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Oregon (Mr. DeFazio).
  Mr. DeFAZIO. Mr. Speaker, the senseless human tragedy caused by the 
craven terrorist acts of September 11, 2001 weigh heavily on our minds 
and will do so for days, months, and years to come.
  Many have said our Nation will never be the same. I agree. Our Nation 
is stronger, more united, more proud than possibly any time in our 
history. The outpouring of grief and support both here and around the 
world has been comforting. The terrorists may have collapsed our 
buildings, but in response, we are building a stronger America.
  America is based on a Constitution and our laws. Under Section 
2(c)(3) of the War Powers Act, the President already has the ability to 
use the military to respond to an attack upon our country and our Armed 
Forces. Nothing in the resolution supersedes any requirement of the War 
Powers Act. The President has authority to respond against those who 
perpetrated the acts on September 11.
  Under the resolution of force pending today, Congress will reserve 
the right to review the President's plans and actions. But make no 
mistake, this Congress will stand behind our young men and women in 
uniform who may be put in harm's way and we will stand with President 
Bush as Commander in Chief. I hope and pray the President will use the 
awesome force of the United States with great deliberation and wisdom.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Putnam).
  Mr. PUTNAM. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to give a speech I never 
imagined I would give; that of support for an authorization of force, a 
21st century declaration of war.
  As a member of a generation largely shielded from the horrors of war, 
I accept this responsibility with no small amount of respect and 
humility.
  Today we undoubtedly will approve the mobilization of our Nation's 
sons and daughters to combat, to injury, pain, sacrifice and death. 
There is no glory in our vote this evening, only duty.
  We have a solemn duty to protect our shores, our countrymen, and our 
liberties. We step away from the rhetoric this dark September night to 
commit ourselves to a national sacrifice with this vote to a sustained 
commitment of lives, liberties, and provisions necessary to preserve 
those things we here subscribe.
  Many of the men and women in the service of our Nation are in the 
springtime of their lives. But to many in my generation, Pearl Harbor 
was an exam question, Korea a backdrop for a TV rerun, and Vietnam a 
blurry scene cobbled together by Hollywood and an oldies radio station. 
To many Americans, the Gulf War seemed like a sustained video game writ 
large in ticker

[[Page 17124]]

tape parades, precision bombs, and talk of future bloodless wars.
  Mr. Speaker, the future is here and this war is bloody indeed. Our 
Nation is ready. Our forces are prepared. The public is supportive and 
Congress stands together as one. Godspeed to the President and God 
bless America.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Ortiz).
  Mr. ORTIZ. Mr. Speaker, I stand in strong support of this resolution.
  There is no question that we are strongly united. I have been in this 
House for almost 20 years, and I have not seen so much unity, not only 
among the House Members, but throughout this great country.
  We have to realize that 2 days ago, the dreams and hopes of many 
young men and women and people of this country were destroyed by the 
acts of these terrorists.
  I had a chance to go visit the Pentagon yesterday. I could see the 
civilian agencies locally, nationally, our military working and singing 
from the same page. It is distressing to see that many families lost 
their fathers, mothers, uncles and many families.
  The best thing I can say to those terrorists is do not mess with the 
U.S.A.
  God bless America.
  I rise in support of the resolution, the first step this Congress 
will take to exact retribution for the act of war committed upon this 
nation, striking at the heart of our financial and military centers and 
taking dead aim at our political center.
  Let Congress' message ring very loud to those responsible for this 
act of war: we recognize it as such--and the people's representatives 
respond in kind.
  We have been hit hard, and we have lost family, friends, children, 
mothers, fathers, and many dreams died.
  We lost our innocence to a large degree; and the number of people we 
lost exceeds the casualties of Pearl Harbor.
  This resolution respects the Constitutional power to declare war, the 
most awesome responsibility given to Congress.
  Since we have yet to discover definitive proof of all those 
responsible--including nations which gave Osama bin Laden safe harbor--
we must give the administration the authority to pursue these 
international criminals until we have the information we need to 
declare war.
  I have seen the morale of the emergency workers at the Pentagon and 
seen the looks of grim determination on the faces of those who work 
there every day.
  They are now helping clean up the mess and recover the bodies of 
their comrades in arms.
  Their morale is very high.
  The morale of the nation is very high.
  This is a hard decision for Congress to make--usually.
  Today the decision is not so difficult.
  These terrorists brought their destruction to bear inside our 
borders.
  As the Ranking Democrat on the Armed Services Readiness Subcommittee, 
let me offer my advice to my colleagues.
  We must not telegraph our punches.
  Here's what that means: we don't tell the enemy how we will conduct 
our campaign, nor what kind of force to expect.
  It will be swift, overwhelming and deadly, but let that be all we 
tell bin Laden and his bunch.
  Let us give our military the money they need and send them to do what 
they do best: fight and win wars.
  Our armed services have some of the most talented people in the 
nation, capable of doing whatever mission we need done.
  Most importantly, let them utilize the element of surprise, which, as 
we all know is a brutally effective part of the arsenal.
  Finally, a word to the people who perpetrated this act of war.
  I want to explain to you why your efforts to damage our nation--or 
undermine our democracy--are futile.
  We are a nation of laws, not people.
  It is our ideas and our commitment to liberties and democracy that 
bind us together under our Constitution.
  Washington is not where the power is; that power lies with the people 
of this nation.
  Nothing illustrates that better than on Tuesday when the House Call 
Center redirected all incoming House calls to our district offices, 
scattered across the country when we evacuated.
  Our meeting place here in this building is where we come to do the 
people's business, but we are temporary employees of the people who 
elect us.
  If a member of our government is lost, another is elected.
  Our power is in the people who populate this nation, and the ideas 
that bind us together.
  Your power is in hate and wealth.
  We will win.
  The last thing you will see is the mighty power of the United States 
military.
  May God--and Allah--have mercy on your soul, and on all who harbor 
you.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. English.)
  Mr. ENGLISH. Mr. Speaker, Psalm 71 says, ``Bring to a shameful end 
those who attack me. Cover with contempt and scorn those who seek my 
ruin.''
  On Tuesday, September 11, war was declared on the United States 
without provocation. Tonight we rise to accept that challenge which we 
did not seek, but to which we respond with resolution. We are prepared 
to defend our soil, our institutions and our peaceful communities.
  We did not seek this conflict, but we stand fully prepared to finish 
it and restore justice and peace. To do this, we are prepared to place 
in the hands of our leadership the full power and resources of the U.S. 
military and the authority to challenge the evil that has descended 
this week upon our Nation, wherever it may hide.
  We as a Nation have not bent in the face of adversity, but we have 
bristled at the challenge to our freedoms. We cannot allow this 
challenge to go unanswered.
  I urge my colleagues to fully support, without qualification, the 
President and the men and women in uniform as the men and women of our 
Armed Forces prepare to defend our liberty, knowing that we realize we 
are asking them to sacrifice much and are confident that they are up to 
this daunting task.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Pastor).
  Mr. PASTOR. Mr. Speaker, Americans are now standing at the crossroads 
of history. We must rise to the challenge.
  Will we scurry back to where we came, or will we hold our heads high 
and proud and march forward to battle those who threaten our way of 
life? With this resolution, we have answered the question.
  We will answer senseless slaughter with the necessary aggression to 
bring about its end. We will answer wanton killing with the belief that 
we are right in our belief and our love for freedom. We will answer 
hatred with the determination to preserve humanity. It will be a long 
and difficult struggle. But with the passage of this resolution, let no 
one doubt our firmness in defending ourselves.
  We are a united Congress. We are a united government. We are a united 
people. We will succeed. I support this resolution and ask my 
colleagues to support it.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Illinois (Mr. Shimkus) with whom I share pride in having been an 
officer in the United States Army in the past.
  Mr. SHIMKUS. Mr. Speaker, as a former active duty Army officer and 
current reservist, the day I have most dreaded is here. With this 
resolution my military colleagues, my West Point classmates, my 
friends, will go into battle and some will pay the ultimate sacrifice 
with their lives.
  Our Founding Fathers understood this as they pledged their lives, 
their fortune, and their sacred honor.
  Mr. Speaker, at the Pentagon yesterday, a young lieutenant from the 
Old Guard asked me, ``Are we going to go get them, sir?''
  I was mistaken when I said, ``Yes, we are.'' I should have said, 
``Yes, you will.''
  What a sobering responsibility to send our young men and women into 
battle. To our Nation I say stand firm, do not waiver, see it through. 
To my colleagues I say, stand firm, do not waiver, see it through. May 
God bless America.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from North 
Carolina (Mr. Price).
  Mr. PRICE of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I stand in support of this 
resolution. Tuesday's terrorist attacks

[[Page 17125]]

are unparalleled in our history, costing thousands of lives in one 
terrible day, more than the carnage at Antietam, more than Pearl 
Harbor. This was a carefully planned and skillfully executed act of 
war; and we must answer it with unity and resolve, apprehending and 
punishing those responsible, and any who harbored them or gave them 
aid.
  In responding as swiftly and surely as our military might permits, we 
must do our utmost to protect innocent civilians, a principle that 
stands in stark contrast to the practice of our brutal adversaries. We 
must carry out military action within the parameters of the 
Constitution and the War Powers Act, as this resolution provides. We 
must punish those heinous acts of Tuesday, acts as close to absolute 
evil as any of us will ever witness, and we must prevent anything like 
this from ever happening again--rooting out terrorism even as we renew 
our Nation's commitment to alleviating the world's suffering and 
injustice and serving as a beacon of hope to all humankind.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Alabama (Mr. Riley), a distinguished member of the Committee on Armed 
Services.
  Mr. RILEY. Mr. Speaker, there are defining moments in each of our 
lives. There are also defining moments in the life of a nation. 
September 11 was one of these defining moments. That was the moment our 
Nation remembered the sacrifice of our fathers and understood our 
responsibility to our children. At that moment, our Nation was 
galvanized by what it means to be an American. And now this resolution 
will show those who supported this act of hate the full meaning of 
American resolve.
  Mr. Speaker, I offer my full support of this resolution and to the 
destruction of evil wherever it resides in this world.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman 
from California (Ms. Waters).
  Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I rise with a great deal of uncertainty and 
apprehension.
  To the President of the United States, I will be asked by my 
constituents did we give you the power to declare war? Many in this 
Congress will argue that we are not giving you the power to declare 
war. Others will argue that we are giving you the power to do anything 
from assassinate an individual, to declare war on an entire country.
  Mr. President, I am going to vote yes on this resolution because I 
believe the terrorist acts of September 11, 2001 were in fact a 
declaration of war against the United States of America. However, I 
vote yes with great reservations.
  To be honest, Mr. President, I do not know what this means. The 
language of this resolution can be interpreted in different ways.
  Mr. President, you have the awesome responsibility of leading this 
Nation and making the best possible decisions for the people of this 
country. Mr. President, do not misuse this authority. Mr. President, do 
not abuse this awesome power. Mr. President, I plead with you to use 
this authority with great care and great wisdom.
  Mr. President, with this power, the decisions you will make will 
determine the future of this Nation and perhaps the world. May God 
bless you with restraint and compassion to make wise decisions, and may 
God have mercy on your soul if you do not understand the awesome power 
that you have been afforded by the Members of Congress who are placing 
our trust in you on behalf of the American people.


                      announcement by the speaker

  The SPEAKER. The Chair advises Members that all remarks should be 
addressed to the Chair.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Virginia (Mr. Wolf).
  Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution 
authorizing the use of force against those responsible for the acts. I 
wanted to be here to be part of history, to make sure I was there when 
this took place.
  I have no eloquent words to say tonight like so many others than to 
say this: I want us to pray for the President; to pray for our leaders 
on both sides of the aisle; to pray for those in the Cabinet who are 
going to be part of this decisionmaking; to pray for the military 
because few, if any, of us will actually go into combat; to pray for 
the men and women who go into combat; to pray for wisdom, protection, 
and guidance; and lastly, to pray for our country.

                              {time}  2000

  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 1 minute to my good 
friend, the distinguished gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Tanner).
  Mr. TANNER. Mr. Speaker, Tuesday's events were an attack on the 
United States, but they were more than that. They were an attack on 
humanity and civilization itself. This resolution tonight represents a 
policy change in our country, a big policy change, a monumental policy 
change, because we are declaring war not against any nation, not 
against any individual, not against any religion. We are declaring war 
against animalistic, inhuman behavior called terrorism wherever it 
exists on Earth. That is a monumental step for this country.
  This country needs to take that step in my opinion, though, because 
we are the leader in freedom and democracy and human rights in the 
world. And so on behalf of humanity and on behalf of civilization, on 
behalf of our children and grandchildren's future, we take this burden 
on tonight. We did not seek it. But, ladies and gentlemen, we have seen 
the face of evil and we must crush it.
  We are filled with grief, yet buoyed by pride. Like all Americans, I 
want to right this wrong and to avenge these cold, calculated killings. 
While this might seem a forgone conclusion to the overwhelming majority 
of those home and abroad watching and awaiting our decision, this is 
the single most difficult obligation for a Member of this House to 
fulfill. In approving this measure, one is reaffirming one's support 
for our nation, our President, our military leadership, and expressing 
our collective outrage and defiance on behalf of the thousands of 
American families that have been torn apart. In this respect, this is 
an easy decision. But, as Members of Congress, we do not have the 
luxury of reacting solely on emotion.
  Ultimately, the weight of this awesome responsibility and the 
consequences of this decision falls on each of us. Thus, we as members 
of this institution, are required to divorce ourselves from the 
emotions, consider the interests of our nation, and to give serious 
consideration to the very real prospects, or one might say, the 
inevitable consequences of our choice. One cannot avoid the probability 
that the action we consider here tonight will likely bring additional 
loss of American life. As such, the exercise of this Constitutional 
obligation is never easy, regardless of the relative merits or personal 
convictions with respect to the course prescribed.
  Moreover, tonight each Member has the additional burden of knowing 
that in approving this measure we are not only responding to this 
action, but we will be embracing a monumental change in U.S. policy. 
With this resolution, we declare that we will no longer draw any 
distinctions, limiting our response to those individuals who materially 
participate in an act of hatred and cowardice against the United States 
and its citizens. We are clearly at a point of demarcation in U.S. 
foreign policy. From this point forward, we say to the world, choose 
sides. Either you join us in the singular purpose of rooting out and 
destroying these merchants of fear and networks of hate, or we will 
regard you as a co-conspirator and, as such, you will be subject to the 
same fate as the perpetrators.
  Again, this seemingly simple adjustment is no insignificant matter. 
This is a major policy shift which presents numerous challenges. This 
resolution will change the tone and tenor forever. This was an attack 
on civility and as such it will require a monumental effort. It will 
require us to have the fortitude and strength of resolve to see it 
through to its conclusion, without regard for the unavoidable 
unpleasantries. We must stay the course. To deviate or to shy away 
would surely risk exposing our nation, our citizens and life as we know 
it to far greater dangers.
  America is the embodiment of freedom, the beacon of hope and in a 
very real sense, the guardians of justice--a justice shaped and honed 
by our values and morals. From this point forward, we will surely have 
our morality and values tested. We must strive to seek that delicate 
balance between accomplishing our objectives and ridding the world of 
these vessels of hate, while showing utmost care not to

[[Page 17126]]

allow it to lead to a decay of our appreciation of humanity. We must 
not allow our anger to burn so deep that we become like those we 
condemn. In our zeal to right the wrongs we must show care not to dim 
the lamp of freedom or diminish the sacrifice of those who have given 
their lives to promote, protect and preserve this great democracy.
  This was not just an attack on New York City, the Pentagon or even 
America, but rather an attack on civilization, itself. It marks an 
escalation which cannot be ignored. We must join the other nations in 
an all out fight against these enemies of society. I applaud President 
Bush and Secretary Powell's efforts to reach out and build 
international support. We must spare no efforts to seek the full 
support and cooperation of allies, as well as friend and foe in the 
Arab world. This effort will certainly require an unprecedented level 
of diplomatic cohesion and demonstration of political sensitivity. 
Failure to gain the support and cooperation of the international 
community will surely limit our effectiveness and expose this nation to 
grave dangers. We can ill afford to become isolated in this pursuit.
  As a nation, America has slumbered in the naive belief inherent in 
our decisive military might, superior technology and the safe labor 
provided by the great expanse of open ocean. Heretofore, we have been 
afforded the luxury of remaining unsoiled by the dirty business of 
hatred so common in a majority of the world today. On Tuesday, we were 
rudely awakened, our naive sense of security shattered by the ugly 
realities of terror.
  We did not choose this course of our own volition, but having seen 
evil's face we must be resolved to join the fight with everything we 
can muster.
  I stand in support of this resolution. May we proceed wisely.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Barr).
  Mr. BARR of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Nebraska 
for yielding time.
  Mr. Speaker, I support this resolution. I support this legislation. 
However, we ought to be here this evening debating a declaration of 
war. Somebody once said that if it walks like a duck, if it quacks like 
a duck, if it looks like a duck, then it is a duck.
  This is war. The President has said it is war. The Secretary of State 
has said it is war. The Secretary of Defense has said it is war. Former 
government officials have said it is war. The American people know it 
is war. There is one way and one way only, Mr. Speaker, to respond to 
acts of war, and that is to declare war. Give the President the tools, 
the absolute flexibility he needs under international law and The Hague 
Convention to ferret these people out wherever they are, however he 
finds them, and get it done as quickly as possible. We need a 
declaration of war.
  I urge my colleagues to keep that in mind and to support a 
declaration of war above and beyond this power that we will give the 
President this evening.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentlewoman from Ohio (Mrs. Jones).
  Mrs. JONES of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, I am angry, as I am sure most 
Americans are. And words cannot express our anger. But I have an 18-
year-old son named Mervyn. And I always tell Mervyn, ``Mervyn, anger is 
the ill wind that blows out the light of reason.''
  I stand firmly in support of the United States, the United States 
Constitution, our President and this Congress. I just trust that we 
will be as deliberate as they were, as precise as they were, but we 
must not let our anger blow out our light of reason.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from South Dakota (Mr. Thune).
  Mr. THUNE. I thank the gentleman for yielding time.
  Mr. Speaker, this is serious business. Tonight, we authorize the use 
of force. But we really have no choice, because a bunch of murderous 
thugs have extinguished the life from thousands of innocent Americans.
  This weekend in my home State of South Dakota in the State capital of 
Pierre, veterans of World War II are going to gather and celebrate the 
achievements of what has been called our greatest generation. My father 
will be among them. He and the patriots of his day knew that American 
justice demanded that they rid the world of fascism and genocide. Their 
generation fought and defeated the evil of their day, and together our 
generation must fight and defeat the evil of ours.
  I believe I speak for every South Dakotan in saying that these 
terrorists have messed with the wrong country. They have picked on the 
wrong kid. They have murdered our innocent brothers and sisters. And we 
will make it right. There will be justice. I know that every South 
Dakotan stands ready to support our President, to defend and protect 
American citizens and American freedoms. The world will know that 
America is strong and there will be a reckoning.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Watt).
  Mr. WATT of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, as I read the War Powers 
Act, the President actually has the authority to do what we are asking 
him and giving him the authority to do in this resolution because of a 
national emergency created by an attack on the United States or its 
forces. Despite that fact, this has got to be the most difficult vote I 
will have cast in the 9 years I have been in this body. I am absolutely 
terrified that we are about to declare, or authorize the President to 
declare war. But we have got to do it. That is what our constituents 
sent us here to do, to make the weighty decisions, to cast the 
difficult votes.
  I just hope the President will exercise his authority with judgment 
and wisdom. And I hope that God will bless America and these decisions.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Utah (Mr. Hansen), a member of the 
Committee on Armed Services and chairman of the Committee on Resources.
  Mr. HANSEN. Mr. Speaker, it was our friend, the gentleman from Texas, 
Mr. Sam Johnson, who served about 6 years in Hanoi as a prisoner of 
war. He states that on his cell wall he had a little statement that 
said, ``Freedom has a taste to it to those who fought and almost died 
that the protected will never understand.''
  I guess the events of Tuesday brought us a lot closer to 
understanding what could occur. We see where freedom is challenged by 
another nation if it may be a nation, which it is not but a group of 
people who have some funny attitudes.
  Today, I had the opportunity of going over to the Pentagon and 
standing there and looking at what occurred. Apparently, there were two 
people standing there as that plane went over their heads. They 
actually felt they had to duck as it went over their heads, standing 
right outside of the Pentagon. They said at that point that they 
throttled up, as we used to say in the Navy, we two-blocked the 
throttle, and went in. Imagine that tonnage of airplane hitting that 
Pentagon at that speed.
  A lot of people died; a very painful situation. But this thing can be 
made right. And it should be, and these people will be ferreted out. 
And I am confident they will be destroyed. That is what should occur.
  Freedom has a taste to it and we better learn to understand it.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Guam (Mr. Underwood).
  Mr. UNDERWOOD. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time.
  Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the people of Guam, I rise in support of 
the resolution to authorize the use of military force by the President 
against persons, nations, and organizations which were connected with 
the despicable acts on American soil on Tuesday, September 11.
  A formal authorization to pursue the criminals and their cohorts who 
committed these inhumane and incomprehensible acts is our collective 
statement about our national will. It is a will that reflects a 
national crusade that will inevitably prevail. I have no doubt about 
that. But we should be mindful that our national will should not be 
displayed with anger; it should be pursued in the name of justice. We

[[Page 17127]]

do not take this step in the name of vengeance. We take it in the full 
confidence that we are a special people, called upon to safeguard 
freedom and democracy here and abroad.
  It is a mark of our strength that we do not use military strength 
lightly. It is a mark of our democracy that we take this step now and 
in the future together with the President. It is a mark of our people 
that we marshal the resources, the courage and the wisdom to prevail, 
not to assuage our anger but to make the world safe for everyone.
  Support the resolution. Support the President. Support our men and 
women who are working around the clock to defend us all.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Smith).
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my good friend from 
Nebraska for yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, this joint resolution is well intended, but it does not 
go far enough. I regret the President did not get all the support he 
needed or wanted. This resolution should have authorized the President 
to attack, apprehend, and punish terrorists whenever it is in the best 
interests of America to do so. Instead, the resolution limits the 
President to using force only against those responsible for the 
terrorist attacks last Tuesday. This is a significant restraint on the 
President's ability to root out terrorism wherever it may be found.
  Terrorism is not confined to a single organization or a single group 
or a specific sect. All terrorists, even those not directly connected 
to this week's attacks, are a deadly threat and must be neutralized. We 
cannot win the war against international terrorism unless we fight on 
all fronts. This resolution, while helpful in some ways, ties the 
President's hands and allows only the pursuit of one individual and his 
followers and supporters. I am disappointed that this limited 
resolution does not respond adequately to the need to protect the lives 
of freedom-loving people around the world.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to my 
good friend, the distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett).
  Mr. DOGGETT. Mr. Speaker, this time of great peril has brought forth 
the best in our people, from those who rescue and heal and protect at 
ground zero, to those who across America raise flags, collect donations 
and give blood. But times of peril can also cause our well-justified 
anger and desire for immediate action to overwhelm democratic 
safeguards erected over the last two centuries. The tension that we 
face tonight is to provide the President with enough authority to 
eradicate wrongdoing without wronging the carefully crafted systems of 
checks and balances so essential to our democracy. Neither should this 
body lightly yield the power of the purse by granting unlimited access 
to the public treasury to the Executive.
  As we vote for this important resolution with the lives of so many at 
stake in this important endeavor against terrorism, we cannot let the 
executive branch become the exclusive branch. Our approval must 
represent not the end but the beginning of congressional involvement. 
Today, we pledge to redouble our efforts to ensure the security and the 
well-being of people in America and in many other parts of the world as 
we challenge terrorism. But we do so, entering this difficult course of 
national involvement, with an eagerness to see that our most precious 
democratic institutions are also preserved.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the distinguished vice chairman 
of the Committee on International Relations.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend for 
yielding time.
  Mr. Speaker, the lethal threat to Americans will not go away by 
wishing it away. The faceless cowards who murdered thousands of 
innocent men, women, and children this week and the hate-filled 
extremists, who today are scheming future acts of terrorism, must be 
rooted out.
  Mr. Speaker, even before Tuesday's atrocities, deaths from worldwide 
acts of terror were on the rise. But nothing could have prepared 
Americans, and the world, for the cruel and barbaric slaughter of so 
many innocent people. In 1999, 233 people were murdered by terrorists. 
In 2000, the number jumped to 405. In 2000, roughly half of all the 
terrorist incidents in the world were directed against Americans and 
U.S. assets. Each day, 10 to 12 threats are aimed at U.S. posts 
overseas. However, most of those are on foreign soil, so we were lulled 
into a false sense of security.
  Mr. Speaker, people should know that whatever intelligence gathering 
lapses may have occurred, Congress did step up to the plate time and 
again through successive administrations. We did it after Beirut. We 
did it through the succeeding years. We did it after the bombing of our 
embassies in Africa.
  Today, it is all too clear that our initiatives have fallen short. 
And now, Mr. Speaker, the task of mitigating and ultimately ending the 
terrorist threat requires the strongest medicine of all. It is time to 
take the gloves off. This resolution urges the President to use all 
necessary and appropriate force against those who were in any way 
responsible for or who aided the terrorists and to prevent further acts 
of terrorism against the United States.
  The resolution is not a blank check. We do this with our eyes open 
and in fervent prayer, especially the prayer that President Bush and 
his national security team will be lavished with wisdom from God above 
to use only that force which is truly necessary and only that force 
which is truly appropriate.

                              {time}  2015

  Finally, Mr. Speaker, we need to take heed from the ageless wisdom in 
Psalm 37, where David writes:
  ``For evil men will be cut off, but those who hope in the Lord will 
inherit the land. . . .The wicked plot against the righteous and gnash 
their teeth at them; but the Lord laughs at the wicked, for he knows 
their day is coming. The wicked draw the sword and bend the bow to 
bring down the poor and needy, to slay those who are upright. But their 
swords will pierce their own hearts, and the bows will be broken . . . 
for the power of the wicked will be broken.
  ``The days of the blameless are known to the Lord . . . In times of 
disaster they will not wither . . . but the wicked will perish. I have 
seen a wicked and ruthless man flourishing like a green tree in its 
native soil, but he soon passed away and was no more; though I looked 
for him, he could not be found.
  ``The salvation of the righteous comes from the Lord; he is their 
stronghold in time of trouble. The Lord helps them and delivers them; 
he delivers them from the wicked and saves them, because they take 
refuge in him.''
  This is not just our fight. It is the Lord's fight as well.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Roemer).
  Mr. ROEMER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend from California for 
yielding me time.
  This morning as we sang the ``Battle Hymn of the Republic,'' one line 
has indelibly burned into my mind as I contemplate this vote: ``As he 
died to make men holy, let us die to make them free.''
  We have had unprecedented death and grief in our country: 
firefighters going into the World Trade Center, never coming out, 
trying to fight for their fellow citizens; soldiers and sailors, dying 
at their desks of duty; heroes bringing down a plane in Pennsylvania so 
that we in this building might be free and live. Unprecedented death 
and sorrow.
  Mr. Speaker, it is never easy to cast a vote for war. We did not want 
this, we did not instigate this, we did not need this. We have no 
choice.
  Paraphrasing Winston Churchill: let us brace ourselves for our 
duties, and with justice, with firmness, with patience and fairness. 
Some day they may say this was their finest hour.

[[Page 17128]]


  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Hayes), a member of 
the Committee on Armed Services.
  Mr. HAYES. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. On Tuesday, our 
Nation suffered the most horrific act of terrorism the world has ever 
seen. A hostile act of this magnitude should be viewed as an act of war 
against our Nation.
  Just as our country and the world changed in the wake of Pearl Harbor 
60 years ago, our future was set on a new course with Tuesday's 
senseless attack on our citizens. This horrifying act has united us in 
a way that has not been seen in decades. It has inspired the world to 
act against terrorism and strike back.
  It is the duty of all of us to honor the victims of this tragedy by 
using this international spirit to do everything possible to stop the 
scourge of terrorism. Our President has shown leadership, prudence, 
wisdom, and courage in his response to the crisis. This resolution 
empowers our President and our men and women in uniform to win this war 
against terrorism and ensure freedom for our country and the world.
  As President Bush said, we will respond appropriately, at the proper 
time and the place of our choosing.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the 
distinguished gentlewoman from Georgia (Ms. McKinney).
  Ms. McKINNEY. Mr. Speaker, the horrendous tragedies of this week 
warrant a strong and judicious response. However, I am concerned that 
the language of this resolution could result in dangerous foreign 
policy.
  The perpetrators of this crime must be dealt with. However, we must 
ensure that when we strike back, we deliver a massive blow against 
those truly responsible for this terrible crime.
  We as a Nation stand for the rule of law. Perpetrators of crimes, no 
matter their size or scope, are afforded a trial through a judicial 
process. That means no targeted assassinations and no death squads. In 
the aftermath of this horrendous act, let us not forget that real 
security and real peace come through justice.
  I, too, feel extreme pain and outrage at the attack on America, but 
our Nation must respond with a commitment to justice, or else we become 
all that we abhor.
  The United States confronted this very same decision at the close of 
World War II, that is, the struggle for justice in the face of tyranny. 
There were those who called for widespread executions of Nazis, 
Japanese leadership and their civilians. On the other side were those 
who urged reason and a return to the rule of law. Supreme Court Justice 
Robert Jackson, who led the prosecution at Nuremberg, said it best: 
``That four great nations flushed with victory and stung with the 
injury, stay the hand of vengeance and voluntary submit their captive 
enemies to the judgment of the law, is one of the most significant 
tributes that power has ever paid to reason.''
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Florida (Mr. Foley).
  Mr. FOLEY. Mr. Speaker, I am sad it took Tuesday's events to bring 
out the patriotism in our country and the need for military security.
  My father's generation, who served in World War II, has long 
expressed to us the need to be ever vigilant, to protect our society 
from the evils of tyranny. We learned all too well on Tuesday that that 
is indeed our mission here in this Congress, and we execute today with 
great deliberation.
  I was proud of my President and our President, George Bush, today in 
New York; I was proud of him in the National Cathedral; and I am proud 
of our country. The terrorists may have taken a bite out of the Big 
Apple on Tuesday, but they are the ones that are rotten to the core.
  While we seek not retribution, we seek justice, and I ask my 
colleagues once again, the third time today, to urge our communities 
not to take retribution on those who may be of similar faith and 
similar nationalities. Let us reserve our vengeance for those who 
caused the crime, and not by guilt by association.
  I love this country. I am proud of our Congress, and I am proud of 
our President.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my friend, 
the gentleman from American Samoa (Mr. Faleomavaega).
  Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, like our President, we as Members of 
this great institution all took a solemn oath to defend and support the 
Constitution of the United States against all enemies, both here and 
abroad. As copartners in this endeavor, our adoption of this resolution 
will join us with the Senate in sending an unequivocal message that the 
United States Congress firmly supports our President in taking all 
necessary and appropriate action, including the use of military force, 
to pursue and punish the persons and organizations who treacherously 
murdered thousands of innocent Americans this past Tuesday.
  Mr. Speaker I have seen my share of blood spilled in Vietnam, and it 
is always a most difficult decision for me to support this 
authorization to send our men and women in military uniform into harm's 
way. Given the terrible heinous attacks on thousands of innocent 
Americans this past Tuesday, I have no reservations that the President 
must be given this authorization to wage war against international 
terrorism.
  Mr. Speaker, it is absolutely critical that the President is 
successful in this endeavor, for I fear that the next chapter of 
terrorism will be even more horrific and will likely involve weapons of 
mass destruction, such as nuclear weapons and biological and chemical 
agents, which long have been available in the international black 
market.
  For the protection of our Nation and our way of life, I urge my 
colleagues to support the President by adoption of this resolution.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Kingston), a member of the 
Committee on Appropriations.
  Mr. KINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me 
time.
  Yesterday I had the grim task of going to the Pentagon and looking at 
the rubble and seeing the grave, the unexpected grave, of almost 200 of 
our citizens buried beneath all the bricks and mortar and concrete. In 
this collection of dust, one of the workers who had been there for some 
time asked me, he said, ``Tell me, we have been isolated here, we have 
been on premises, we don't have access to TV and radio; what are the 
American people saying, what are they thinking, what are you folks, 
members of Congress, hearing from back home?''
  I said to him, ``The people back home are resolved. They are behind 
the President. They are united as an American people to exact a revenge 
and retaliate, not for an act that we chose, but for one that we must 
respond to. Otherwise, all Americans, in the airways, on the highways 
or in the office spaces, are at danger. We must complete the task in 
front of us.''
  This legislation gives us that opportunity. It is essential.
  When I said that to this worker, he was somewhat relieved. He joined 
hands with me and said, ``Praise the Lord. We must do this.''
  So, Mr. Speaker, I think this legislation is appropriate, and I hope 
that my colleagues will support it overwhelmingly.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from the State of Washington (Mr. McDermott).
  Mr. McDERMOTT. Mr. Speaker, there is an old Arab adage, ``Vengeance 
is best served cold.'' The procedure we are dealing with here is red 
hot.
  Our history is replete with chaos created by our government going off 
half-cocked. I was involved in the Vietnam War. I saw the casualties. I 
was on the floor here when we went to war against Saddam Hussein. And 
the feeling here today, as I listen to it, is that most people think 
that Osama bin Laden is involved in this. Now, if we kill him,

[[Page 17129]]

will the threat from the other operatives be over? Sadly, I am afraid 
not.
  We want to have an appropriate response, a cold, carefully planned 
and calculated response. In the art of warfare, there is something you 
must learn from your enemy. That particular enemy in this case did not 
undertake this mission on the spur of the moment. Their plan evolved 
over months and months and months.
  Let me make an important point here: I strongly believe that America 
should respond and severely punish those responsible for these heinous 
acts. But we must move carefully. Bin Laden, if he is the one, used his 
brains, not his strength. We, too, should use our brains, not just our 
strength and power. Your brains must be your strength.
  Think about it for a minute. Watch who kills the most prey, the bull 
or the lion. Because the lion is quiet and watching, does not mean he 
is asleep.
  I will support this, but I will also reserve the right as Gaylord 
Nelson and Ernest Gruening and Wayne Morse did, the right to vote 
against funding if the President is not careful and does not plan 
carefully.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Schrock), a member of the 
Committee on Armed Services.
  Mr. SCHROCK. Mr. Speaker, as the representative of our Nation's 
largest naval installation and home of the Nation's highest 
concentration of active duty and retired military, I stand today in 
support of this resolution. The decision to use force against any and 
all terrorists will require that many families in the district I 
represent will sacrifice time away from their loved ones. In some 
cases, even the lives of their loved ones may be lost in pursuit of our 
goal to rid the world of terrorists, their supporters and those who 
harbor them.
  This is very humbling to me; but terrorists declared war against our 
Nation, and, as they have for more than 2 centuries, the people of 
Hampton Roads, Virginia, stand ready to defend our country, to seek out 
terrorists and ensure they pay the ultimate penalty for their acts of 
evil.
  We are a peaceful, freedom-loving Nation; but we have the right to 
self-defense. We will defend and protect our country and its allies by 
eradicating our planet of this evil.
  God bless America.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from Florida (Mr. Boyd).
  Mr. BOYD. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. I come 
here today in a sobering mood.

                              {time}  2030

  This is a somber and solemn moment for our Nation. We are about to 
take an action which will put our Nation's finest in harm's way, but we 
know what we have to do to prevent additional loss of life and to 
protect our freedoms.
  Mr. Speaker, when I was carrying a rifle in the jungles of Vietnam, I 
prayed every day that never again would American young people have to 
go to a foreign soil to fight in combat. But we know what we must do to 
prevent additional loss of life and to protect our freedoms.
  Mr. Speaker, we are angry, but we must not react in anger. We must be 
calm. We must be patient. Our reaction must be measured, it must be 
calculated and responsible, and it will be effective.
  In our 225-year history, Mr. Speaker, thousands of Americans have 
given their lives to defend freedom. Each generation has learned that 
freedom is not free. There is something about America that these thugs 
do not understand, but they will understand when we complete our 
mission. May God grant wisdom to the President of the United States and 
may he grant his protection and blessing to the young, great Americans 
that have to carry out this mission.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Idaho (Mr. Otter).
  Mr. OTTER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, during the dawning days of this great Republic, one of 
our founding architects uttered these words:
  That these were the days that try men's souls. The summer soldier and 
the sunshine patriot will in this crisis shrink in the service of their 
country, but he that stands it now deserves the love and the thanks of 
every man and every woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered, 
yet in that we have this consolation; and that consolation is that the 
more difficult the battle, the more glorious the triumph. Those things 
which we obtain too easily we esteem too lightly. So it would seem 
strange, indeed, Mr. Speaker, if so celestial an article as freedom 
were not highly prized.
  Mr. Speaker, I offer that tonight as it be as applicable on this 
resolution as it was on the resolution that Thomas Paine wrote it for.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green).
  Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.J. 
Res. 64. Today, as Members of Congress, we use words as our weapons. 
Tomorrow these words must be followed through. The hard work begins.
  As Americans we pride ourselves in our diversity. We come in all 
shapes and sizes and colors. We come with many religious beliefs: 
Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, Muslim. But in our differences we are 
family. We are different and proud; but attack us, kill us, harm us, we 
are Americans first and we respond as family.
  The gloves are now coming off with respect to all of the terrorists 
and their organizations and the governments who choose to harbor them. 
With the passage of this resolution, the President of the United States 
will have the authority to apply all the military force he deems 
necessary to terminate terrorist threats against this country. America 
has stood strong in the face of adversity and has never bowed down to 
enemies and will not start now.
  Justice will come in many forms for the people involved in this 
attack. We have yet to see even the tip of the iceberg when it comes to 
the retribution we will exact from the leaders of this bombing.
  Mr. Speaker, I have never been prouder to be an American. God bless 
America.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gekas).
  Mr. GEKAS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, everyone knows that the President of the United States 
is granted vast powers under the Constitution and under the consent of 
his fellow Americans: the power to guide domestic affairs, to deal with 
domestic crises, to present legislation; all the things with which we 
are familiar; and he also has the vast power that is granted to him to 
declare and to enforce and to execute foreign policy. It is there that 
a slight demarcation occurs.
  When foreign policy is the question, Americans almost unanimously 
swoop behind the President and support him and urge him on for the 
betterment of our own Nation's policies. And he is, of course, the 
Commander in Chief.
  I rise in support of this resolution because he is the chief of state 
for domestic policy, because he is the architect of foreign policy, and 
because he is the Commander in Chief. And as the Commander in Chief, he 
should and does have the power to put our American force to the best 
use possible across the world.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Reyes), my good friend.
  Mr. REYES. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, today we are authorizing the use of the U.S. military 
against those responsible for the recent attacks launched against us. 
We are simply at war. We did not seek this war; but make no mistake, we 
will respond. We will finish the conflict on our terms, but only after 
we determine that our enemies have been defeated.

[[Page 17130]]

  The coming days, weeks and months will continue to test us. We will 
hear heart-breaking stories, see tragic images. We will continue to say 
good-bye to American troops as they head off to defend us against 
terror and those who hate America, those who hate everything that 
America stands for: freedom of speech, freedom of religion and freedom 
of democracy.
  As President John F. Kennedy once said, ``Let every Nation know, 
whether it wishes us ill or well, that we will pay any price, bear any 
burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order 
to assure the survival and the success of liberty.'' We will persevere. 
We will be victorious.
  God bless our great country.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Platts).
  Mr. PLATTS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  I rise in support of this resolution authorizing our Commander in 
Chief to bring the full weight and fury of our armed services against 
the evil parties responsible for the heinous attacks against our 
citizens.
  Just off the rotunda here in the Capitol Building stands a statue, a 
fellow Pennsylvanian by the name of John Muhlenberg. In January 1776, 
this 29-year-old Lutheran minister gave a sermon about the fight for 
independence in which he quoted Ecclesiastes: ``There is an appointed 
time for everything. And there is a time for every event under heaven; 
a time for war and a time for peace.'' Pastor Muhlenberg then concluded 
his sermon by casting off his clerical robes to reveal the uniform of a 
Continental Army officer.
  Mr. Speaker, as in the founding days of our great Nation, the time 
for war is upon us. God bless our Nation, and God watch over our 
citizens who will be going into harm's way.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler), a member of the 
Committee on International Relations.
  Mr. WEXLER. Mr. Speaker, when I put my 8-year-old son to sleep on 
Tuesday night, he told me his whole body felt like crying. Today, the 
whole body of America is crying.
  As we internalize the depth of the pain and horror inflicted on our 
people, we cherish life, we cherish freedom, we cherish America. And 
that is why we must authorize military force to rid the world of the 
insidious scourge of terrorism, no matter what the cost, no matter how 
long it takes. I beg God to sustain us and permit us to be the worthy 
defenders of peace and freedom.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from New Hampshire (Mr. Sununu), a member of 
the Committee on Appropriations.
  Mr. SUNUNU. Mr. Speaker, when America's freedom is threatened, 
Americans respond. And in the hours that have followed the horrific 
attacks of Tuesday morning, our Nation has done just that, and done it 
in ways that bring forth deep emotions of patriotism and gratitude and 
humility. Humanitarian assistance has poured forth from across the 
country, thousands have enlisted as volunteers, and funds have been 
made available to help recover and to help rebuild.
  Tonight we take the next step in responding to this great challenge. 
The resolution before us will place a unified Congress behind the 
Commander in Chief and send a clear message to America's enemies.
  We must authorize and we must employ all necessary force to protect 
our Nation against this terrorist threat and to destroy the capability 
of those who would wage future attacks. We know the challenge is great, 
but the cause of preserving our freedom demands no less.
  In doing so, we ensure that although our Nation never sought this 
conflict, we will end it in a way and in an hour of our choosing.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley). We all feel anguish, but none as 
powerfully as he, who lost his first cousin, age 42, in this outrage.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from California, my 
friend, for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise this evening to speak again about the heinous 
crime committed against the American people, people all over the land, 
living here in the United States, and against our great Nation.
  On Tuesday, September 11, the lives of all Americans changed forever. 
As a Nation, we have grieved and we have joined our hearts together in 
prayer. We have watched as our lives have been put on hold so that we 
may honor the dead and the missing. We keep hope alive for the brave 
men and women who continue to work around the clock to search for life 
and survivors.
  I spoke yesterday about my dear cousin, Battalion Chief John Moran, 
who so bravely dedicated his life to the saving of the lives of others 
at the site of this attack. My cousin, like so many others who are 
heroes, has not been found.
  Mr. Speaker, we will all be rebuilding emotionally and physically for 
some time to come. Our great Nation stands changed for ever. Yet 
somehow it is also stronger, more united, and more defiantly proud than 
ever. These truly are, as our great President Abraham Lincoln stated 
during another difficult period in American history, the times that try 
men's souls.
  Our physical symbols have been destroyed and thousands of lives are 
feared lost, but our values and ideals of freedom and democracy stand 
stronger than ever. These values shared by all Americans of all 
religions and backgrounds is what causes such hatred and jealousy in 
the hearts and the minds of our enemies.
  I recently saw a photograph of the New York City skyline which had in 
its midst the image of a new skyscraper where the towers of the World 
Trade Center once stood, and the caption on top said, ``we will 
rebuild.''
  Mr. Speaker, we will rebuild. While we honor those who have lost 
their lives and try to absorb the terrible losses of the last several 
days and try in our own individual and collective ways to move forward, 
we cannot forget the perpetrators of this reprehensible crime; those 
who planned, authorized, aided and abetted these attacks. They must not 
and they will not go unpunished. But, Mr. Speaker, make no mistake; the 
response of the United States, the House of Representatives, has been 
carefully considered.

                              {time}  2045

  We have all taken a deep breath and searched our hearts and souls for 
an appropriate and just response.
  I myself have just come back from visiting ground zero with our 
President in New York. I stood with him surrounded by firefighters, 
police officers, and rescue workers who have worked since Tuesday 
tirelessly searching for bodies, praying to find anyone who survived 
this horrific attack.
  Mr. Speaker, I was proud to stand there with my President, with my 
colleagues, and with these brave men and women. And for the first time 
this week, I felt a glimmer of hope and a whole lot of pride, pride for 
our Nation that takes care of itself, for a nation that has men and 
women like the ones I saw and met today and this week who have put 
themselves in harm's way to save the lives of others; proud that 
despite the destruction of physical symbols, that it is the undying 
principles that endure.
  Tonight we consider another measure, this one to enable the 
President, our Commander in Chief, to use whatever means required to 
bring this crime to justice. For the memory of those who served and the 
memory of those innocent lives taken so very prematurely, it is the 
very least we can do. Americans by nature are not a vengeful people, 
but we need to respond to these attacks so as to ensure that they never 
happen again.
  As the Commander in Chief, the President must provide for the common 
defense and promote the general welfare of our people, this resolution 
permits our Commander in Chief to do just that.
  I support this resolution, not lightly but without hesitation. This 
resolution and the authority it contains allows

[[Page 17131]]

for the protection of our American way of life for generations to come.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  The gentleman can be assured that all of us in this House share in 
his concern, his grief, and his pride in the courage and relentless 
efforts of New Yorkers and others who have come to their aid.
  Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Arizona (Mr. Shadegg).
  Mr. SHADEGG. Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the people that I have the 
privilege of representing in this House, I rise in strong support of 
this use of force resolution. Unfortunately, I am concerned that it may 
not go far enough. It does not go as far as the President requested or 
may need.
  On Tuesday, America sustained a cowardly attack. It was a despicable 
act of war. Mr. Speaker, the American people are a peaceful people. We 
are slow to anger. But we have been viciously attacked, and the attack 
was unlike any ever known in this world and in its history.
  It will require a very different response. We must focus our anger 
and carefully plan, calibrate, and execute our response. It must be 
worldwide and comprehensive in scope, as well as massive in magnitude. 
We must target and destroy every terrorist and every terrorist group 
that aided or supported the attackers or sympathizers with their cause.
  We must destroy their will to fight, not out of revenge, but as a 
matter of self-defense. Because terrorists do not defend territory or 
populations, they cannot be confronted or defeated using traditional 
means. We cannot expect easy or quick solutions. We must be prepared 
for a protracted effort to eradicate these cowardly terrorists.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my 
neighbor and good friend, our distinguished colleague, the gentlewoman 
from California (Ms. Eshoo).
  Ms. ESHOO. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, my colleague, and my 
congressional neighbor, the ranking member, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos), for yielding time to me.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in full support of this resolution. I do it with 
a heavy heart because of what has been imposed on our Nation. We did 
not seek this, but we must act.
  I do not believe that we act, and I know that I do not, in taking 
this vote, out of vengeance, because the American people are good and 
they are decent. They are loving, and they have once again exhibited 
this face and this character this week in one of the most tragic and 
challenging moments in our Nation's history.
  I believe that this resolution is consistent with the War Powers Act, 
and that it reiterates the President's authority under the Constitution 
to take action to deter and prevent acts of international terrorism 
against the United States of America.
  I know that this will be long and difficult. I pledge my allegiance 
to the magnificent people of our country, and I say to the constituents 
of my magnificent congressional district that we will move ahead united 
and do what we must in the name of those that gave their lives this 
week.
  I ask God to bless our Nation and to guide our President.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Arizona (Mr. Hayworth).
  Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I crossed the aisle tonight to offer these 
remarks, not for priority of party but for the needs of our Nation.
  The men and women in uniform we are about to send into battle will 
not wear insignia of party identification, they will be there as 
Americans. So Mr. Speaker, tonight in this place, at this hour, I stand 
in strong support of this resolution as the people of Arizona and the 
people of America go forth united in what will prove to be a difficult 
and perhaps even a protracted struggle, but a fight we cannot afford to 
postpone.
  Support the resolution. Support our Nation and our way of life. We 
are Americans first. Vote for the resolution.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am honored to yield as much time as he 
might consume to our distinguished democratic leader, the gentleman 
from Missouri (Mr. Gephardt), who has led us through this crisis with 
grace and dignity and wisdom.
  Mr. GEPHARDT. Mr. Speaker, first, I thank you and your colleagues for 
working so hard with all of us to present a completely united front to 
our foes and to the world in this time of grave emergency in our 
country.
  I rise to address my colleagues, though today we all know we are more 
than that. Today, we are all American brothers and sisters, because the 
family of America has been attacked, and we have gathered together to 
begin the process of healing and then defending our American family, 
our beloved Nation.
  What was the purpose of Tuesday's attack? Terrorism's simple goal is 
that it is embedded in the word ``terrorism'' itself. It is to create 
terror. That was the real goal of Tuesday's attack. Well, we can report 
to the world that we are fighting and winning the battle against terror 
in America today.
  In America today, there is a strong, clear, cold conviction. We will 
punish those who committed these acts, and we will make our Nation safe 
again. America is as united as it has been in its history. Death and 
tragedy was one result of Tuesday's attack. What the terrorists did not 
know is that they would create so much American unity.
  The act of terror and inhumanity has produced American heroism that 
few people have witnessed in their lifetimes. Before our very eyes in 
the last 3 days we have seen another generation rise to the moral 
challenge of our time.
  Jeremy Glick, on the United flight which crashed in Pennsylvania, 
called his wife on a cell phone to say his plane had been hijacked, and 
three of us, he said, are going to fight. His wife told him about the 
attack on the World Trade Center. We have credible reason to believe 
that he and other passengers brought down their plane so that others 
could live another day.
  New York City Fire Chief Peter Ganci stood with a multichannel radio 
at the foot of One World Trade Center, and with smoke swirling around 
his head, trying amid the chaos to organize the rescue effort, the 
building collapsed. The chief died.
  New York City Fire Department Chaplain Mychal Judge went to the tower 
to minister to victims. He was hit by debris in the head. He died.
  More than 250 firefighters ran into the building that others were 
running out of so that they could try to get up the steps to save 
others. They are all missing.
  Yesterday, when I went to the Pentagon with Members here, a general 
told of how a woman found one person passed out with fumes in the 
aftermath of the attack. She lifted the person up, he said, threw her 
from the window and then saved the person's life and then threw herself 
out the window to save her own life.
  New Yorkers line streets in Manhattan holding signs and flags in 
celebration of our rescue workers going off to rescue other Americans. 
Americans descended on emergency centers, set up by workers from the 
Red Cross, stood for hours in line so they could give their blood so 
life could be pumped into the lives of the wounded.
  There was a story this morning on the radio of a volunteer rescue 
worker who said he was in New York digging through rubble in search for 
survivors because, he said, we are digging for freedom.
  Our people, the wonderful, good, decent people of this country are 
responding in heroic ways, and they are fighting back against this 
absolute evil that visited itself on our great country on Tuesday. They 
are rising to this challenge just as earlier generations have met 
challenges that confronted them.
  Congress debates this historic resolution in their spirit and with 
them for our inspiration and as our guide. We literally and 
figuratively tonight are following the lead of the American people. 
Humanity at its best.
  Alexis de Tocqueville in the 19th century observed about our country 
and its people, he said America is great because she is good, and if 
America ever

[[Page 17132]]

ceases to be good, America will cease to be great.
  Everything that is happening today is happening because Americans are 
still good and America is still great.
  Finally, we must recognize and understand a fundamental truth. Our 
foes caused enormous death and destruction, but their greater goal is 
to instill fear in the heart of every American.

                              {time}  2100

  We will conquer that foe. We will not be defeated. We will not 
succumb. We will not fear. We will always rise up, as we have through 
our history, and we will face fear down.
  Our challenge is to draw on the goodness, the decency, the bravery, 
and the humanity that has always defined this great country. I know in 
my heart we will prevail. We will face this foe, and we will not adopt 
the characteristics of those who attack us. We will not forget the 
civil liberties of our people. We will not discriminate. We will not 
use prejudice. We will not succumb to hatred in fighting this foe. We 
will not be divided.
  Two months ago, the Foreign Minister in Germany told me that what he 
found so impressive about America was that he had never known such a 
powerful Nation to use its power so responsibly. I have faith in 
ourselves, in our fellow human beings; and I have faith in God to see 
us through. I am guided in my belief by my faith, which is best 
expressed in the hymn, ``Be Not Afraid.'' ``Be not afraid. I go before 
you always. Come, follow me, and I will give you rest.''
  Our people have courage, our military will defend, our President will 
have our support and our trust to bring our foes to justice; and with 
God's help, we will be free and our people will be healed.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Boehlert), the chairman of the Committee on Science.
  Mr. BOEHLERT. Mr. Speaker, Shaw said, ``Some men see things as they 
are and ask why. I dream things that never were and ask why not.'' My 
dream, the collective dream of all Americans, is a world at peace, a 
world in which equal opportunity for all prevails.
  I cannot explain the why of the events of the past few days, but I 
can and will continue to share in that collective dream of all 
Americans. As I see it, this resolution, which we should and will pass, 
is not a resolution designed to promote war, rather it is one seeking 
to advance the cause of a secure world and a just and lasting peace.
  Mr. Speaker, Mr. Minority leader, my colleagues, I am proud to serve 
with you in this great institution. I am proud to serve under our 
commander in chief, the President of the United States. But most of 
all, I am proud of the strength and the character and the resolve and 
the common purpose of the American people. That character, that 
strength, that resolve, that common purpose is represented here in the 
people's House. We are united. We are strong. We are determined.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my friend 
and colleague, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal).
  Mr. NEAL of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, this evening I stand in the 
strongest position of support for the resolution that is in front of us 
and that has been carefully negotiated and in coming days, weeks, and 
months will play out, and also to offer unqualified support tonight for 
President Bush in the difficult days, weeks, and months ahead that 
surely will confront this Nation.
  It is to be a difficult time. But as we witness the bravery and the 
heroism of those men and women of New York City and those families who 
have lost loved ones as well at the Pentagon, we know the resolve of 
the American people. I supported the Iraqi incursion a decade ago in 
one of the most difficult votes in this House. Tonight, this vote is 
not easy either, knowing as well that when the days grow very 
difficult, it will require the strength of all the American people. But 
tonight let us resolve to proceed with vigor, not vengeance, in 
remembrance of those who have been lost over the last 3 tragic days.
  The same comments I offered on Wednesday night I offer tonight: 
strength to the American people and wisdom to President Bush and this 
Congress.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Royce).
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, the horrendous attack we have suffered and 
our national response will prove to be a pivotal event in world 
history. Our Nation is now embarked on a fight for freedom. Some 
nations will stand up and be with us, and we may even be surprised by 
who our friends are. We will have many allies, but others will be 
against us.
  Secretary Powell and others are working the phones now making key 
determinations. I think we all understand that we can only act 
decisively. There can be no pinprick strikes. Terrorism will only get 
worse unless we act to eradicate it now.
  Several years ago, during a hearing on Afghanistan, Members of 
Congress, including myself, warned that the war-torn country of 
Afghanistan was rapidly evolving into a serious threat to national 
security. Many rang the bell. It went unanswered. We will now have to 
act, as we should have acted before, to root out the terrorist camps 
and destroy their infrastructure, including destroying any governments 
supporting them.
  President Bush spoke eloquently to the American people today from the 
National Cathedral. I believe that Americans are willing to follow his 
leadership and make the sacrifices needed to win and survive as the 
country we know and love.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my good 
friend and colleague, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), a 
distinguished member of the Committee on International Relations.
  Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I had the opportunity to travel with the 
President to New York today, with other colleagues from the region, to 
view the devastation left in the aftermath of Tuesday's tragic events 
and to meet with the volunteers and professionals who have made such a 
heroic effort to help the victims and their families.
  Tonight, we stand united in sending a message to the world that we 
will rise above this senseless act; that we will not let the actions of 
a group of fanatics destroy our spirit. As we move to give the 
President the authority to use all necessary and appropriate force in 
responding to these unprovoked attacks, let us be sure that we remain 
true to our American principles by enacting a plan which protects the 
American people and strengthens the bonds with our allies.
  However, as we raise our powerful swift sword, let us be mindful of 
the fact that the overriding majority of people who live in these rogue 
nations are themselves victims of their governments. They are being 
oppressed by their leaders.
  I stand committed to working together to build an effective anti-
terrorism policy which will make our country and our world safer so 
that we will never have a recurrence of the nightmare we experienced 
last Tuesday again.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Ohio (Mr. Regula), a member of the Committee on Appropriations.
  Mr. REGULA. Mr. Speaker, events of the past week have given all of us 
great pride in America, great pride in the people of this Nation and 
the way in which they responded to our crisis. But tonight we also have 
a moment of pride, and that is that we are a Nation of laws; that we 
are a Nation that follows the rule of law; and that in this action, in 
this resolution, we are respecting the Constitution of the United 
States.
  The Constitution says that the Congress shall have the power to lay 
and collect taxes and to provide for the common defense and general 
welfare of the United States, to declare war, to provide calling forth 
the militia to repel invasions. That is what we are doing. But it also 
provides that the President shall be commander in chief of the forces 
of this Nation.

[[Page 17133]]

  I think this resolution says eloquently that we are a Nation of laws; 
that we respond in a measured way, as provided in the Constitution of 
the United States; and that we can take pride in our response along 
with the people in their response to the events of this week.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to my good 
friend and colleague, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez), the 
vice chair of the Democratic Caucus.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  In times of tragedy, America pulls together and America gets 
stronger. We defeated the forces of evil in World War II, we turned 
economic crisis into economic opportunities and beat the Great 
Depression, and we can and will defeat these forces too.
  Every war is different. No challenge is the same. This will be a 
battle unlike any other, fought with new tools and methods; fought with 
intelligence and brute force, rooting out the enemies among us and 
those outside our borders. This war may be different, but we have the 
capabilities to win; and we will not rest until we have wiped the evil 
of terrorism from the face of the Earth.
  There is nowhere they can hide where we will not hunt them. There is 
nowhere they will be safe from our wrath. We will consider any person 
or nation who harbors them or aids them or authorizes their activities 
to be just as guilty. If you harbor our enemy, then you are our enemy. 
If you help our enemy, then you are our enemy. Our resolve has no end. 
Our commitment is total.
  In times of tragedy, America pulls together and America gets 
stronger. That is what we are here to do today: to stand united, to say 
to the world there are no partisans here, only patriarchs. There is no 
difference between Democrats and Republicans, between the Congress and 
the President. We are speaking with one voice.
  The resolution we are supporting tonight authorizes the President to 
use the full range of force available from our military not only to 
respond to the terrorist acts on Tuesday but also to prevent future 
acts. And we will not be alone in our battle. The enormous evil of 
these acts is uniting the civilized world behind a common cause because 
the attacks on the World Trade Center and on the Pentagon were attacks 
not just against the United States but against humanity itself.
  The civilized world is uniting in this common fight because there are 
only two sides in it: right or wrong, good or evil. You are with us or 
against us. No civilized nation can be allowed to sit on the fence.
  I just came back from the site of the tragedy in New York City with 
my colleagues. I saw the horrendous results of the terrorists' 
unspeakable deeds. And as I stood at ground zero, I was reminded of the 
scenes of devastation and bombings from World War II. But what cannot 
be seen in that rubble are the broken families and the fatherless and 
motherless children left in its wake. We will not let this stand, 
because to let this stand would be to let civilization itself perish. 
To let it stand would be to let evil prevail. To let this stand would 
be to lay down our values of liberty, justice, and freedom.
  It has been said that in the long history of the world only a few 
generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour 
of maximum danger. Tonight, we do not shrink from this responsibility, 
we embrace it, and in doing so we send a beacon of light to the rest of 
the world.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Georgia (Mr. Deal).
  Mr. DEAL of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, by the adoption of this resolution 
tonight, let us send one very clear message to the world: we are the 
United States of America. We are the United States. We are united.

                              {time}  2115

  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Turner), the ranking Democrat on the terrorism panel of the 
Committee on Armed Services.
  Mr. TURNER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution 
authorizing the President to use all necessary and appropriate force to 
seek and destroy those who are responsible for the deadly acts of 
terrorism committed against the American people.
  Tonight, every Member of this House and every American stand united.
  We want to thank the President for his leadership in this time of 
national tragedy and national testing of our will. We stand with him 
against the forces of darkness that have broken our hearts but 
emboldened our spirits.
  We know this war will require our patience, our perseverance, our 
unwavering courage and commitment. Our only timetable is to stay the 
course until the job is finished. The future of liberty, freedom. And 
human dignity hang in the balance and our Nation will not be found 
wanting.
  May God's wisdom and judgment guide our steps and may God bless 
America.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
Maryland (Mrs. Morella).
  Mrs. MORELLA. Mr. Speaker, yesterday I examined the war-torn Pentagon 
site, the lingering scent of smoke, the ruins of a building, the 
courageous rescue workers, including the Montgomery County, Maryland 
Search and Rescue Team.
  Tonight, as this debate was taking place, I was calling families of 
some of the Montgomery County, Maryland victims, victims of the 
Pentagon attack. The victims include Michelle Heidenberger, Todd 
Reuben, William Caswell, Darin Pontell, Lawrence Getzfred, Ernest 
Willcher, Gerald Fisher, Lisa Young, Ted Moy. The list goes on. This is 
not New York or Pennsylvania. This is just so far what we have heard 
from the Pentagon. There will be a lot more coming, unfortunately, 
throughout this Nation.
  We offer our prayers and support to these families of these heroes. 
We resolve to find the perpetrators and punish them harshly.
  Without any question, this terrorist attack on our liberty and 
freedom is a strike against all nations that value democracy. It is an 
act of war, but we will not be intimidated. No act as cowardly as this 
one can go unanswered. I trust the President to act accordingly, 
cautiously and appropriately. I will cast my vote. We must stand in 
unity, pledging to defend freedom, unity and liberty.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).
  Mr. ANDREWS. Mr. Speaker, tonight with the passage of this 
resolution, it is time that we move from words to deeds. We must 
identify and destroy all those who perpetrated the horror on our 
country on Tuesday. We must then move swiftly to cut off their 
financing network, their infrastructure network, and all those who 
would aid and abet and support them.
  Then we must embark on the long struggle of making the nations choose 
between obedience to terrorism or subscription to the rule of law and 
international cooperation.
  There has been much eloquence in this Chamber in recent days from all 
sides, and I appreciate it. But the American people will not be 
satisfied with our eloquence. They want us to stand with our Armed 
Forces, stand with our allies around the world, and swiftly, swiftly 
settle the debt owed to us by those who brought harm upon this country 
on Tuesday.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen).
  Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this 
authorization for the President to use all necessary and appropriate 
force against those nations, organizations or persons who planned, 
authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist acts committed against 
our country on September 11, and to prevent any future acts of internal 
terrorism against the United States.
  Today, Mr. Speaker, along with my colleagues from New Jersey, New 
York and Connecticut, I visited lower Manhattan and saw firsthand the 
physical destruction and I better understand now the human devastation. 
The

[[Page 17134]]

deaths of our fellow Americans, the destruction of our sovereign land, 
and this act of war against all Americans cannot and will not go 
unanswered.
  As the President spoke to the world today from the National 
Cathedral, ``This Nation is peaceful but fierce when stirred to anger. 
This conflict was begun on the timing and terms of others. It will end 
in a way and in an hour of our own choosing.''
  Mr. Speaker, whether the hour be near or far, we stand united with 
our President and with the men and women of our Armed Forces.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah).
  Mr. FATTAH. Mr. Speaker, there were some very bright young people 
from the district, here in Washington, who because of their excellent 
school work were off on a trip with their teachers who died on 
September 11. Along with thousands of others they were the casualties 
of this act that was perpetrated.
  Today we take this step, and I rise in support of this resolution, 
and I rise specifically on behalf of these children, for it is our 
responsibility to provide for their protection, to provide for their 
promise and their potential.
  Whatever the perceived real grievance is of those who took this 
action, attacking innocent children and thousands of other innocent 
Americans is unacceptable.
  We must respond. We know not what the tactics or strategy or play of 
this engagement will be, but we must act.
  Mr. Speaker, I stand and I support this resolution.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Ohio (Mr. Chabot), a member of the Committee on International 
Relations.
  Mr. CHABOT. Mr. Speaker, tonight we stand with our President as our 
Nation prepares to do battle with those who seek to destroy the 
American way of life. Tonight we vote to give our President full 
authority to use America's full military might against those 
responsible for this week's despicable attacks against the United 
States and its people.
  A strong response to the deplorable attacks on the United States is 
essential. The terrorist infrastructure must be destroyed, and the 
message must go out to all who seek to harm us in the future that 
America will respond to cowardly acts of violence against our people 
quickly and decisively.
  These are dark days for America, but we will work together to seek 
justice for the victims of terrorism and to ensure that such 
contemptible acts never again occur.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge support of the resolution. God bless America.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Pelosi).
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  Tonight we are walking on holy ground. We are prayerfully mourning 
the loss of thousands of Americans who have lost their lives. We are 
trying a way to comfort their families and give them peace.
  At the same time, we are discussing a resolution on the use of force 
to bring the cowardly terrorists to justice and to make sure that we 
never have to suffer this horror again. To this end, I support this 
resolution because it clearly states that nothing in this resolution 
supersedes the requirements of the War Powers Act.
  Mr. Speaker, many of my colleagues have quoted President Roosevelt of 
another horrible day in our country's life, that this day will live in 
infamy. I want to also quote his wisdom when he said, ``We have nothing 
to fear but fear itself,'' because that is the goal of the terrorist, 
to instill fear in the American people. That would be their greatest 
victory. But the spirit of the American people and the unity that we 
will show them tonight should give them a clue that they will not have 
that success.
  Yes, we are walking on holy ground, and as we proceed in discussing 
the use of force, we must proceed in a manner that will bring honor to 
those who have died. We must bring honor to their memory. May they rest 
in peace.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Edwards).
  Mr. EDWARDS. Mr. Speaker, with this vote of resolve and unity, we 
become stewards of the American values expressed so eloquently 40 years 
ago by a new President, John F. Kennedy, ``Let every Nation know, 
whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any 
burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to 
assure the survival and the success of liberty.''
  Today a new President and a new generation are handed the torch of 
liberty that has been kept alight by the untold sacrifices of past 
generations of Americans.
  Those terrorists who now challenge the will and values of this 
generation of Americans will soon find out that the awesome power of 
our military might well be matched only by our tenacious national unity 
in defending Americans' life and liberty.
  In this vote and in our prayers, we in Congress speak for the 
American family, in strong support of our Commander in Chief and say, 
yes, we too will ``pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship,'' 
and ``oppose any foe'' to protect our land of liberty.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Meehan).
  Mr. MEEHAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution before 
us to give our Commander in Chief and President the authority to use 
military action against these cowards who made such an unprecedented 
evil attack against the United States of America.
  We must respond to terrorism and respond swiftly, not only to the 
terrorists, but as the President so accurately said, to anyone who 
would harbor terrorists anywhere in the world, whether they be 
countries or individuals.
  As a member of the Committee on Armed Services, I have confidence in 
the men and women who serve this country in uniform. They are the 
smartest, the brightest, the most well equipped and well trained 
fighting force in the world. I have confidence in the Commander in 
Chief and the national security team to make sure that we are 
successful in this effort. But we must be patient and understand that 
we need a broad and sustained campaign in order to win the battle on 
terrorism.
  Mr. Speaker, I believe standing together as a Nation, and this is the 
most united I have ever seen this House in 9 years, I believe we will 
win this battle. God bless America.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Millender-McDonald), the chair of the Democratic 
Women's Caucus.
  Ms. MILLENDER-McDONALD. Mr. Speaker, today is a day I hoped I would 
never have to face, a day on which I would need to support the use of 
force. I am sure that all of my colleagues agree that when we took the 
oath of office to honor and defend our country, we hoped and prayed we, 
as Members of Congress, would not have to use force to defend this 
Nation.
  On Tuesday morning, however, we all knew that the only response that 
would be understood by the evil force that undertook these treacherous 
actions would be the powerful response of the greatest military force 
in the world, the United States military.
  However, our resolve must be based on the rule of law and reflect the 
lessons learned from history. The use of force is not something that we 
as Americans take lightly. America is a peace-loving Nation. Our 
involvement in World War II is the strongest example of America's 
peace-loving ways. We waged war on ruthless Naziism that threatened the 
very concept of humanity and the lives of entire races of people.
  Today we face another global threat, terrorism, which once again 
threatens the foundation of all peace-loving nations. Today the world 
looks to America and this very body for the very clear and unmistakable 
message that we as a Nation will not tolerate people and organizations 
to operate in opposition to the very foundation that every

[[Page 17135]]

society is based upon: the sanctity of human life.

                              {time}  2130

  I pray for our President.
  Mr. Speaker, I hope we shall overcome someday.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis).
  Mr. TOM DAVIS of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong 
support of S.J. Res. 23. With the passage of this joint resolution, 
Congress stands united with the President and the brave men and women 
in uniform ready to wage war on global terrorism. Although S.J. Res. 23 
is not a formal declaration of war, the resolution gives the President 
full authority to use force against these terrorists and is similar to 
the use of force resolution authorizing military operations during the 
Persian Gulf conflict in 1991.
  Of course, a key to making this work is the continued willingness of 
the executive to continue to consult with legislators. I am confident 
the President will do just that. Make no mistake, failure to act in 
unison at home and abroad will be interpreted by our enemies as 
weakness and an invitation to commit further atrocities. We have to put 
aside our differences, quiet our rhetoric and act decisively now.
  Mr. Speaker, today I read Leonard Pitts' column in the Miami Herald. 
Addressing his words to the faceless cowards responsible for Tuesday's 
attacks he wrote:
  ``It occurs to me that maybe you just wanted us to know the depths of 
your hatred. If that's the case, consider the message received. And 
take this message in exchange: You don't know my people. You don't know 
what we're capable of. You don't know what you just started. But you're 
about to learn.''
  I urge all my colleagues to support S.J. Res. 23.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my good 
friend and colleague, the gentlewoman from Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro), a 
member of the Democratic leadership.
  Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
legislation. This week America suffered the worst attack in our 
Nation's history. It was an assault on the American people and a threat 
to the fundamental freedom that is the strength and the spirit of our 
strong Nation. There is no reasonable justification for the vicious 
attack that has taken such a toll on the American people.
  Each day our intelligence officials obtain more information of the 
facts surrounding the events of September 11, 2001. It is clear that 
this was a carefully crafted plan for tremendous destruction. The 
criminals wanted to create a constant state of fear in American 
citizens across our great country. But the American people will not be 
bullied. They will not be cowed. Mr. Speaker, our citizens are joined 
together in prayer, giving of their time, their love, their resources. 
There has never been a greater demonstration of unity.
  With this resolution, our government also takes a stand. It reaffirms 
Congress' support for the President. It protects the authority of the 
Congress. Our Commander in Chief and the Congress will work together to 
bring to justice and to punish those responsible for trying to bring 
the United States to its knees.
  We stand tall. We stand proud. We stand ready to protect our freedom, 
our justice, and our liberty.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my 
distinguished friend and colleague, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. 
Cummings).
  Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, a great atrocity has been leveled against 
this Nation and its citizens. We must now seek justice for our Nation, 
the American people, and all humanity. But justice comes in many forms 
and the scales of justice must be carefully balanced.
  On one side, we place our commitment to spare no effort in 
eradicating terrorism and punishing those responsible for these 
deplorable crimes. On the other, we balance the responsibility to hold 
true to our Nation's principles, to be cognizant of innocent life, and 
to use military force only when necessary. This is a difficult scale to 
balance, but I believe that we have a duty to reach the appropriate 
equilibrium that justice requires.
  I strongly support the will of this President, Congress, and our 
citizenry to defend ourselves against our enemies with unrelenting 
force. It is my only hope that such force will be balanced and 
guarantees the justice we all deserve.
  May God bless America.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Sherwood).
  Mr. SHERWOOD. Mr. Speaker, we owe it to our people, we owe it to our 
history, we owe it to the folks that made us where we are. We owe it to 
those firefighters in New York. We owe it to our military personnel in 
the Pentagon. We owe it to those New Yorkers that have had their world 
brought down around their ears.
  This resolution is good. It sets out what we are about to do, and I 
am in strong support of it. We owe it to the world to show the world 
that democracy will stand and that an isolated terrorist cannot hurt 
America permanently.
  Mr. Speaker, we will send that message. We will send it with 
overwhelming force. God bless America.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my 
distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wynn).
  Mr. WYNN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time.
  Secretary of State Powell had it correctly when he said, terrorism is 
a scourge on our civilization. I am pleased to stand in support of this 
call, this call of our military might to thwart the forces of 
terrorism. I am pleased because we must bring these terrorists not just 
to justice but to a punishment that will not soon be forgotten.
  But I also want to call up tonight our most important weapon, our 
national will. We must have the will to send a clear signal that our 
fight is with terrorists, not with the Muslim world. We must have the 
will in the face of gas lines, in the face of inconveniences, in the 
face of checkpoints. We must have the will to fight over the long haul. 
And we have that will. We must have the will and the resolve to make it 
clear that while we will make adjustments in our life-styles, we will 
not surrender our fundamental freedoms.
  In the final analysis, I believe the terrorists think we are too 
soft, that we are the soft, materialistic infidel. I think, as in World 
War II, we will show them they are wrong, because the message from our 
national will will be clear and simple. We will not yield. God bless 
America.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to my good friend, the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Houghton).
  Mr. HOUGHTON. Mr. Speaker, tonight we talk patriotism, and we should. 
And we talk sacrifice, and we should. And we talk courage. We talk all 
those things about humanity and we should. But I do think it is 
important for the American people to realize that this is going to be a 
very arduous, difficult, nasty, drawn-out struggle. One of the great 
characteristics and many times it is unsung, but it is there, is 
perseverance. Just keeping on going. It is so important that we as a 
public and citizens understand that, because this is not going to be 
something which brave words will conquer. It is only our perseverance.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my good 
friend, the gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky).
  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. I thank the gentleman for yielding time.
  Mr. Speaker, along with all of my colleagues and all Americans, I 
believe that the United States of America must respond effectively and 
appropriately to this unprecedented attack on our people and our 
Nation. This resolution gives awesome responsibility to the President 
of the United States, but it should not be interpreted as unlimited 
power to use force or commit troops.
  This resolution has been carefully drafted to restrict our response 
to those we know to be responsible for

[[Page 17136]]

this atrocity. It is not a carte blanche for the use of force. This 
resolution requires compliance with the war powers resolution which 
directs the President to report to the Congress and to consult whenever 
possible. These requirements and this power must not be taken lightly.
  I have thought long and hard about this vote. I do not want to regret 
it. I want to be able to tell my grandchildren that I voted this night 
to make the world safer. I pray that in supporting this resolution, we 
are making the right decision, and I pray that the President will make 
the right decisions.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my good 
friend and distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Rhode Island 
(Mr. Langevin).
  Mr. LANGEVIN. Mr. Speaker, tonight I rise in support of the 
resolution authorizing the use of force to combat the terrorist attacks 
of September 11, 2001.
  Mr. Speaker, the terrorist acts of cruelty and inhumanity committed 3 
days ago have not weakened our Nation. Instead, the American people 
have forged stronger bonds and have demonstrated the compassion and 
concern that make our Nation great. United in our resolve, the United 
States is prepared to take action against those who have threatened us. 
America has the determination, strength and courage to combat the 
scourge of terrorism. We will identify the people, powers, and 
organizations that have contributed to terrorism, we will hold them 
accountable for their inhumanity, and we absolutely will not stop. We 
will succeed.
  In the coming weeks, the men and women in our military and 
intelligence communities will be called upon to serve their Nation. I 
commend them for their dedication and their bravery. I also call upon 
the American people to maintain the solidarity demonstrated in recent 
days and to focus on the true enemy instead of targeting innocent 
people because of skin color or customs or beliefs. Americans of all 
faiths, races, and backgrounds join in condemnation of terrorism and 
together we shall prove victorious.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as she may 
consume to the distinguished gentlewoman from Oregon (Ms. Hooley).
  Ms. HOOLEY of Oregon. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the 
resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, every fourth of July, we celebrate our national 
independence. It's a day when nearly all of us have the day off from 
work, a day when we can gather with our families for a cook out, and 
maybe attend the local parade or spend the day lounging by the pool. 
It's a day when we can see the latest Hollywood Blockbuster--this past 
year it was Pearl Harbor, a movie based on what, until this past 
Tuesday, was the most horrible attack ever on American soil.
  Because vacation days are so hard to come by, many of us base our 
vacations around the 4th. This isn't necessarily for the sake of the 
holiday, but to simply save a vacation day. And while there's nothing 
wrong with any of the above practices, time and prosperity have 
mellowed the significance of our national birthday, as they have 
Memorial Day and Veterans Day.
  Mr. Speaker, that's unfortunate for the simple reason that on nights 
like this one, we're reminded that no one gave us our freedom. No one 
gave us our liberty. And while their underlying principles were 
germinated in peaceful venues and distributed on pamphlets or word of 
mouth, ultimately they were borne through battle.
  Maybe our children don't understand, but the United Nations wasn't 
there to let our forefathers conduct a plebiscite on whether the 13 
colonies should remain part of England. Maybe we've become so used to 
living side-by-side with African Americans we forget there wasn't any 
multi-national force willing to die by the tens of thousands to free 
their ancestors from slavery. And maybe we've grown so used to violence 
as entertainment the grainy images of Pearl Harbor don't affect us any 
more--now we need a Hollywood movie to convey the importance of a 
national tragedy.
  Mr. Speaker, as we consider this resolution tonight, remember this: 
our freedom, our unity, our very way of life exist because previous 
generations of Americans have time and time again been willing to place 
a higher value on our freedom than on their own lives.
  As much as I disdain the notion that taking human life is a decision 
for politicians to make--events of this week have placed us in a 
position where, as previous members of this body have done before, we 
must ask our fellow citizens to once again fight those who detest all 
we stand for.
  To all my colleagues assembled here tonight, understand this: there 
will be Americans who will not survive the fighting to come. There will 
be casualties, both physical and psychological. There will be parents 
who lose their only children. There will be spouses who lose their 
soulmates, and children who will be orphaned. There will be small towns 
who will lose the child who sang the best in the church choir, and big 
city neighborhoods who see young person always playing basketball come 
home without legs, or without arms.
  If we are going to send Americans to forever silence those working to 
sow terror and horror against our Nation, then let us do everything in 
our power to ensure they have the resources to achieve a total victory.
  Let us ensure that when they come home Congress honors their 
sacrifice, not solely with parades, but for the rest of their lives.
  Let us pledge tonight that veterans of this and every war are treated 
as first-class citizens, as well as the millions of Americans who 
served our nation without having to fire a shot in anger. No longer 
should they have to wait weeks for medical treatment. No longer should 
they be homeless on our streets or go without psychological treatment 
if needed. No longer should our retirees see their pensions hijacked to 
help balance our budget.
  War is a serious business, and we shouldn't take what we're about to 
do lightly. Yes, the attacks of September 11, 2001 require us to 
eradicate an enemy that has proven to be more deadly than any we've 
ever faced. Support this resolution, and support our men and women in 
the armed forces. But remember their sacrifices not just today, but 
years from now after they have won this war, when Memorial Day or the 
4th of July are once again excuses to take a break from work or to 
spend an afternoon off enjoying ourselves with friends and family.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Grucci).
  Mr. GRUCCI. Mr. Speaker, I, along with a number of my colleagues from 
New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut, visited what is now known as 
ground zero in New York's lower Manhattan, the site where the two proud 
buildings of the World Trade Center once stood. I watched on the faces 
of those who were working and those who were volunteering. And while 
there was sadness in their eyes, there was a determination in their 
movement, in their step, and in their actions. There was a commitment 
on their part to hold together and to band together and to do what 
needs to be done in that Herculean effort in trying to move the tons of 
rubble and steel to look for the precious body that still may be 
gasping for air and waiting for arrival of those to come to help them. 
I stood with those who were working, and I understood their pain in 
their heart and the sadness in their face but the determination that 
they have to make sure that those who perpetrated this crime never do 
it again, not to us but not to anyone in the world.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise to support this resolution tonight. But, more 
than that, I rise as a proud American with all of my colleagues here in 
this House and all Americans throughout this country. We will find 
those who have done this and bring them to justice.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Israel).
  Mr. ISRAEL. I thank the gentleman for yielding time.
  Mr. Speaker, today I also join the President of the United States and 
Democrats and Republicans from this House in a place of war and a place 
of hope. In the wreckage of the World Trade Center, we saw the signs of 
war, twisted steel, shattered windows, smoking ruins. But, Mr. Speaker, 
amidst the devastation we saw the signs of America: small flags planted 
in the rescue workers' helmets, people weary from digging to save 
lives, yet still able to raise their hands high over their heads and 
chant ``USA, USA'' when our President arrived.
  I met with Long Islanders, my constituents, one from East Islip, the 
other from Huntington Station, who had been on the scene tirelessly 
since this calamity in a heroic effort to save

[[Page 17137]]

lives and rebuild our city. I salute them and all of our unsung heroes 
who continue the efforts to provide comfort in a time of tragedy and 
save lives in a time of war.

                              {time}  2145

  Mr. Speaker, we did not choose this fight, it chose us; and now we 
have no choice but to strike back in the defense of our lives, to 
defend our way of life, and to remember throughout the ordeal to come 
what this fight is about, the lives that were lost and the freedoms and 
liberties that we preserve.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
New York (Mr. Gilman), the chairman emeritus.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this joint resolution 
authorizing the just use of force against those who have attacked our 
Nation.
  Our Constitution places the Congress at the center of any decision to 
use force over any extended period of time. It is time for us to 
carefully weigh and support this important decision.
  It is long past due for armed action against those who have 
barbarically attacked our Nation. The individuals and nations involved 
in this terrorism deserve to feel the full wrath of our great Nation, 
and I am confident they will feel the wrath of the entire civilized 
world. The American people will lead that worldwide effort, united 
behind our commander in chief.
  Earlier today I had the honor, along with my colleagues, to accompany 
President Bush to my home city of New York, witnessing firsthand the 
incredible abominable destruction at the World Trade Center. The 
President movingly encouraged those workers dedicated to rescuing the 
missing.
  America is united behind our President, behind our Armed Forces, and 
behind all those who will join in our war against terrorism. And our 
Nation will not stand alone. We are all moved by the many 
manifestations of solidarity and sympathy that have come from leaders 
throughout the world.
  Mr. Speaker, our people have borne the deep pain and sorrow of this 
ruthless attack. We are beginning our recovery; and, by this 
legislation, for which I urge support, we are ready to defeat 
terrorism.
  God bless America, and may God bless the American people.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may 
consume to the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Sanders).
  Mr. SANDERS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, as you know, under the authority of the War Powers Act 
the President already has the legal right to use force when this 
country is attacked--as was the case on Tuesday when some 5,000 
Americans were killed in an unspeakable act of terrorism. So, in an 
important respect, this debate is more symbolic than legally necessary.
  Americans have prayed in churches, synagogues, mosques and other 
places of worship over the last four days. They have prayed for 
strength, for courage, for an end to this horror, and for peace. They 
have heard sermons that spoke of love being stronger than hate, of the 
forces of good triumphing over evil. I will vote for this resolution 
because I believe that the use of force is one tool that we have at our 
disposal to fight against the horror of terrorism and mass murder. One 
tool but it is not our only tool, and it is something that must be used 
wisely . . . and with great discretion.
  I believe that we must work with other nations to root out, capture 
and eliminate the terrorists who have caused such terrible suffering in 
our country and elsewhere. But we must also understand that widespread 
and indiscriminate force could lead to more violence and more anti-
Americanism.
  Mr. Speaker, the people of the developing world must know that we do 
not hate them, but only the terrorists who hide in their midsts and 
control their lives. By word and deed, we must show those people that 
we are on their side, rather than the terrorists who exploit them.
  Mr. Speaker, the President has an enormous responsibility. I pray 
that he uses it well and that Congress provides him with effective 
guidance.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Evans), the ranking member of the 
Committee on Veterans' Affairs.
  Mr. EVANS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the resolution 
authorizing the President to use military force against the terrorist 
threat facing our Nation.
  The events of this week will be forever seared into the memory of 
this Nation. The sheer scale of this tragedy is almost unimaginable. In 
a single day, we lost more Americans than some of our bloodiest battles 
of our history, and it happened on our soil.
  The shock and horror of these unconscionable acts have quickly turned 
into anger and rage. However, we must put this all into perspective. By 
passing the resolution before us today, we will show that America will 
act forcefully and decisively in the face of unspeakable evil. The 
resolution will empower the President and the armed services to take 
the steps necessary to defeat the forces of terrorism and punish the 
culprits who are responsible for these heinous acts.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Connecticut (Mr. Shays), the chairman of the Subcommittee on National 
Security of the Committee on Government Reform.
  Mr. SHAYS. Mr. Speaker, I have prepared remarks, but I would just 
like to speak from my heart that when you go to the Pentagon and when 
you go to see ground zero in New York, you see an incredible contrast, 
the carnage of the buildings and the hope and vitality of the people.
  When President Bush was there today and he stood up to speak to some 
of the rescue workers, some of them could not hear, and they yelled 
out, ``We can't hear you.'' And he turned around to them and said, 
``But we can hear you. The whole world can hear you. And soon, those 
who committed this dastardly, cowardly act, will hear from us.''
  I am voting for this resolution so that they will hear from us. If I 
have one regret, it is that we did not give a President, our President, 
this power a few years ago to respond to terrorism when it first 
struck.
  Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the people I represent, I rise in strong 
support of authorizing the use of our Armed Forces against those 
responsible for the carnage in New York, Pennsylvania, and Washington.
  Acts of war have been committed against innocent men, women, and 
children going about the daily business and routines that are American 
life. After a decade of peace, we are reminded in the harshest way that 
the United States has violent and cowardly enemies--that while the cold 
war is over, the world is a more dangerous place.
  A decade ago, Congress considered a resolution authorizing another 
President George Bush to use all means necessary to liberate Kuwait, a 
resolution I strongly supported. To this day, I consider the vote on 
that measure to have been the most important vote I cast during my 
service in the House.
  Today, we face a far more daunting task. This time, our enemy is 
faceless. It hides in the shadows. Its mission is morally and 
spiritually bankrupt. It's united only in its hatred for our democratic 
ideals and peaceful way of life.
  The path that lies ahead is a dangerous one. Defeating this enemy 
won't be easy, and it won't come quickly. Yet I am confident that 
authorizing force will save lives by preventing future acts of 
terrorism, and so I cast my vote without reservation.
  Mr. Speaker, this is a defining moment for our nation. After 
consoling the families who have lost loved ones and after healing the 
wounded, our duty as a free people is to support, with all the 
resources available to us, the many men and women waging the war 
against terrorism.
  I pray for the wisdom of our leaders, the courage of our Armed 
Forces, and that we will prevail over the evil that attacked us this 
week.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Barrett).
  Mr. BARRETT of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, America stands united tonight.
  We stand united with our President, and we support him.
  We stand united as a people, so the world will know we cannot and 
will not permit these terrorists to rob us of our loved ones.
  We stand united to defeat any attempts of terrorists to rob us of our

[[Page 17138]]

freedom. We shall never surrender that freedom.
  We stand united in support of the men and women who serve us in the 
Armed Forces and who will help us achieve justice.
  We shall respond, and we will never forget the victims of this 
horrific attack.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
  Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, it is obvious that America 
will respond, and we will respond in a unified, factual and deliberate 
and committed manner, we will act out of resolve and out of faith. So, 
I rise to support this resolution.
  We are today giving the President the authority to go after the 
people involved in these terrorist acts. However there is a dual 
responsibility of the Congress and the President to work together in 
times of aggression against those who would do harm to the United 
States. It must be done with the administration, the President of the 
United States, in consultation with Congress.
  I am prepared to support this resolution. I know there are others in 
this country who are fearful of entering into hostilities and war; but 
I do believe that, in consultation under the War Powers Act of 1973, we 
are headed in the right direction, for that act ensures that the 
collective judgment of both the Congress and the President will apply 
to the introduction of United States Armed Forces into hostilities or 
into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly 
indicated by the circumstances and to the continued use of such forces 
and hostilities or in such situations.
  We are unified--our country must respond. We are determined to stand 
against those who have acted violently against the United States in 
order to bring about such a loss of life that we would crumble from 
FEAR. Never will that happen, because the principles that strengthen us 
of God and country--like truth will march on.
  Mr. Speaker, Members of this Congress are truly united in their faith 
in God and country. That's why we are unwaivered in our convictions and 
resolve to defend America and our interests against the acts of terror 
and cowardice perpetrated against us on September 11, 2001 at the World 
Trade Center, the Pentagon, and the crash in Somerset County, 
Pennsylvania. These egregious acts against humanity took the lives of 
thousands of innocent civilians that spanned God's spectrum of every 
race, ethnicity and religious denomination.
  In 1973, The War Powers Resolution (Public Law 93-148) was passed 
over the veto of President Nixon, in order to provide procedures for 
Congress and the President to participate in decisions to send U.S. 
Armed Forces into hostilities.
  Such force is constitutional under the Necessary and Proper Clause 
which specifically provided that ``Congress shall have the power to 
make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution, not 
only its own powers but also all other powers vested by the 
Constitution in the Government of the United States. . . . ''
  The policy behind this power, entrusted to the President as Commander 
in Chief, to deploy U.S. armed forces to defend itself is ``exercised 
only pursuant to: (1) A declaration of war; (2) specific statutory 
authorization; or (3) a national emergency created by attack upon the 
United States, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces.'' 
Pursuant to this authority, the President ``in every possible 
instance'' shall consult with Congress before deploying U.S. Armed 
Forces, and to continue consultations as long as the armed forces 
remain in hostile situations.
  By authorizing military action under the War Powers Act the American 
people not only support the President, but they also provide guidance 
through their elected leaders that the actions this great nation takes 
are neither over broad nor inadequate. This congress can and must 
assure the proper response and level of retaliation.
  Mr. Speaker, the acts of aggression perpetrated against us certainly 
qualify under the War Powers Act, and such consultations between the 
President and the Congress are also clearly upon us.
  America has suffered perhaps the greatest attack and act of 
aggression in its history. Thousands of people were killed and injured 
in this horrific act, simply because they were Americans and for their 
common love of freedom and democracy. Therefore there is little doubt 
that collaboration between Congress and the Executive is justified in 
this instance, as a matter of statutory and constitutional law.
  The need for calm in compiling and analyzing the facts and evidence 
in this tragedy is great. Also the need for restraint and cultural 
sensitivity towards those in our communities who live as Americans, but 
who happen to be American Muslims, Arab-Americans and Asian-Americans. 
As Americans, we must demonstrate in this, our darkest hour, what makes 
us truly great: our love and acceptance of inclusiveness and cultural 
diversity. We must not attack innocent Americans who are simply 
different.
  But upon our discovery of the culprits of these heinous acts, our 
response must be deliberate and firm. The actions we take today set us 
upon a new course in history. Not unlike what the Founding Fathers 
faced against an unfathomable enemy and an inconceivable challenge. 
This Congress, like those brave patriots before us, pledges its sacred 
honor and stands at the precipice of this new world unafraid. We will 
overcome this terrible period in the history of our country and we will 
overcome.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lofgren).
  Ms. LOFGREN. Mr. Speaker, I intend to vote for this resolution. 
Nearly every Member of Congress this week has said this: on Tuesday, 
September 11, our country was brutally attacked. It was an act of war. 
It demands response.
  Under our Constitution, the President of the United States is 
commander in chief. When America is attacked, he assumes the 
obligations of the commander in chief. It does not matter whether the 
President is someone you voted for. Our country has only one President 
and only one commander in chief.
  This resolution authorizes the use of force by America. As a matter 
of law, the War Powers Act may not even require this resolution. The 
President likely already has the legal authority needed.
  But this afternoon most of us prayed together at the National 
Cathedral. At the end of the service, we stood together and we sang 
``The Battle Hymn of the Republic.'' As we sang, I could not help but 
recall that when ``The Battle Hymn of the Republic'' was written, our 
country was divided, and it was the last time on American soil when 
massive numbers of Americans died in war, until this Tuesday. At the 
end of the song, we sang, ``As He died to make men holy, let us die to 
make men free.''
  While this resolution may not be legally required, it is important to 
show that we are united; that when America is attacked, Americans stand 
together. Those who died on Tuesday will have died to make us free.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may 
consume to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin).
  Mr. CARDIN. Mr. Speaker. I rise in support of Senate Joint Resolution 
23, a resolution to authorize the use of United States Armed Forces 
against those responsible for the recent attacks launched against the 
United States and its citizens. September 11, 2001, will be a date that 
will live forever in the hearts and minds of freedom loving people. On 
that date our country was attacked by terrorists in a way thought 
impossible. Thousands of innocent men, women, and children were 
murdered. It has touched the lives of thousands of families and of all 
Americans. It was an attack on our people and our freedom. The 
resolution before us authorizes the President to take the appropriate 
action including if needed the use of our military against those 
nations, organizations or people who planned, authorized, committed or 
aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001. The 
resolution specifically directs that such action be targeted to prevent 
any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by 
such entities.
  Mr. Speaker, we have an obligation to protect the safety of our 
citizens, particularly those within our own country. This resolution 
helps us carry out that responsibility. Our military force must only be 
used when it is clearly justified. This resolution limits that use to 
respond to the September 11 attack on our Nation. It is not only 
justified, but there is no more legitimate use of military than to 
defend one's country from acts of foreign attack. The

[[Page 17139]]

resolution recognizes the role and responsibility of Congress in 
authorizing and committing our military to hostile action. The 
Constitution provides that the Congress has the power to ``provide for 
the common defense'' and the power to ``declare war''. The resolution 
strikes the right balance between the President and Congress and is in 
compliance with the War Powers Act, making it clear of the President's 
obligations to consult with and inform Congress. Now is the time for 
Congress to act. Let those who were responsible for these horrible 
deeds know that the Congress and the President and the American People 
are united and are resolved to bring the perpetrators to justice and to 
prevent such acts from ever happening again on our shores.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Davis).
  Mr. DAVIS of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I join with my colleagues in 
support of this resolution authorizing the President to use military 
force against those responsible for the September 11, 2001, attack on 
America.
  In addition, Mr. Speaker, to all of those who have lost their lives 
and loved ones or been injured, on behalf of the people of the Seventh 
District of Illinois, we extend to them our heartfelt condolences.
  Finally, Mr. Speaker, we commend all of those who have committed 
tremendous acts of bravery, who have given of themselves during this 
period, who have given even their lives so that others might live. We 
thank them for their acts of heroism, and we shall stand together.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Frost), the distinguished Chair of the 
Democratic Caucus.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, today we debate the gravest and most 
important matter that ever comes before the Congress, the use of 
military force.
  Mr. Speaker, the cowardly, barbaric attack of September 11 was an 
assault on America, on humanity and on the civilized world. It was the 
cold-blooded calculated murder of untold thousands of innocent 
Americans. It was nothing less than evil, plain and simple.
  Mr. Speaker, September 11 changed much about America and the world, 
but I am proud to say that it has not perverted our democratic system. 
That is because the Congress and the President, as coequal branches of 
government, have worked together, consulting closely throughout the 
process. As a result, we have agreed to this resolution.
  So we speak with one voice tonight, Mr. Speaker, and the House will 
overwhelmingly vote to authorize the President to use military force to 
respond to the terrorist acts of September 11.
  Mr. Speaker, the United States is united in its commitment to 
bringing to justice those who perpetrated this assault on our people. 
But make no mistake, this campaign may be long and it may be difficult.
  As we take this action tonight, let us pray for the men and women of 
our armed services as they undertake this assignment for our Nation.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Ackerman), a senior member of the Committee on International 
Relations.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, along with President, I, too, have just 
returned from ground zero, the site of the greatest single human 
tragedy in our Nation's history. The towering pyramid of wreckage upon 
whose perimeter in New York City I have just walked hours ago is a 
monument, staggering in its dimensions and horrifying in its 
implications.
  In that massive tomb, Mr. Speaker, lie the remains of a still-unknown 
number of my fellow New Yorkers and our fellow Americans. The 
terrorists who murdered these people conceive of themselves as the hand 
of God and have executed their wicked judgment against our people. And 
what were our countrymen's crimes? Their crime was to go to work in a 
free Nation. Their crime was to get on an airplane. Their crime was to 
visit one of the greatest cities in the world. And, in many cases, Mr. 
Speaker, their crime was to attempt to save the lives of other human 
beings.
  Mr. Speaker, the kind of havoc, murder and carnage which the 
terrorists have inflicted upon our Nation can only be compared to war. 
And war, Mr. Speaker, is what we will give them back. We know which 
neighborhoods these people live in. We know who their landlords are. We 
will find out where they get their paychecks. We will hunt them down, 
not only the most obvious of their public leaders, but also the most 
hidden of their private supporters.
  Tonight, Mr. Speaker, evil again is on the march, and we must 
respond. And respond we will. We will respond to the terror that lives 
in the shadows and that hides in the dark.
  We know, Mr. Speaker, that we have not borne our final pain; but 
America is embarking on a great campaign, one which will not be easy, 
one which will take some time. Like the beginning of the Cold War, we 
may not be able to foresee the end of this conflict; but, Mr. Speaker, 
we can be certain of who the winner will be.

                              {time}  2200

  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Kildee).
  Mr. KILDEE. Mr. Speaker, unimaginable evil has been perpetrated 
against our free country. We must authorize our President to take all 
necessary actions to prevent those responsible for these dastardly acts 
from again inflicting such cowardly malice against our people.
  Today our Congress reflects the resolve and unity of the American 
people in supporting our President in restoring peace and security to 
our peace-loving country. The Commander in Chief of our Armed Forces 
has an awesome responsibility. Let us unite behind him as he carries 
out his duty to our people.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Thompson).
  Mr. THOMPSON of California. Mr. Speaker, tonight I will vote to 
support our efforts to stop terrorism.
  This is going to be a difficult vote for me. Since early in 1970, 
when I stepped off an airplane in Vietnam and joined my infantry unit, 
it has been my dream and it has been my prayer that no American would 
ever again have to shed their blood nor give their life on foreign 
soil. As a Member of Congress, I never dreamed of voting to send our 
American men and women into combat, but then I never dreamed I would be 
calling the mother and the father of a young man from Eureka, 
California, in my district, who was on board one of those hijacked 
airplanes on September 11.
  This past Tuesday, terrorists attacked America and they attacked the 
American people. They murdered thousands of Americans, and we must 
ensure that we do all in our power to end terrorism and to stop the 
terrorists from striking again. Our country is great because the people 
of our country are great, and we will, we will, with resolve, stand 
together to protect our freedom.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from New Mexico (Mr. Udall).
  Mr. UDALL of New Mexico. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for 
yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, when I swore my oath to preserve, protect, and defend 
the Constitution of the United States, I never imagined that this 
country or I would be where we are today. We each swear our allegiance 
to one another and to our country, yet the magnitude of our oath is 
only understood when we face situations like we face today. During 
trying times such as these, the American spirit shines most brightly 
and we find within ourselves the ability to overcome challenges once 
thought unthinkable and unimaginable.
  The cowardly terrorists perpetrating these unspeakable acts may think 
they have won, but they better think again, because they have united 
us. A united America will overcome this evil. A

[[Page 17140]]

united America will continue to be a beacon for freedom-loving people, 
and a united America will prevail in the end.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge support of this resolution.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Strickland).
  Mr. STRICKLAND. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, a previous speaker expressed disappointment that this 
resolution is not an explicit declaration of war. Let me reassure the 
gentleman. The recipient of America's forthcoming sword of justice will 
not be able to recognize the difference.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
distinguished gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee).
  Mr. INSLEE. Mr. Speaker, as I walked down here, I saw in the 
cloakroom NBC News reported that from cell phones they could tell that 
the people on the Pennsylvania flight fought the hijackers, and that 
that flight was likely targeted for the building where we stand. The 
vision of the World Trade Center and the vision of the Citadel, symbol 
of democracy for this globe, leads me to know in my heart and in my 
gut, this is the right thing for our Nation to do.
  Our enemy does not understand our national family. He perceives our 
freedom of religion as weakness. He perceives our freedom of speech as 
lack of discipline. He is about to discover that he is wrong on all 
counts.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur), our distinguished colleague and my 
good friend.
  Ms. KAPTUR. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentleman (Mr. 
Lantos) for yielding me this time.
  I rise tonight in strong support of this resolution to grant 
unprecedented authority to our President for the first time in U.S. 
history to deploy our Armed Forces against organizations and persons 
that are not nation states, as well as those that are nation states. We 
take this step with the certain knowledge that our first duty is to 
protect and defend our Nation against all enemies, foreign and 
domestic. Never have we been more united in our cause.
  We also take this step understanding the character of U.S. foreign 
policy for the last century has also yielded levels of hate against our 
Nation, by omission or commission, that demand deep and immediate 
reevaluation. We pray for our people who have had thrust upon them such 
unjust suffering. May God bless America and our allies with wisdom. Our 
unyielding causes are freedom and justice.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
South Carolina (Mr. Graham).
  Mr. GRAHAM. Mr. Speaker, I too join the choir here of support for our 
President. This is an historic moment in our country, a sad moment. But 
I would just like to express a thought for the future.
  We are kidding ourselves if we think this will be easy, and I do not 
believe anybody understands it to be easy. We are going to call up 
thousands of reservists soon, and we are going to put men and women in 
harm's way soon. This will not be a 100-hour ground campaign; this will 
not be an air war we watch on TV. This will affect every American 
family even deeper than it has now, but it is worth it.
  This is the right thing to do. Let us end it now. Let us stand behind 
our President and go after the organizations from top to bottom who 
perpetrated such a heinous act. We can do it as a Nation if we stay 
together and keep the spirit of September 11 alive. Do not give in to 
terrorism.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he or she 
may consume to the gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands (Mrs. 
Christensen).
  Mrs. CHRISTENSEN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise with a heavy, heavy heart, to join my colleagues 
to authorize our President, to use the necessary and appropriate force 
against those who will be identified as the perpetrators of the 
terrorists act of Tuesday, September 11, 2001, that killed so many of 
our loved ones, in a diabolical attempt to strike fear in the hearts of 
our Nation's leaders and all Americans.
  Yes, we must vindicate those thousands of lives, like Sgt. Maudlin 
White of my district, so that their dying will not be in vain.
  But, Mr. Speaker, I stand here humbled by the heavy responsibility 
that is ours--the specific authority to declare war that is bestowed by 
the Constitution, on us as Members of this body.
  And though I stand here with my colleagues, in this awesome time of 
decision, I do so as one who is not afforded the opportunity to cast a 
vote. At many other times, I have felt the sting of not being fully 
able to participate in our democracy, but never more than tonight. For 
tonight we authorize our President to send my constituents, like all 
others to a war unlike any other before, and perhaps to die for this 
country, which we love.
  But we must, because now we fight a war, where all of us--at home, at 
work, at school, at church, and anywhere--are at risk, as was so 
clearly and tragically shown this week. And so, while many of us harbor 
reservations about the breadth of the powers bestowed, we must stand by 
our President, and for our fellow Americans, and pray for God's wisdom, 
and guidance, as he carries out the heavy weight of his office.
  Mr. Speaker, if there was ever a time when decisive and immediate 
decisive military action would be required as soon as certain 
information becomes known, it is in the wake of Tuesday's unprovoked 
and unwarranted attacks in which innocent lives were snuffed out, for 
no apparent purpose save that of general hatred of Americans, America 
and all that she stands for.
  The Bible tells us many things: It teaches that we should ``not 
render evil for evil,'' but it also tells us ``if one lives by the 
sword, one will die by the sword.'' The perpetrator of Tuesday's 
attacks and other attacks surely planned, used and will yet use the 
sword of violence against us, unless we stop them.
  We must act, and act swiftly and decisively, but we must also prepare 
ourselves better to prevent further attacks, and examine through honest 
introspection, if we have, in any way, given cause for such hate.
  And as we prepare to exact justice on the perpetrators of this 
heinous crime, we must also be certain that we are indeed going after 
those who committed these crimes, and not be over-reaching in our 
response.
  We must proceed with extreme and due caution, not so to wage war 
based on existing prejudices, motives, or questionable information, 
lest we inadvertently become one of the world's terrorists ourselves.
  And so, prayerfully, I join my colleagues in support of this 
resolution to authorize our President, George W. Bush, to use the 
authority vested in him by the Constitution of the United States, to 
take action to deter and prevent acts of international terrorism 
against the United States and our Allies.
  May God bless and keep our President, and may God bless and keep 
America, and may our divine Parent bless and keep us all.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Rothman).
  Mr. ROTHMAN. Mr. Speaker, I just returned with some of my colleagues 
from New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut, from Ground Zero, at the 
World Trade Center in New York City. It was a terribly disturbing 
sight; almost incomprehensible, the magnitude of this horrific crime. 
But it was also an incredibly inspiring, uplifting moment, and it 
filled me with a tremendous sense of confidence in our future.
  Confidence? The police, the firefighters, rescue workers, utility 
workers, Armed Forces, volunteers. Together, I know we, 270 million 
Americans, will win this war. United. No one can beat us.
  It will not be quick or easy, but with the will to do what is 
necessary for however long it takes, the people of the United States of 
America will triumph, and I have no doubt about that.
  We will prevail because the fire of freedom burns in us, and makes us 
unbeatable. God bless America.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Connecticut (Mr. Simmons).
  Mr. SIMMONS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this joint resolution.
  As someone who has seen the face of war for almost 4 years in 
Vietnam, I do not relish the idea of returning to this state. But 
yesterday I traveled to the Pentagon and today I flew with my 
colleagues to New York to visit Ground Zero, my military colleagues and 
my

[[Page 17141]]

constituents who have been killed and are missing in what can only be 
called an act of war.
  So we have no choice but to respond to these acts with ``all 
necessary and appropriate force.'' In the names of the dead and of the 
missing, we can do no less. God bless America.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), the ranking Democrat on the 
Committee on Foreign Operations.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution.
  America stands at a threshold. Behind us lies our sense of security, 
now shattered by intentional and brutal acts of war. Before us lies our 
solemn obligation. Our steps over this threshold must be deliberate, 
they must be firm, and they must be brave.
  Today, Congress invokes our authority, derived from our Constitution 
and the War Powers Resolution, to authorize the use of force against 
enemies of the United States. Our object is not to extract vengeance; 
mere retribution will not make Americans safe, nor will it purge 
terrorism from this world.
  The battles ahead will be against an enemy who knows no boundaries 
and has no shame, an enemy with no flag and no official military, who 
lurks in the shadows of the world, cloaked in malevolent ideology and 
attacks us indiscriminately. These will be battles unlike any we have 
ever known and we must stand united with our President, our allies, and 
each other as we navigate the coming storm. The coming days and weeks 
will give us a clear picture of who stands on the side of justice and 
freedom and who does not.
  Those who stand against us, actively, by organizing, financing, or 
executing terrorism, or passively, by sheltering terrorists and their 
allies, or implicitly, by teaching hatred to children or justifying 
violence against innocents, will know the full fury of a just and 
gentle America aroused. We will not rest until the world is free at 
last from the grave threat that struck so hard at our Nation's heart.
  Since the end of the Cold War, this Nation has taken much for 
granted: our freedom, our liberty, our safety. These days are over, I 
say to my colleagues. Today, at this moment, a new generation is being 
called upon to defend our way of life and protect our citizens. A new 
war is upon our shores. Its first innocent casualties have already 
fallen. Let us meet this test with all the unity and will we can 
muster, and may God bless America.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Davis).
  Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, as a new Member of Congress, I 
hardly expected to have to take this extraordinary step, but I do it 
with the grave seriousness with which it is intended.
  Last May I stood on this floor and I welcomed my first new 
grandchild, and I said at that time that for many of us the issues that 
we deal with today, we need to think about how they affect our children 
and our grandchildren. I would submit to my colleagues today that that 
is what I am thinking about, because what we are doing today is 
securing for them our American way of life.
  Our American way of life reflects that fragile balance between our 
individual freedom and the security of our Nation, because that is the 
cornerstone of our democracy and to which our children are born. And to 
our foes: You have underestimated our will to assure that that justice 
and that freedom flourishes throughout our land.

                              {time}  2215

  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Georgia (Mr. Linder).
  Mr. LINDER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time to 
me.
  Mr. Speaker, not one Member of this body ran for election to go to 
war. We seek peace. But in the last century, America has spent the 
lives of our young men and women in major conflicts on five occasions 
on other shores to restore peace, and now war comes to us.
  We did not invite this, but we will not shirk from it. A band of 
thugs has visited upon this Nation and upon innocent American citizens 
death and destruction, the likes of which the world has never seen. It 
falls upon us to ensure that not only can it not succeed on our soil, 
but that it should not be tolerated in any corner of the globe.
  This resolution gives to our President the tools to begin a long and 
arduous campaign to end this terrorism. It will not end with the 
punishment of one man or group or even one nation sympathetic to their 
cause. It will end with a victory so brutal and decisive that no one or 
group, no matter how much they hate freedom, will dare to risk 
repeating the terror they have put the world through for the last 30 
years. No nation state, no matter how much they hate America as the 
world's most conspicuous example of freedom, will find it in their 
nation's interest to attempt to surreptitiously support them.
  This will not be quick or easy, but this is a united Congress, this 
is a dedicated President, the American people are fully committed to 
our goal, and we will succeed.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to our 
distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Clement).
  Mr. CLEMENT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time to 
me.
  Mr. Speaker, we were all shocked, horrified, disgusted, and sorrowed 
at the tragic events that transpired September 11, 2001, resulting in a 
large loss of life. My thoughts and prayers are with the families. 
There is no doubt, all of our own lives hold more value to us than 
before, and we have been forever changed as individuals and as a nation 
by experiencing such a devastating loss.
  In the days ahead, we must take a multifaceted approach in order to 
destroy terrorism and terrorists around the world.
  Make no mistake, the Congress fully supports our President and will 
hold those responsible who did those atrocious actions. We will do 
whatever is necessary to promote and protect our way of life and to 
protect our families. America remains a strong democracy, and the 
resilience of our people will prevail.
  Just a few weeks ago, I was in New York City; and I was toured around 
by the Port Authority of New York. We were over there with the 
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mica) with the Subcommittee on Aviation, 
and they showed us New York.
  Some of those people who took me around are not with us anymore. I 
assure Members, we will remember them, we will remember their memories, 
and we will do everything we can to bring about justice for all.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to our valued 
colleague, the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Velazquez).
  Ms. VELAZQUEZ. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support this resolution on 
behalf of my constituents and all New York. Those who wear the uniforms 
of firefighters, paramedics, nurses, and doctors are our soldiers. We 
will not let their courage, big heart, and hard work to rebuild our 
city amid the rubble be forgotten.
  We are facing a different kind of war requiring a different kind of 
response. We will need more vigilance at home and more cooperation 
abroad. Flexibility and creativity are required to prevent further 
assaults. We must be smarter and faster than our foe.
  We support this action because our cause is just. There is no 
conceivable justification for shedding the blood of innocents. We do 
not seek vengeance, for Americans are not a vengeful people. Americans 
cherish justice, and that is what we seek here.
  This resolution would allow us to pursue, prosecute, and punish these 
criminals. We do this because civilized nations prove again and again 
that terrorists have no legitimacy among them.
  With the sustained and inalterable will demonstrated here tonight, 
and the cooperation of peace-loving people around the world, we will 
prevail. I strongly support this resolution.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to our 
colleague, the gentleman from New Jersey, (Mr. Holt).

[[Page 17142]]


  Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time to me.
  Mr. Speaker, today, even as we bind the wounds as thousands of brave 
Americans still work to free those who are trapped, to care for those 
who are injured, to recover those who are lost, Congress, on behalf of 
our good and brave people, must act.
  Mr. Speaker, this is the time for our Nation to lead the world in the 
fight against terror, to strike a blow for future generations for all 
people against those who would try to achieve their goals through 
violence, terror, and bloodshed. While these cowardly acts have shaken 
buildings, they cannot shake the strong foundations of our nation's, 
our peoples' spirit, our great democracy.
  Today we show that we are Americans united, united for our foes to 
see and for our friends to see. Today we show the world that the manner 
in which we respond illustrates what makes America great and shows 
America to be good.
  I join with all of my colleagues in Congress in expressing our 
Nation's sorrow and outrage against this evil event; even more, our 
firm resolve to root out terrorism. It will require a long, hard 
effort, and a full measure of wisdom and courage. Those cowards failed. 
Our freedom is not our vulnerability, it is our greatest strength.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to our 
distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak).
  Mr. STUPAK. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. I 
suspect most Members will support it. As we have heard from voices 
throughout the land, people are looking for swift, revengeful action 
from our Armed Forces.
  In my own district, my own constituents are mourning the death of 
Army Major Kip Taylor, who died in Tuesday's attack on the Pentagon. I 
am sure we all want swift retribution, but I am reminded of the old 
saying that revenge is a dish best served cold.
  This resolution authorizes the President to strike, and to strike 
hard. But let us make sure we identify our targets carefully. Today as 
we gathered at the National Cathedral on this day of prayer and 
remembrance, we sang the Battle Hymn of the Republic.
  We sang those words that we hope will send a chill through our 
enemies: ``He hath loosed the faithful lightning of his terrible swift 
sword.''
  Mr. Speaker, the sword we loosen tonight is indeed terrible. May its 
aim be swift and true in bringing us justice and peace.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield as much time as he might consume to 
our distinguished Democratic whip, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. 
Bonior).
  Mr. BONIOR. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos), for managing the time today on this most 
important resolution and for his contributions, as well as the 
distinguished gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde).
  Mr. Speaker, together we mourn our Nation's terrible, terrible losses 
and our hearts ache; and we know that the days ahead will not be very 
easy. But in these past difficult days, America has once again shown 
the world and perhaps even ourselves, Mr. Speaker, just who we are, a 
land of courage and generosity and extraordinary quiet heroes; a people 
of many colors, faiths, backgrounds; a people who stand united, not 
just in defense of our Nation but of our most cherished ideals, 
freedom, tolerance, diversity, and democracy.
  When the world watched our national prayer service earlier today they 
heard the healing words of many faiths. A Muslim imam, a Jewish rabbi, 
and Christian clergy.
  These Americans, like the rest of the world, all worship God in their 
own way. But the common faith they share, what we have witnessed in the 
torrent of goodness this week as neighbors help neighbors and strangers 
help strangers, is that hate can never conquer our national spirit.
  We must prepare ourselves for the uncertain months and perhaps years 
ahead. Every one of us will be asked to give more, to do more, to help 
pull the plow of freedom forward.
  With this resolution, we commit ourselves to that endeavor, to bring 
those who attacked us on September 11 to justice and to build a safer 
world. We draw strength from our unity of purpose in the unwavering 
support of friends and allies around the world.
  Today, we join together not as Democrats nor Republicans, but Mr. 
Speaker, as proud Americans prepared to defend freedom as our forebears 
did before us.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Before yielding back the balance of our time, may I just say that I 
arrived on these shores in August of 1947, and in all those years I 
have never been more proud to be an American than this week. The unity, 
the goodness, the commitment, the decency of our people has been so 
obvious and clear and so powerful and moving. This country will stand 
united as we destroy international terrorism, however long it takes.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of our time.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of our time to the 
distinguished majority leader, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Armey).
  Mr. ARMEY. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the gentleman from 
Illinois (Mr. Hyde) for yielding me this time, and I thank both him and 
the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) for your leadership on the 
floor during this debate.
  I would like to thank, Mr. Speaker, all my colleagues, all these 
Members of this House of Representatives. Today I have had a rare 
opportunity. I had an opportunity to listen to most of the speeches, 
and it was a good debate about a serious subject. Mr. Speaker, this is 
a serious moment for each and every one of us, and you can see it 
weighing in our hearts.
  Every now and then, Mr. Speaker, we are called upon to understand and 
reach deep into our hearts and minds to understand who we are as a 
Nation. I have seen it before my eyes in all the scenes we have seen 
described here tonight and the horror of the attack and the splendor of 
our heroic response. Even in the most brief circumstances, with our 
hearts broken, we reached out to help others across this land.
  I think, Mr. Speaker, there is one phrase from our sacred documents 
that tells us who we are, why are we here, why did we come to this land 
from all other this world, with all our different creeds, 
denominations, Nations of origin, nationalities.
  We came here in search of one thing. We came here to secure the 
blessings of liberty for ourselves and our posterity. That is what we 
wanted. We have had to struggle too many times, Mr. Speaker, in the 
history of this great world as we have tried to play out that wonderful 
drama as a marvelous experiment in the history of the world. We have 
had to struggle against our own imperfections and there has been hurt; 
and we tried to overcome that hurt.
  On so many other occasions we have been called upon to struggle for 
the freedom that we love so much against the enemies of freedom. Even 
in the beginning of this great Nation, with the minutemen, we took to 
our muskets to win our freedom. And another time we fought with one 
another, and just about lost the greatness of this Nation and we 
brought it back together.
  But for the most part, Mr. Speaker, we have had to spend our young 
men and women in the defense of freedom for other people, and I always 
admired us so much for that.

                              {time}  2230

  What Nation ever in the history of the world has so much loved 
freedom that they spent their own peace to defend the freedom of people 
other than themselves? That is to be known, that is to be respected, 
that is to be cherished, if only by ourselves.
  And now we are challenged again. Why do they challenge us? What do 
they seek to achieve? Are they wanting to change our commitment to 
freedom across the globe? Do they think we are a bother to them as they 
try to suppress other people and deny them their rights? A great Nation 
does not change the course of its policies towards other

[[Page 17143]]

nations and other people because of the cruel, inhumane acts of 
terrorism by barbaric people who do not understand respect. We will not 
change who we are and what we stand for in this world and who we have 
been and what we have stood for in this world because of this.
  I am told that in some instances, with some of these people, they 
hate our religion. We only ask that we all gather together and give 
respect for one another in our religious beliefs. We try to do that for 
others, and I believe as a Nation we do it well. Not perfect, but well. 
And we work so hard at doing that for others we require that it be the 
same for us.
  Tonight, we have gathered here to discuss something, and I have heard 
so many of my colleagues in this body say it, it is something we do not 
want to do, to join again in authorization with our President, the 
commander in chief of the United States of America, to commit our young 
men and women in uniform to the field of danger in the defense of 
freedom. A simple thing, done over and over and over again.
  We have been reminded by others, some of us, of the costs we might 
expect these young men and women to pay, the costs that have been paid 
by the heroes we have talked about in this debate. This will not come 
cheap. There will be mamas and daddies with broken hearts with the loss 
of the most precious gift the good Lord has ever given them: their 
children.
  But when mothers and fathers in this great land lend their children 
to the cause of freedom, they do just that. We do not commit our 
children for frivolous reasons to fields of danger. This is not about 
revenge. It is not in our heart. We are a good Nation. We are a kind 
Nation. We will forgive our enemies in victory; and we struggle to 
forgive ourselves for our imperfections, but we do not commit our 
children to acts of vengeance.
  We do not cheapen the heroism of our great American heroes with the 
quest of territory or the thought of dominance of other people. We will 
spend our heroes only for freedom, decency and respect; for the right 
to live an ordinary mundane everyday life, to go to work and be left 
alone, to do our bit and share with others, to hold our children and 
put them to bed at night with a very simple little kiss on the cheek 
and a very soft little assurance: sleep safely, my darling, for you are 
in America and you are free and you are safe and our heroes have made 
it so for you.
  Mr. Speaker, let us vote for this resolution. Let us take this harsh 
task. Let us ask our young men and women once more in America to go out 
and be the sensational heroes at risk that they never wanted to be and, 
bless our hearts, that we never wanted them to have to be. Let us get 
this done. Let us remove this blight on the world. And, Mr. Speaker, 
let us have the blessings of liberty for ourselves, but oh so much more 
importantly, for our posterity.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, the World Trade Center is in my district, 
and I just this moment returned from traveling in the district with the 
President, walking through the ruins of the World Trade Center, where 
there are thousands of bodies buried.
  I have spent much of my career speaking out against the use of 
military force when I believed it was unwarranted. In many ways, my 
political awakening began with my active opposition to the war in 
Vietnam. But, Mr. Speaker, those of my colleagues who are rightly 
skeptical of the use of force, and who recognize how very reluctant we 
must be when sending our young men and women into harm's way, must 
understand the threat and the stakes if we fail to act.
  Many have said that the events of Tuesday changed the world forever. 
The world has not changed. The people who carried out this murderous 
attack on our Nation, the organizations which recruited, trained, and 
supplied them, the governments which gave them shelter and support are 
still there. We now know without any doubt what the price of inaction, 
of appeasement, of willful blindness will be.
  The world has not changed, but I believe the American people have. 
Our Nation is now ready to recognize that we have been in a war for 
many years. Our people now recognize that if we do not defend ourselves 
in that war from those for whom our lives, our children, and our way of 
life are a daily affront, we will not survive as a Nation. We must now 
exercise the right under the United Nations Charter to collective self-
defense.
  I wish we had a choice, but the charred rubble and the thousands of 
dead Americans lying just blocks from my office in Manhattan, and the 
hundreds more a stone's throw from this very building demonstrate that 
we have no choice. We must pass this resolution. We must wage the war 
that has been thrust upon it. We must do it resolutely, and we must be 
victorious and rid the world of this scourge of terrorism.
  Mr. Speaker, I have just returned from my congressional district and 
walked with the President through the ruins of the World Trade Center. 
Somewhere in those charred and twisted ruins lie the bodies of 
relatives, friends, children, colleagues, neighbors, firefighters, 
police officers, working people, and innocent tourists.
  I have spent much of my career speaking out against the use of 
military force when I believed it was unwarranted. In fact, in many 
ways my political awakening began with my active opposition to the war 
in Vietnam. But, Mr. Speaker, those of my colleagues who are rightly 
skeptical of the use of military force, and who recognize how every 
careful we must be when we consider sending our young men and women 
into harm's way, must look carefully at this threat and understand the 
stakes if we fail to act.
  Many have said that the events of September 11, 2001, changed the 
world forever.
  But if our lives were changed forever, the world was not. The people 
who carried out this murderous attack on our Nation, the organizations 
which recruited, trained, and supplied them, the governments which gave 
them shelter and support, the fanatical leaders who have whipped up 
hatred so great that young people were willing to fly planes filled 
with innocent civilians into crowded office buildings--all of these 
despicable murders and demagogues have been at work for years. The only 
thing that has changed is that we have now joined the family of nations 
which has far too long paid a terrible price because we have failed to 
act.
  We now know without any doubt what the price of inaction, of 
appeasement, of willful blindness, will be. When we allow nations which 
offer shelter and pay tribute to these murders to pretend that they are 
our friends, we get the betrayal we ourselves have invited. Anyone who 
witnessed the mobs in the Palestinian territories celebrating our 
tragedy in the streets understands the attitude of our enemy in this 
war; they shake your hand and then cheer your pain.
  So the world has not changed, but I believe the American people have. 
Our Nation is now ready to recognize that we have been in a war for 
many years, and our people now recognize that if we do not defend 
ourselves in that war from those for whom our lives, our children, and 
our way of life are a daily affront, we will not survive as a nation.
  The Constitution gives Congress the awesome power to declare war and 
authorize the use of military force in the defense of the Nation. The 
United Nations Charter gives member nations the right to ``collective 
self-defense.'' Tonight we do just that. I wish we had a choice, but 
the charred rubble and the thousands of dead just blocks from my office 
in Manhattan, and the hundreds more a stones throw this very building, 
demonstrate that we do not.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I, too, have just come back from New York 
with the President, and I must say that I still have the mud all over 
me. Being a New Yorker, born and bred, I was not prepared for what I 
saw at ground zero.
  Ten years ago, Mr. Speaker, I stood in the well and was one of the 
Democrats who crossed party lines to support the first President Bush 
in the Persian Gulf War to do what he needed to do as our commander in 
chief, and I now do the same 10 years later with President Bush.
  This is a very difficult time for all Americans. We need to band 
together to fight this scourge of terrorism, and I think we know it now 
more than ever before. I have never been more proud to be an American. 
I have never been more proud to be a New Yorker, to see the firemen, 
the policemen, the iron workers, and everyone else working together to 
try to find more survivors, to try to do whatever they can to help each 
other.

[[Page 17144]]

  This is going to be a long prolonged fight. As our President said, it 
is a war, a war on terrorism, but a war that we will win. I am very, 
very proud; proud of this body and proud to be an American. God bless 
America.
  Mr. FERGUSON. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
resolution. I, too, came back from ground zero in New York, the site of 
so much wreckage and destruction. And for those who say that this was 
done by cowardly, faceless villains, yes, they were cowardly; but the 
face that we see is the face of evil and hatred in our world today.
  We contrasted that evil with the hope and the determination and the 
courage of the firefighters and police officers and rescue squad 
personnel working with the glimmer of hope of finding additional 
survivors. For these individuals who have worked in the toughest of 
circumstances for 3 days, it was incredible to see their faces light up 
with words of encouragement from our President.
  There was so much noise and machinery. There was a firefighter in the 
back who yelled, ``Mr. President, we can't hear you.'' And the 
President responded with, ``But I can hear you, and all of America can 
hear you. And for those who took down these buildings, they are going 
to hear from us.''
  Tonight's resolution represents our opportunity to make sure that 
they do hear from us. Tonight, we have an opportunity to stop this 
evil. We do not seek revenge; we seek justice. We know that this is not 
going to be a short-term project. We need to bear down and have 
perseverance for the long haul. We will root out those who were 
responsible for that massacre, and America will stare down the face of 
evil and hatred.
  To those who have endured so much suffering, we will not let you 
down.
  Mr. UDALL of Colorado. Mr. Speaker, I am voting for this resolution 
with a heavy heart, but without hesitation.
  Like the hearts of all Americans, my heart is heavy with grief for 
all those killed and injured in this week's despicable attacks. It is 
weighted with sympathy for all their families and friends, and with 
concern for what may lie ahead for our country and for other people 
around the world.
  But, however heavy our hearts, we in the Congress and throughout 
America know we must not lose heart.
  We know we must not hesitate to fulfill our responsibilities to our 
fellow citizens and to our country.
  We know that if we do, we will be giving way to terror and giving 
victory to those who seek to terrorize America.
  And all Americans--Christians, Jews, Muslims, and all others, too--
know that we cannot let these criminal deeds go unanswered.
  This resolution is a key part of the answer. It says the President 
can use force in a ``necessary and appropriate'' response directed at 
those who ``planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist 
attacks on September 11, 2001,'' as well as those who harbored the 
perpetrators, so they will not commit new offenses. It is broad, but it 
is not unlimited. It covers the culpable but it is not aimed at anyone 
else.
  In other words, in voting for this resolution, I am voting not for 
vengeance but for justice.
  I think it is the duty of all civilized people to insist on meting 
out justice to those who are guilty, including those who have aided and 
abetted the perpetrators--and we must not hesitate to carry out that 
duty.
  But we have another duty as well--a duty to ourselves and to the 
things we hold most dear.
  To paraphrase Churchill, this week may prove to be only the end of 
the beginning of events that will challenge us all. Those events likely 
will test our resolve in persisting through a long and unsettling 
struggle. And they definitely will test our dedication to our own 
principles--the very principles that have made America what it is and 
so have made us hated by those who hate those principles.
  We must not waiver in defending those principles. We must not weaken 
in our determination to maintain our Constitution and democracy. And we 
must not surrender or reduce the basic freedoms and the rights of all 
Americans--because, if we do any of those things we will have lost the 
struggle, whatever the results of the use of force authorized by this 
resolution.
  Mr. LEACH. Mr. Speaker, American governance today is confronted with 
an unprecedented challenge. A concerted terrorist attack has been 
perpetrated against our institutions, people, and way of life. As 
legislators we are obligated to look to our constitutional heritage to 
craft an appropriate response. What is clear is the imperative to act. 
What is less clear is the methodology to pursue.
  Terrorism is neither easily understood nor combatted. The assaults on 
the World Trade Center and the Pentagon represent perhaps more a 
conspiracy of hatred than a traditionally understood act of war. Yet 
the rationale for an international police action led response by U.S. 
Armed Forces must be rooted in traditional just war doctrine.
  There is in the Western tradition a hallowed just war doctrine 
developed by ecclesiastics and jurists, followed by statesmen, 
instinctively accepted by the peoples of many countries. Briefly, it 
holds that for war to be considered just, it must be animated by a just 
cause and informed by righteous intention, that it be undertaken by a 
lawful political authority and only as a last resort, and that 
rectifying actions be proportionate to the wrongs committed.
  With this resolution Congress is obligated to lay forth an intent to 
hold accountable to the bar of justice perpetrators of a crime against 
civilized values. We do this, however, with no intent of territorial 
aggression nor desire to precipitate breaches between the Moslem and 
Judeo-Christian worlds. Indeed, we act out of a desire to emphasize 
what unites rather than divides the three great monotheistic religions.
  All moral communities are structured by religious values. Thus our 
revolution against British authority was premised upon ``self-evident'' 
individual rights and legitimized by an ``appeal to heaven,'' a higher 
law of conscience which precedes the more mundane civil laws of 
society. In establishing our constitutional form of government the 
Founders brought into being not a secular system, but a desectarianized 
one premised on the dual conviction that no political leader or 
institution speaks for God, and at the same time, that under God, truth 
and right are not matters ultimately decided by majority vote.
  The decision not to establish a state church, however, was never 
intended to precipitate a divorce of religious values from politics. 
Citizens were expected to derive their values from religion, but to 
practice their faith by example rather than coercion; to be moral 
without moralizing. Likewise, governance was intended to be rooted in 
law and due process and the resolution we are now debating is intended 
to underscore the role of our legislature in advancing a foreign policy 
decision.
  Here, it demands stressing that for a community founded as ``one 
nation, under God,'' a critical basis for making judgments of the 
nature thrust today before Congress is the Ten Commandments, the 
essence of the ethical teachings of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. As 
the scholar Huston Smith puts it: ``It is through the Ten Commandments 
that Hebraic morality has made its greatest impact upon the world. 
Taken over by Christianity and Islam, the Ten Commandments constitute 
the moral foundation of half the world's population.''
  As Smith and others have pointed out, the ethical precepts contained 
in the Ten Commandments--whether as worded in Exodus 20: 1-17 or 
Deuteronomy 5: 6-21 of the Hebrew Bible, as summarized by Jesus of 
Nazareth in ``two great commandments,'' Matthew 22: 37-39 in the New 
Testament, or as in the injunctions and prohibitions in Surah 17: 22-39 
of the Koran--represent the minimum standards of conduct if life in 
community is to be an enduring possibility.
  The Ten Commandments are not the exclusive possession of a single 
religious tradition nor the expression of a particular moral code. 
Rather the importance of the Ten Commandments lies not in their 
uniqueness but in their universality. They are not only the final word 
in any area, they are the first word. This is why, over three thousand 
years after their formulation, they remain the moral cornerstone of 
half the world.
  The Ten Commandants are relevant to discussion of this resolution 
because just as the Judeo-Christian tradition emphasizes the civilized 
belief that ``Thou shalt not kill,'' the Koran states: ``do not kill 
any one whom Allah has forbidden . . .''
  The distinction that matters is not nuanced differences between the 
Old and New Testaments and the Koran, but between committed individuals 
of faith and fanatics. The former are concerned principally with 
improving their own lives; the latter with imposing their beliefs on 
others. Yet it is impressive how closely St. Paul's admonition about 
modesty of judgement--that we all see through a glass darkly--parallels 
Mohamed's directive ``follow not that of which you have not the 
knowledge . . . do not go about in the land exultingly, for you cannot 
cut through the earth nor reach the mountains in height.''
  These parallels are important in this discussion because as we 
contemplate the use of

[[Page 17145]]

force, we the representatives of the American people have an obligation 
to emphasize the commonality of our values. We respect Islam and 
Islamic nations. The only brief we hold is against parties that 
manipulate hatred and employ tactics of terror.
  Here, to return to just war doctrine, a central tenet is 
proportionately. Care must be taken in any military action to limit to 
the maximum extent possible collateral damage and seek instead 
individual accountability. We must in the American tradition pay a 
decent respect to the opinions of mankind. Otherwise, we will not only 
create more terrorists than we root out and cause a world currently 
sympathetic to our dilemma to turn against us, however righteous our 
cause. Fanaticism, in other words, should be matched by a commitment to 
right or wrong, not counter-fanaticism. The fundamental goal of the 
policy we sanction this evening must be prevention, not revenge.
  Finally, a note about historical parallels. The Gulf of Tonkin 
resolution is not proper precedent. Tonkin, after all, involved an 
unconfirmed rifle attack from a wooden boat against a U.S. naval vessel 
in a combat zone off the shores of Vietnam. No one was killed or 
injured; no damage was inflicted. In this case, an unprovoked, cowardly 
attack was launched against American citizens and military personnel on 
American territory. The Congress, in conformity with the War Powers 
Resolution which resulted from the lack of constitutional clarity that 
engulfed our involvement in Vietnam, has no choice except to authorize 
executive discretion. What this debate must frame, however, is both the 
discretion that is appropriately delegated to the President or 
underscored under the Constitution and the limits or nature of 
judgement that must be applied to the circumstance. In this regard, 
this Member smply wishes to place in the Record a concern for the need 
for international cooperation and proportionality of response. 
Fundamentally, at this stage, the crimes that have been committed are 
of a few against two symbolic bastions of civilization. The goal should 
be individual accountability of parties that plan and participate in 
terrorism or harbor terrorist activity. Prayerfully, a war on terrorism 
need not precipitate a war between cultures or states.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. It 
authorizes the President to use all necessary and appropriate force 
against those who attacked our country on September 11, or those who 
aided or harbored them. The death and destruction that rained down from 
the skies on Tuesday has horrified and outraged the entire nation. We 
can never replace the innocent lives that were lost, but we honor their 
grievous loss when we act to prevent such a heinous crime from 
happening again.

  The enemy that did this must be identified and punished. Their 
network of support must be uprooted. In the difficult effort ahead, we 
must be resolute, determined and united in purpose. The resolution 
before the House tonight reinforces and supports the powers granted to 
the President in the Constitution as Commander in Chief and those 
granted him under the War Powers Act. More than that, it underscores 
the determination of Congress to stand with the President, the men and 
women of our nation's armed forces, and all Americans in the great task 
before us.
  As a freedom loving people, we did not seek this fight. But as nation 
that loves freedom, we shall not shun it. Let us stand together and 
pass this resolution.
  Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today with a heavy heart, one that is 
filled with sorrow for the families and loved ones who were killed and 
injured in New York, Virginia, and Pennsylvania. Only the most foolish 
or the most callous would not understand the grief that has gripped the 
American people and millions across the world.
  This unspeakable attack on the United States has forced me to rely on 
my moral compass, my conscience, and my God for direction.
  September 11 changed the world. Our deepest fears now haunt us. Yet I 
am convinced that military action will not prevent further acts of 
international terrorism against the United States.
  I know that this use-of-force resolution will pass although we all 
know that the President can wage a war even without this resolution. 
However difficult this vote may be, some of us must urge the use of 
restraint. There must be some of us who say, let's step back for a 
moment and think through the implications of our actions today--let us 
more fully understand its consequences.
  We are not dealing with a conventional war. We cannot respond in a 
conventional manner. I do not want to see this spiral out of control. 
This crisis involves issues of national security, foreign policy, 
public safety, intelligence gathering, economics, and murder. Our 
response must be equally multi-faceted.
  We must not rush to judgment. Far too many innocent people have 
already died. Our country is in mourning. If we rush to launch a 
counter-attack, we run too great a risk that women, children, and other 
non-combatants will be caught in the crossfire.
  Nor can we let our justified anger over these outrageous acts by 
vicious murderers inflame prejudice against all Arab Americans, 
Muslims, Southeast Asians, or any other people because of their race, 
religion, or ethnicity.
  Finally, we must be careful not to embark on an open-ended war with 
neither an exit strategy nor a focused target. We cannot repeat past 
mistakes.
  In 1964, Congress gave President Lyndon Johnson the power to ``take 
all necessary measures'' to repel attacks and prevent further 
aggression. In so doing, this House abandoned its own constitutional 
responsibilities and launched our country into years of undeclared war 
in Vietnam.
  At that time, Senator Wayne Morse, one of two lonely votes against 
the Tonkin Gulf Resolution, declared, ``I believe that history will 
record that we have made a grave mistake in subverting and 
circumventing the Constitution of the United States . . . . I believe 
that within the next century, future generations will look with dismay 
and great disappointment upon a Congress which is now about to make 
such a historic mistake.''
  Senator Morse was correct, and I fear we make the same mistake today. 
And I fear the consequences.
  I have agonized over this vote. But I came to grips with it in the 
very painful yet beautiful memorial service today at the National 
Cathedral. As a member of the clergy so eloquently said, ``As we act, 
let us not become the evil that we deplore.''
  Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise tonight in strong support of this 
resolution. What we are doing tonight is authorizing the use of our 
Armed Forces for war. It is a war we did not want, and it is a war we 
did not start. But the primary responsibility of any government must be 
the protection of its citizens, and so Tuesday's attacks on the 
citizens of the United States have left us with no choice. The 
perpetrators of these heinous crimes must be found, and then they must 
suffer the consequences of their deeds.
  I take this vote tonight knowing there will be challenges ahead. 
There will be danger. And there will be sacrifice. But this is a war we 
must win. For us as Americans, and for the free world.
  Terrorists use fear as a weapon. But we will not surrender to fear. 
Because they are not just facing the best-trained and best-equipped 
military the world has ever known; they are facing the fierce 
determination and the quiet anger of the American people. The attacks 
on Tuesday were designed to bring chaos to the United States, but it 
has done just the opposite. We stand together as one nation. We 
understand there will be challenges ahead. And we know what must be 
done. And that is why we are here tonight and authorizing the President 
to use all necessary force to destroy these terrorist organizations. 
September 11th is a day we will always remember, and I believe it is a 
day the enemies of freedom will live to regret.
  Mr. WU. Mr. Speaker, as brave Americans continue working to rescue 
and treat those trapped under the remains of the World Trade Center and 
the damaged Pentagon, my heart and prayers continue to be with those 
who have lost loved ones and those with loved ones still to be found.
  Since Tuesday, I have seen Americans in our finest hour. We have 
experienced the deepest of loss, sadness, despair, and anger. But 
Americans have joined together to help each other, and I am proud.
  We Americans demand that individuals, organizations, or countries 
responsible for this monstrous act be brought to justice. Our actions 
must be deliberate, decisive, and effective.
  We will not deliberately attack innocent civilians and become like 
our attackers.
  Article I, section 8 of the our Constitution grants to Congress the 
authority ``To declare War.''
  This is one of the most profound of powers. The Founders recognized 
that the power to send our sons and daughters to war is the most 
important decision a nation can make. They invested this power in 
Congress, the institution closest to the people.
  I believe this solemn congressional responsibility is critical to 
protecting the delicate balance of power between the legislative and 
executive branches. This balance of power was carefully crafted and has 
allowed the United States to remain one of the most stable and enduring 
democracies in the world.

[[Page 17146]]

  I would have strong reservations about a resolution authorizing the 
use of force in an open ended manner reaching far beyond responding to 
this specific terrorist attack on America. This is not that resolution.
  This resolution restates the authority I believe Congress already 
granted to the President under Section 2(c)(3) of the War Powers 
Resolution. My reading is that nothing in this resolution supercedes 
congressional authority under the Constitution or War Powers Resolution 
and the President would continue to be bound by the reporting and 
consultation requirements. Under this resolution, Congress reserves the 
right to review the President's plans and actions.
  The purpose of our restatement, of this use of force resolution, is 
to demonstrate that America stands united. I pray that President Bush 
will use the awesome powers of the United States with wisdom.
  Mr. HILLEARY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of our Commander-
in-Chief, our Armed Forces, and the important action this body takes 
today. This resolution means America will go into our war on terrorism 
with a solid front.
  We're not retaliating because we're angry, although we are. We're not 
doing this out of revenge, although it is. This is not simply about 
justice, although we are entitled to justice. Rather, we are 
retaliating to save our freedom and way of life. These who were 
violently attacked on September 22th would be attacked again, maybe 
with nuclear, biological, or chemical weapons next time, if we were to 
allow the perpetrators to go unpunished, or even lightly punished. But 
we won't. America is a peaceful nation, but when our freedom and 
security are challenged as they are now, we will do whatever it takes 
to protect our way of life.
  I do not take this decision lightly. This war is going to be an 
extensive and costly one. This vote will result in the likely loss of 
life for a good number of American servicemen, and the certain upheaval 
of many American families. Our enemies don't think America has the 
stomach for an ugly sustained fight like this one. Our enemies are 
wrong.
  Ten years ago, I was on the receiving end of a resolution like this 
one, just another young Air Force officer, waiting for the word. I know 
it was an agonizing decision for many members of this body, but it was 
the right one for America and for the world. I believe this one is, 
too. We need to remember this when the going gets tough. Right is 
right, and must be defended.
  It says in the seventh Psalm that, ``He who digs a hole and scoops it 
out falls into the pit he has made. The trouble he causes recoils on 
himself; his violence comes down on his own head.'' In the near future, 
the violence of America's enemies will come down on their own heads. We 
will find these barbarians, we will hunt down those who harbor them, 
and we will make an example of them. We did not start this. But we will 
finish it.
  God bless the victims and their families, God bless our brave 
soldiers, sailors, airmen, and marines. And God bless America.
  Mrs. CLAYTON. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Joint War Powers 
Resolution, but not without reservation. Clearly, the terrorist attacks 
on September 11th caused unprecedented death, destruction and despair 
in our nation. The attacks struck a blow not only to our citizens and 
buildings, but also against our values, our freedoms, our way of life. 
They touched all of us; and we must seek justice, honor our fellow 
citizens, and prevent further terrorist acts.
  Today, we join with the President to undertake such acts as are 
necessary to prevent any future acts of terrorism against our citizens. 
Today, and for many days ahead, we hurt, we mourn, and we honor the 
memory of those whose lives were taken by the terrorist attacks, and 
those whose lives were lost in courageous rescue efforts. Many of our 
citizens are angry, indeed, enraged and want to strike back, and we 
must strike back.
  We do not understand and may never understand why anyone would commit 
such unspeakable, horrific deeds. The terrorists sought to instill in 
us fear and insecurity. To this, we must not submit; we must strike 
back. We must take the necessary actions to safeguard our lives and 
American interests, but we must not relinquish our cherished freedoms 
and values.
  In America, we cherish our values, our humanity, our love of justice. 
Therefore, as we pursue the terrorists, and those who aided or harbored 
them, we must not become terrorists. We must not become filled with the 
evil force which we abhor in the terrorists. We must strike back, but 
must do so consistently with the values that we hold dear. The 
President should act only on the basis of convincing evidence of the 
identity of the terrorists, and employ that force which is necessary to 
deter and prevent future acts of terrorism against our citizens. The 
authorization we give the President today is not unlimited. Congress 
will monitor progress of our military actions and work with the 
President to ensure that our actions under this resolution are 
necessary and appropriate, consistent with our values, in conjunction 
with our friends and allies, and in accordance with international laws.
  We are a strong and resilient nation. We will recover and rebuild our 
broken lives, our buildings and our way of life. Let us pray that God's 
grace and wisdom will guide us through the difficult days ahead.
  Mr. MASCARA. Mr. Speaker, we gather here this evening to declare 
America's intention to exercise her right of self-defense and her 
obligation to protect her citizens. I stand shoulder to shoulder with 
my colleagues to announce, through this joint resolution, that acts of 
terrorism will not be tolerated. At present, these cowards may be 
nameless, well-trained, well-financed, and filled with hate towards 
America, but we will soon know who they are and they will rue the day 
they chose to attack American freedom.
  I take no solace or comfort in voting for this resolution, but I do 
it proudly. Let there be no doubt: while we did not seek this fight, we 
are more than ready to finish it. America burns with a seething, 
unyielding, smoldering anger that will not be extinguished until it has 
punished this ruthless foe.
  Never again should Americans wake up to see their precious landmarks 
hit by airplanes. Never again should Americans wake up to see the 
symbols of their military strength and superiority attacked by cowards. 
Never again should Americans have to wonder if the symbols of their 
cherished democracy are safe. In short, never again.
  I support this resolution with a firm resolve. We will win this 
campaign against terrorism. May God bless the United States of America.
  Mrs. McCARTHY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise this evening to 
express my strongest support possible for H.J. Res 64, a resolution 
authorizing the use of United States Armed Forces against those 
responsible for the recent attacks against our country. I want to thank 
the leadership of both parties for acting as quickly as they did to 
bring this legislation forth.
  Mr. Speaker, only a few hours ago, I stood at Ground Zero, in lower 
Manhattan, with President Bush and many of my colleagues and viewed 
first hand the devastating destruction that occurred in New York City 
on Tuesday morning, September 11, 2001. We saw the mountains of rubble 
that once was the World Trade Center. We saw the neighboring buildings 
that surround this area that are also damaged. We talked to city and 
state officials and learned about the tremendous economic impact this 
event will have. But most importantly, what we did not see was the 
thousands of people, mothers, fathers, sons, daughters, brothers, 
sisters, friends all, who were indiscriminately killed by cowards. This 
attack on our innocent citizens, this attack on our nation's financial 
center and on the heart of our national defense, the Pentagon, and the 
hundreds of people who died there, must not go unpunished. I know I 
stand united with my colleagues tonight, shoulder to shoulder, in 
supporting the President of the United States to give him the authority 
and tools necessary to seek justice to this most horrific act of 
violence.
  This nation has never wanted war. We are a peaceful nation. And, I do 
not take these actions that we are authorizing tonight lightly, but I 
believe the American people understand that there are those times when 
the actions by others must be answered. This is one of those times. We 
must respond, in kind and with a united voice, to the actions of these 
ruthless forces. I know the American people are willing to endure even 
a protracted campaign, if necessary, in order to secure the future of 
our country.
  I urge my colleagues to vote unanimously in support of this 
resolution. God bless the United States.
  Mr. SMITH of Michigan. Mr. speaker, on September 11th, America came 
face to face with undisguised evil. We did not blink. What the enemies 
of America perceive as weakness, we celebrate as strength--freedom, 
tolerance, democratic governance. No enemy can ever take these things 
from us, because they are ingrained in our institutions, our way of 
life, and our very character as a people.
  In times of trial, these principles give America the strength and 
resolve to meet any challenge, no matter how great. We will rise to 
this challenge as we have done countless times before. As we mourn our 
dead, we prepare for war. Americans are people of goodwill. We do not 
seek war, and waging war is something we do neither with relish nor 
with joy. But wage war we must, with all the ferocity and all

[[Page 17147]]

the commitment of a Nation roused to righteous anger. Whether it takes 
weeks, months, or years, we will prevail.
  To those who have spilled the blood of American innocents, and those 
who have harbored them, our message is a simple one: You can run, but 
you can't hide. America will track you down, and for what you have 
done, you will pay. You will pay. God bless this House, and God bless 
America.
  Mr. ROSS. Mr. Speaker, Tuesday, September 11, 2001, is a day that 
none of us in this Chamber--none of us in this country--will forget. It 
is a day when our nation experienced an attack unlike we have ever 
seen. Thousands of lives in our nation were lost and many, many more 
were forever changed because of the despicable and deliberate acts of 
terrorists. As we observe this National Day of Prayer and Remembrance 
for this terrible tragedy, our hearts are with all the victims and 
their families, and our thoughts and prayers are with those working so 
hard to remove the rubble and hopefully find additional survivors.
  We can no longer think of these terrorist attacks as something that 
we see on television that happen only in far away lands. The threat to 
our national security is evident, and our response to the attacks at 
the World Trade Center and the Pentagon is critical. It must be strong, 
it must be carefully calculated, and it must be swift.
  The time has come for the United States to make a full force effort 
to eliminate the terrorist networks across the globe, and I urge my 
colleagues to support this resolution authorizing the President to use 
such necessary and appropriate force against those responsible for the 
terrorist attacks on September 11 and anyone or any country who 
assisted them.
  This is no easy task, but our troops are ready, and our government 
stands united, Democrats and Republicans alike, in our resolve to end 
terrorism in the United States.
  Yes, Tuesday was dark day for America. But, Mr. Speaker, it was not 
near as dark as the days that lie ahead for the evil perpetrators who 
masterminded these attacks. The American spirit is alive and well, and 
our commitment to seek out and take action against those who would 
commit such heinous and cowardly acts is unwavering. We will not allow 
these terrorists to alter the kind of world that our children and 
grandchildren grow up in.
  Mr. STEARNS. Mr. Speaker, I rise to join my colleagues in strong 
support of this resolution. All American's have been reminded that 
freedom comes at a price. The citizens of the United States have fought 
to sustain one's right to remain free, engaging in major conflicts from 
our birth during the Revolutionary War, to the War of 1812, the Mexican 
War, Civil War, Spanish-American War, World War I and II, Korea, 
Vietnam, and finally the gulf war.
  Each conflict cost precious lives, but those men and women gave their 
lives so that future generations would continue to live under the 
blanket of freedom. We all feel the tremendous loss of life--loved 
ones, friends, colleagues--and our prayers are steadfast with the 
victims, their families, and those brave souls who are risking their 
lives at this very moment in search and rescue operations.
  My colleagues, we are about to vote on a course of action that again 
pits hope against terror--and--freedom against oppression. Our enemies 
will never know freedom, because they are imprisoned by hate--and for 
that--they have already lost.
  As we stand united behind our President and with our fellow 
Americans, I offer the following reflection: After the attack on Pearl 
Harbor, Japanese Admiral Yamamoto lamented that his country's action 
had ``awakened a sleeping giant.'' My colleagues, that giant has 
awakened again.
  For the Lord is my light and my salvation--whom shall I fear? The 
Lord is the stronghold of my life--of whom shall I be afraid? When evil 
men advance against me to devour my flesh, when my enemies and my foes 
attack me, they will stumble and fall.
  Ms. ROYBAL-ALLARD. Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues in the House and 
Senate in support of H.J. Res. 64, to authorize the use of our Armed 
Forces against those responsible for the recent terrorist attacks 
against the United States. Passing this resolution and sanctioning the 
use of our courageous armed forces is not something we do lightly, 
hastily, or in pursuit of vengeance. Putting the men and women of our 
military in harm's way is a grave decision that should only be resorted 
to when no other course of action is appropriate.
  This resolution is a deliberate, well-considered, and I believe 
proper response to the deplorable acts of terror committed against our 
country, our people, and indeed, the entire civilized world.
  Passing this resolution demonstrates to our country and to all the 
nations of the world our united resolve to punish those responsible for 
these heinous acts, and more importantly, ensures that perpetrators of 
terror are not allowed to continue their campaign of violence against 
innocent persons both here and abroad.
  Mr. Speaker, by passing this resolution we send this critical message 
to our military: We stand behind you as you prepare to defend our 
country and the ideals of freedom and democracy, for our citizens and 
the world community.
  Mr. OXLEY. Mr. Speaker, I have heard this plea from my constituents 
in the fourth congressional district in these numbing days following 
the unconscionable terrorist attack on the World Trade Center and 
Pentagon: Find those who did this. Make them answer for their evil. 
Defend the ideals that our predecessors fought for, to make this a 
safer and more peaceful world for the generations to come.
  I was in this House a decade ago when we debated a resolution to 
support our President, George Bush, when he went to war against Saddam 
Hussein. I hoped never to have to speak to a military challenge of that 
magnitude again. But on September 11, America was attacked at home by 
an enemy that hides in shadows and kills without conscience.
  By authorizing the use of all necessary and appropriate force against 
those responsible for terrorist attacks, this Congress shows that it 
and the American people stands behind our President, George W. Bush, 
and civilized society. While it is not a technical declaration of war, 
for all practical purposes the United States is at war with those who 
want to harm our people, disrupt our economy, shatter our security, and 
destroy our democratic values. All nations in the world who profess the 
values of civilization should be with America on this defining mission.
  We will win before the causes of liberty and justice are more 
powerful than the forces of evil and hatred. Americans have answered 
this call before. This time, the enemy is not so much a single country 
as a destructive concept called terrorism. But we will prevail because 
this new challenge has once again shown that we are the United States. 
We know what we are fighting for: the triumph of liberty, freedom, and 
peace over fanaticism and violence. Our response is just, and our cause 
will prevail.
  Ms. McCOLLUM. Mr. Speaker, tonight, I vote to support the use of 
America's military force against the terrorist organizations that 
plotted to attack our peaceful Nation. This will likely be the most 
important vote I take as a Member of Congress. With this vote, I put my 
trust in our President, the men and women of our Armed Forces, and my 
fellow Americans. We will overcome this tremendous challenge with 
honor, dignity, and justice.
  Mr. JONES of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I rise tonight with a heavy 
heart.
  The floor we stand on here is the centerpiece of American democracy. 
It has been the site of weighty debates, presidential addresses, and 
critical votes. I have witnessed and participated in many of these 
since I was first elected to represent the people of North Carolina's 
3rd District in 1994. As a servant of the people, these events are all 
humbling.
  However the vote we are poised to take today is one of my most 
significant votes in my congressional career--and the most important 
type of vote that Congress ever takes. Today we vote to authorize the 
Commander-in-Chief to send our brave men and women in uniform into 
harm's way.
  This is not a vote to be taken lightly. We do so with righteous 
cause--to respond to the despicable acts of war committed against the 
American people and the very freedoms and ideals for which our Nation 
stands. And we do so with the solemn understanding that some of the men 
and women that we send to fight this new war may not return. They may 
be from districts around the country--they may be from my own.
  But the action we take tonight is absolutely necessary.
  Our Nation was violated, our people slaughtered, our democracy 
threatened. Justice must be delivered--the victims of this tragedy 
deserve it and the American people demand it.
  This resolution will demonstrate to the world--and most importantly 
those who committed these horrendous crimes--that the United States 
will respond. And when she does, it will be with the full weight and 
support of the President, this Congress, and the American people.
  Let me be clear--this is not just a vote about the use of force or 
even terrorism. This is a vote to protect the freedoms of the people of 
the United States of America. I urge my colleagues to join me in that 
effort by supporting this important resolution.
  God bless our President, God bless the men and women in uniform who 
will carry out this conflict, and God bless our great Nation.

[[Page 17148]]


  Mr. BORSKI. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.J. Res. 64 to 
authorize the President to use whatever means necessary to respond to 
the heinous, barbarous terrorist acts of September 11. I am proud to 
stand here in unity with my Democratic and Republican colleagues in 
support of our President, our Armed Forces, our law enforcement 
personnel, and our entire great nation, as we seek justice for these 
horrible atrocities.
  On September 11, we were violently attacked in an act of war. It was 
not a war of our choosing. Indeed, Americans are by their nature a good 
people, and we seek to settle our differences through peaceful means. 
But when we are violently attacked, we respond with tremendous resolve. 
This is not a war of our choosing. But we must choose today to 
forcefully respond to this cowardly act to ensure that it never happens 
again.
  Ten years ago, I was proud to stand in this chamber as we debated a 
similar resolution to address the aggression of Saddam Hussein. We had 
principled differences over the use of force, but when we finished our 
debate and passed the resolution, we all stood united behind our 
President. Because we are a strong, healthy democracy, we know when to 
put our differences aside for the greater good of peace, prosperity and 
security.
  Today we are confronted with an even greater challenge to the future 
of our democracy. But I believe our courage, resolve and unity today 
has never been stronger. Only a week ago, we were passionately debating 
the budget, taxes and Social Security. Those issues, important as they 
are, now pale in comparison to the challenge before us. Today we cast 
aside our labels of Democrat and Republican, and we stand as one 
America.
  The perpetrators of these heinous acts will be found, their terrorist 
networks will be eradicated, and justice will be served. This will not 
happen overnight. Every American should be prepared for a long 
campaign. But we will succeed. When America's spirit is moved, it is 
unbound by conventional limits. When America's freedom is threatened, 
it responds decisively.
  The terrorists who committed these atrocities will never understand 
the power of American freedom, and they will always underestimate 
American resolve. That is because they live in fear of a world that 
embraces our ideals of freedom, democracy and equality. While 
terrorists plot behind closed doors to destroy human lives, 
compassionate and courageous Americans risk their lives to save lives--
as our firefighters and other rescuers heroically demonstrated in the 
past few days.
  The actions that we will authorize today will likely result in lives 
lost--a reality not of our choosing but forced upon us by the events of 
September 11. But the eradication of terrorist networks that threaten 
America, and the punishment of nations that harbor these criminals, 
will preserve countless lives for many generations to come--not just of 
Americans, but of all people in the world who cherish freedom and 
democracy as a way of life. We must use the full might of America and 
its allies to create a secure world for all of us to live in.
  Our world changed dramatically with one swift, despicable act of 
terrorism. We will never be able to return to the world that existed 
before September 11. But America has the tremendous resilience to heal, 
recover and grow stronger after great periods of tragedy. We will meet 
this new challenge, and rebuild a society that embraces even more 
vigorously the ideals of freedom and democracy.
  Mr. Speaker, I am proud to support H.J. Res. 64 to give the President 
the unwavering support he needs to successfully execute America's 
mission. Eradicating this terrorist threat is a daunting--but 
achievable--challenge. America will prevail, because her cause is just. 
Freedom will endure, because America is its protector.
  Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I've been in Congress for 
nearly six years. Never have I been so torn over a vote. Even though I 
am going to vote for this legislation, I have deep concerns and grave 
reservations about it.
  First, it is too narrow. We need a comprehensive anti-terrorist 
approach. This legislation does not represent such a comprehensive 
strategy and war against terrorism around the world. It only pertains 
to the terrorism associated with the events surrounding September 11, 
2001. This legislation looks backward, not forward. This legislation 
fails to develop a strategy to combat and prevent potential or future 
acts of terrorism.
  Second, and paradoxically, it is too broad. The literal language of 
this legislation can be read as broadly as executive interpreters want 
to read it, which gives the President awesome and undefined power. As 
written, the resolution could be interpreted, if read literally, to 
give the President the authority to deploy or use our armed forces 
domestically.
  Earlier today I voted to support $40 billion in supplemental spending 
for a fight against terrorism and public social spending for New York's 
recovery. Tonight I would have preferred to support a vote to reaffirm 
the authority of the President under the War Powers Act, which gives 
the President all the authority he currently needs to fight terrorism 
and protect the citizens of the United States. That would give all 
Americans more time--60 or 90 days--to investigate more and learn more 
about all of the issues and facts involved on September 11.
  I support the President's commitment to investigate, capture, and 
punish all of those responsible for this horrible and inhumane deed. 
This was not only an assault on our nation and our people, but an 
indiscriminate attack on civilian life. Thus, I also support and 
approve removing the sanctuaries and support systems of terrorists. I 
urge all governments to unite to investigate this crime, to prevent its 
recurrence, and to being to justice those who are responsible. I 
support doing whatever is constitutionally lawful and necessary to 
isolate those nations who sponsor and harbor terrorists. But I am not 
voting to give the President new authority--in the words of Deputy 
Secretary of Defense Paul D. Wolfowitz--to ``end states who sponsor 
terrorism.'' We need to operate within traditional constitutional 
constraints.
  I would have preferred to have voted to reaffirm the War Powers Act 
because it, after 60 or 90 days of the President launching a military 
response to these terrorist attacks, the President had returned with 
more information on who did this and how it happened, I might be 
prepared to vote $100 billion to fight terrorism. And if, after 60 or 
90 days, President Bush returned with a request and a rationale for new 
and expanded presidential authority, I may have been willing to vote to 
grant him that as well-but not now.
  In private meetings all day yesterday, Members raised serious 
questions and concerns that troubled me greatly.
  Some Members noted the similarity to the open-endedness of this 
resolution to the Tonkin Gulf Resolution. We know the consequences of 
the vote, which was based on insufficient information and, in that 
instance we now know, deception. Senators Wayne Morse of Oregon and 
Ernest Gruening of Alaska voted ``No'' on August 7, 1964, and they are 
seen as wise and heroic today. I am not voting ``Yes'' on September 14, 
2001, for an open-ended Tonkin Gulf-type Resolution. I do not want a 
repeat of the Johnson administration--which used it to provide dubious 
legal cover for a massive escalation of an unwinnable war in Vietnam--
for either a similar domestic or foreign over-reach against terrorism. 
I'm not willing to give President Bush carte blanche authority to fight 
terrorism. We need to agree to fight it together within traditional 
constitutional boundaries.
  Another Member asked, ``By voting for this resolution, are we 
granting the President new authority to conduct extra-legal and extra-
constitutional assassinations?'' If we are, we are becoming like the 
terrorists we despise. What does killing people already willing to die 
really accomplish? It will only create martyrs and multiply terrorists.
  We must not become like those who believe that the end justifies any 
means in the struggle against terrorism. That is the logic of the 
terrorists. We must respond to this outage, but we must not validate 
this logic. We must respond to this outrage effectively-by eliminating 
the underlying grievances that is motivating the terrorism in the first 
place. What we must do is affirm the principles that came under attack 
on September 11--respect for innocent life and international law. That 
is how to rob the terrorists of victory.
  Recently President Bush said the United States ``will make no 
distinction between the terrorists who committed these acts and those 
who harbored them.'' But we must make distinctions. In the words of 
Human Rights Watch, we must distinguish ``between the guilty and the 
innocent; between those who commit atrocities and those who may simply 
share their religious beliefs, ethnicity, or national origin. People 
committed to justice and law and human rights must never descend to the 
level of the perpetrators of such acts. That is the most important 
distinction of all.''
  Another Member said we needed to show national unity. A vote to 
reaffirm the War Powers Act would have given us the national unity we 
need--and would have given us 60 days to investigate this matter more 
fully and see more clearly what we are actually looking at.
  Another Member said she had been in Congress for 19 years, but never 
had been asked to make a decision and cast a vote with so little 
information. In light of one Senator's breach of trust, the 
administration is now withholding information from Members of Congress. 
We are voting huge sums of money

[[Page 17149]]

and granting virtual unlimited authority to the President with little 
actual information.
  Other Members expressed a concern that if we are going to conduct a 
``comprehensive and sustained war against terrorism that eliminates 
terrorists and terrorism root and branch'' that we must give Americans 
an understanding of why there are so many people in the world who hate 
us. We must explore and learn why people are willing to give their very 
lives in suicidal missions; and why their supporters dance and 
celebrate in the streets when these terrorists inhumanely succeed to 
destroying American lives and our symbols of economic power and 
military might.
  I have raised the concern that we need more time to explain to the 
American people that this is a new kind of protracted war. This is not 
the kind of war former President Bush fought in the Persian Gulf that 
ended in just over a month. This is a war that will be fought in public 
places on our shores and within our borders--in our crowded public 
buildings, in our subways, in our airports, in our train stations, in 
our colleges and universities, at our sporting events, and possibly 
with chemical and biological weapons. The War Powers Act would have 
allowed us at least 60 to 90 days to better understand and inform the 
American people about the nature of the war that today they are so 
anxious to fight.
  I too am deeply hurt, distraught, in mourning, fearful, and angry. 
But we must resist the temptation to allow ourselves to become like 
those we today so despise. Terrorist violence must be halted, but the 
pain behind their rage must be heard and addressed. Human beings become 
terrorists in an ocean of despair. Therefore, any comprehensive 
approach to ending terrorism must address the waves of pain and 
injustice of the ocean. The most effective anti-terrorist campaign is 
one that replaces the despair and hopelessness of the terrorist's 
supporters with a policy that brings dignity, respect, and justice to 
every person, neighborhood, community, and nation in the world.
  Ms. WATSON of California. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the 
resolution authorizing the use of force against those persons 
responsible for recent acts of terrorism against the United States. The 
resolution is balanced and seeks to ensure that the Congress will be 
included in the consultative process when and if U.S. troops are 
introduced into hostilities. I strongly believe that the resolution 
will continue to enjoy strong bipartisan support only if the Executive, 
in good faith, consults with and informs the Congress in a timely 
manner.
  I should also note that the resolution is not a carte blanche 
endorsement for the use of force against any suspected terrorist group 
anywhere in the world, but is more narrowly crafted to endorse all 
necessary and appropriate use of force against nations, organizations, 
and persons that participated in the attacks that occurred on September 
11.
  Mr. Speaker, although I support the resolution, I am mindful of the 
gravity and seriousness of putting U.S. troops and other governmental 
personnel in harms way. It is highly probable that more U.S. lives will 
be lost in our struggle to excise the cancer of terrorism wherever it 
poses a threat to the U.S., the Western world, and our allies in the 
non-West. Other countless innocents will also lose their lives. This is 
not Desert Storm, an operation of relatively short duration that 
witnessed minimal loss of American lives. Our national commitment to 
the task ahead of us will require vigilance and forbearance. It will 
also require that we remain mindful of the fact that the United States 
is an open society and that any policy or action implemented by the 
U.S. Government will ultimately fail if it does not have the support of 
the American people.
  Mr. Speaker, in this time of tragedy that has provoked visceral 
outrage, we must, nonetheless, continue to exercise prudence and good 
judgment in the prosecution of the U.S. response to these terrorist 
acts. Indeed a military response alone could ultimately prove to be 
counterproductive, instead fueling anti-U.S. sentiment, increased 
alienation, and heightened fanaticism. Instead of eliminating the virus 
of terrorism we could be creating a new and more virulent strain. Any 
military action must also be accompanied by a sustained economic and 
diplomatic response aimed at eliminating all centers of terrorist 
activities while enhancing the stability and strength of our regional 
allies.
  The task ahead of us is complicated and any resolution will not be 
quick or easy. Our ultimate success in rooting out terrorism will 
require patience, sustained commitment, and more, not less, engagement 
in the world.
  I pledge my support to the President as he leads the United States 
forth to meet this historic challenge.
  Mr. VITTER. Mr. Speaker, this week's terrorist attacks against the 
American people are nothing less than cold-blooded murder and an act of 
war. I fully support this resolution and urge the President to use any 
and all means necessary against those nations, organizations, and 
persons who committed or participated in these heinous acts.
  These attacks will only strengthen our resolve to defend the United 
States and our way of life. These attacks are not just an attack 
against this wonderful land we call America--they are attacks against 
our people, our democracy, our values, our civilization. As a nation, 
we will not rest until we have methodically defeated those who use fear 
as a weapon against the principles for which our country stands. We are 
coming after them full throttle.
  Finally, we must not forget that thousands of Americans lost their 
lives this week, and many thousands more lost mothers and fathers, sons 
and daughters, brothers and sisters, friends and colleagues. My heart, 
my prayers, and my condolences go out to them all.
  Mr. COSTELLO. Mr. Speaker, on Tuesday, September 11, 2001, the United 
States suffered perhaps the darkest day in its history. Yesterday, this 
body approved legislation to aid the families of the victims and those 
that gave their lives trying to save them. Today, we turn our attention 
to the pursuit of the terrorists that carried out this horrific act. I 
strongly support this resolution to authorize the President to use the 
necessary force to find and punish those responsible.
  I do not believe passing this resolution is legally necessary. The 
Constitution gives the President the power to strike back at our 
aggressors. However, I do believe that it is necessary for Congress to 
show overwhelming support for the battle that lies ahead. It will not 
be an easy fight, and it will not be a short one. But it is a 
confrontation that we will meet head on, united by the memory of those 
lost and the values and freedom we hold so dearly. And we will be 
victorious.
  Mr. Speaker, tonight we send a clear message to the world that we are 
prepared to respond to the forces of hate as previous generations have 
done before us. I am confident that the compassion and resolve that has 
come to define the American spirit will see us through this most trying 
time. I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.
  Mr. MALONEY of Connecticut. Mr. Speaker, I come to the floor today to 
address the necessity, imposed on us by unspeakable acts of terrorism, 
for the United States to respond to the killing and injuring of 
thousands of our fellow citizens, almost all innocent civilians.
  This Nation has the right and obligation to both respond to and 
defend itself from the violent enemies of our freedom and liberty. 
Those persons and/or entities that were either directly involved in or 
provided any assistance to the acts of September 11 pose a clear and 
present danger to the lives of our people and to our very national 
security. We will find those responsible and make certain that they, 
and anyone who helped them, are fully punished. This attack on America 
and its people will not stand.
  Moreover, as we cannot rule out future attacks on U.S. soil or to 
American interests overseas, we must take a comprehensive approach to 
this challenge. Appropriately, we will utilize the first rate 
capabilities of our Armed Forces to ensure the personal security of 
each and every one of us, at home and abroad. To that end, we commit 
ourselves by the resolution before us, to root out terrorism wherever 
it is found around the world.
  It will not be an easy task to defeat terrorism. It will require 
considerable resources and patience. There is no quick solution. I am 
confident, however, that the President and the Congress, working 
together, will find the means and methods to prevail.
  As a member of the Armed Service Committee, I along with my committee 
colleagues will perform our duty in providing U.S. Armed Forces the 
necessary resources to deter and defeat the threat of terrorism. I know 
that our colleagues will support our work.
  There is yet considerable work to be done in the days and months 
ahead. I am confident that our Nation, and our Armed Forces called upon 
to defend all Americans, will meet the challenges that lie ahead--just 
as we have from Concord and Lexington through the war in the Persian 
Gulf.
  I strongly urge passage of the resolution.
  Mr. COYNE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this resolution 
authorizing the President to use military force against the nations, 
organizations, or individuals involved in the September 11 terrorist 
attacks on citizens of the United States.
  These were reprehensible attacks against innocent men, women, and 
children. Anyone who was involved in planning or carrying out these 
attacks must be punished swiftly and severely.
  Moreover, since it is logical to assume that the parties which 
planned and provided

[[Page 17150]]

logistical support for Tuesday's terrible attacks are interested in--
and capable of--carrying out similar attacks in the future, it is 
imperative that the United States use whatever means are necessary to 
prevent them from doing so.
  Finally, it is important to recognize that the United States has 
aggressively pursued legal and diplomatic measures over the last 30 
years to curb terrorism--and that it is logical to conclude from this 
experience that such measures will not be effective enough to deal with 
the threat that terrorism poses today.
  For these reasons, I support this resolution. I believe that the 
United States Government has no choice but to utilize military force to 
punish the organizers of the September 11 attacks and protect the 
people of this nation from future terrorist threats.
  Mr. EVERETT. Mr. Speaker, today was one of the saddest days in the 
history of our beloved country. It is impossible to watch the events 
caused by evil unfold before our eyes without feeling great sorrow and 
great anger. We will never forget the sorrow we collectively feel as a 
nation. Mr. Speaker, we will also never forget the anger and fury we 
feel toward those who have hurt and killed so many innocent Americans. 
I pledge my fortune and honor to do everything in my power to bring 
justice on all those who have so injured this country and its citizens 
as we pass this resolution.
  However, today was a day of prayer and I was moved by the prayer 
service at the National Cathedral here in our Nation's Capital. I was 
very touched by the comments of our President at that service, Mr. 
Speaker, and now make them a part of this Record as we put on the 
shoulders of our President a burden no one man can possibly bear 
without the help of God.
  Mr. Speaker, the President's words today:

       We are here in the middle hour of our grief. So many have 
     suffered so great a loss, and today we express our nation's 
     sorrow. We come before God to pray for the missing and the 
     dead, and for those who loved them.
       On Tuesday, our country was attacked with deliberate and 
     massive cruelty. We have seen the images of fire and ashes 
     and bent steel.
       Now come the names, the list of casualties we are only 
     beginning. They are the names of men and women who began 
     their day at a desk or in an airport, busy with live. They 
     are the names of people who faced death and in their last 
     moments called home to say, be brave and I love you.
       They are the names of passengers who defied their murderers 
     and prevented the murder of others on the ground. They are 
     the names of men and women who wore the uniform of the United 
     States and died at their posts.
       They are the names of rescuers--the ones whom death found 
     running up the stairs and into the fires to help others. We 
     will read all these names. We will linger over them and learn 
     their stories, and many Americans will weep.
       To the children and parents and spouses and families and 
     friends of the lost, we offer the deepest sympathy of the 
     nation. And I assure you, you are not alone.
       Just three days removed from these events, Americans do not 
     yet have the distance of history, but our responsibility to 
     history is already clear: to answer these attacks and rid the 
     world of evil.
       War has been waged against us by stealth and deceit and 
     murder.
       This nation is peaceful, but fierce when stirred to anger. 
     This conflict was begun on the timing and terms of others; it 
     will end in a way and at an hour of our choosing.
       Our purpose as a nation is firm, yet our wounds as a people 
     are recent and unhealed and lead us to pray. In many of our 
     prayers this week, there's a searching and an honesty. At St. 
     Patrick's Cathedral in New York, on Tuesday, a woman said, 
     ``I pray to God to give us a sign that he's still here.''
       Others have prayed for the same, searching hospital to 
     hospital, carrying pictures of those still missing.
       God's signs are not always the one we look for. We learn in 
     tragedy that his purposes are not always our own, yet the 
     prayers of private suffering, whether in our homes or in this 
     great cathedral are known and heard and understood.
       There are prayers that help us last through the day or 
     endure the night. There are prayers of friends and strangers 
     that give us strength for the journey, and there are prayers 
     that yield our will to a will greater than our own.
       This world He created is of moral design. Grief and tragedy 
     and hatred are only for a time. Goodness, remembrance and 
     love have no end, and the Lord of life holds all who die and 
     all who mourn.
       It is said that adversity introduces us to ourselves.
       This is true of a nation as well. In this trial, we have 
     been reminded and the world has seen that our fellow 
     Americans are generous and kind, resourceful and brave.
       We see our national character in rescuers working past 
     exhaustion, in long lines of blood donors, in thousands of 
     citizens who have asked to work and serve in any way 
     possible. And we have seen our national character in eloquent 
     acts of sacrifice. Inside the World Trade Center, one man who 
     could have saved himself stayed until the end and at the side 
     of his quadriplegic friend. A beloved priest died giving the 
     last rites to a firefighter. Two office workers, finding a 
     disabled stranger, carried her down 68 floors to safety.
       A group of men drove through the night from Dallas to 
     Washington to bring skin grafts for burned victims. In these 
     acts and many others, Americans showed a deep commitment to 
     one another and in an abiding love for our country.
       Today, we feel what Franklin Roosevelt called, ``the warm 
     courage of national unity.'' This is a unity of every faith 
     and every background. This has joined together political 
     parties and both houses of Congress. It is evident in 
     services of prayer and candlelight vigils and American flags, 
     which are displayed in pride and waved in defiance. Our unity 
     is a kinship of grief and a steadfast resolve to prevail 
     against our enemies. And this unity against terror is now 
     extending across the world.
       America is a nation full of good fortune, with so much to 
     be grateful for, but we are not spared from suffering. In 
     every generation, the world has produced enemies of human 
     freedom. They have attacked America because we are freedom's 
     home and defender, and the commitment of our fathers is now 
     the calling of our time.
       On this national day of prayer and remembrance, we ask 
     almighty God to watch over our nation and grant us patience 
     and resolve in all that is to come. We pray that He will 
     comfort and console those who now walk in sorrow. We thank 
     Him for every life we now must mourn, and the promise of a 
     life to come.
       As we've been assured, neither death nor life nor angels 
     nor principalities, nor powers nor things present nor things 
     to come nor height nor depth can separate us from God's love.
       May He bless the souls of the departed. May He comfort our 
     own. And may He always guide our country.
       God bless America.

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution.
  I support our President as he seeks to respond effectively to this 
unparalleled attack, which has left our nation shocked and angered. But 
no matter the rate we feel today, our response must reflect our 
national character, and be guided by justice and our right to self-
defense, not by vengeance.
  I want those responsible for these heinous crimes to be hunted down 
and held accountable--in full compliance with our Constitution and our 
laws. They must pay for their murder of thousands of innocent American 
citizens and others.
  I want to break the global network of terrorism so that no other 
nation, people or group will know the pain and sorrow America is not 
experiencing. To be successful, we will need a multilateral, 
coordinated effort of law enforcement, intelligence and military 
resources. We cannot do this alone.
  I want the best of America to continue to shine--so that the world is 
reassured that the United States remains a haven for freedom of 
religion, freedom of speech, freedom of association. Our heritage is 
rooted in diversity and tolerance, and nothing must abrogate the 
fundamental freedoms and rights of our people.
  I believe this resolution achieves these goals. The body of this 
resolution is appropriately limited to those entities involved in the 
attacks that occurred on September 11th. It appropriately and 
explicitly abides by and invokes the authority of the War Powers 
Resolution. It reiterates the existing constitutional powers of the 
President to take action to defend the United States, but provides no 
new or additional grant of powers to the President.
  The President should still consult regularly with the Congress about 
his intentions, actions and policy as they evolve. The president and 
the Congress must work together, in concert, in order to maintain the 
unity so necessary to success. That will require timely consultation, 
reporting and updates, and a genuine desire to maintain the bipartisan 
support for this undertaking.
  We know military action alone will never defeat terrorism. Last 
Tuesday, we saw the consequences of raw hate. It has no logic. It has 
no respect for human life or dignity. It holds no promise for the 
future. It has no single base or leader. We can, however, begin to 
address some of the underlying problems that can lead to terror.
  We can continue our leadership to help negotiate just and lasting 
solutions to the world's many conflicts, including in the Middle East.
  We can renew our engagement with the international community to find 
solutions to the global challenges of our times: the environment, 
weapons proliferation, disease and intolerance.
  Our country is unified. We can respond effectively to the horror of 
September 11th. We

[[Page 17151]]

can break the links between terrorists. We can contribute to a world 
that is not only secure from the threat of terrorism, but also free of 
the poverty and oppression that are its breeding ground. We must 
exercise the political will to make this happen.
  This resolution helps us begin to achieve these goals, and I urge its 
adoption.
  Mr. STUMP. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this 
resolution.
  Since the terrible and tragic events of Tuesday, this country and the 
rest of the world have witnessed the determination of the American 
people to come together, to rally around our President, and to 
transcend the tragedy that fell our great Nation.
  America's anger at those who planned and perpetrated these terrorist 
acts is palpable. This Congress has stood as one in expressing our 
grief over the tragic loss of life, our pride in those who continue the 
rescue and recovery efforts, and our determination to ensure that those 
who support the use of terror are severely punished. Now, we must 
express our unified support for the President to take all necessary and 
appropriate actions to ensure that the terrorists and their supporters 
do not win in their effort to undermine our way of life.
  Mr. Speaker, the President has been forceful and direct--freedom and 
democracy are under attack by a determined enemy. This battle will take 
time and resolve, he stated, but we will win. In our effort to root out 
the evil that is terrorism, we will once again call upon the dedicated 
men and women who voluntarily serve our country in uniform. It is their 
greatness that gives us confidence in our ultimate victory.
  The fight against terrorism will be a long and difficult campaign. It 
requires a serious commitment. But the President must know that the 
Congress supports him by providing him with the tools he needs to 
prosecute this battle. The Congress has already agreed to provide 
significant additional funds for the war on terrorism. Now, in this 
decisive moment, we must stand behind our troops and send a clear 
signal to our enemies that the President's actions have our unanimous 
support.
  Passage of this resolution will send that signal.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, and I 
yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. BALDACCI. Mr. Speaker, America was changed forever on Tuesday 
morning. Every one of us has been deeply affected by the terror attack 
on our Nation. Virtually all of us know someone or know of someone who 
was directly impacted.
  Yesterday, I visited the Pentagon and saw first-hand the destruction 
that was inflicted on that building and its occupants. I am not able to 
find words to adequately convey just how chilling a scene it was, and I 
will never forget those gruesome images.
  Law enforcement officials are moving swiftly to identify those who 
were responsible for this heinous crime. Soon it will be clear who 
committed these unspeakable acts, and those who supported and protected 
them. And once it is clear the United States will respond.
  We respond not simply out of revenge. We act because war has been 
declared upon America. We act because our world must be rid of 
terrorists who think nothing of destroying innocent lives. We act in 
the name of thousands of innocent victims.
  This was not just an attack on four planes, or two buildings, or one 
nation. Rather, it was an attack on democracy and freedom around the 
globe. America and our allies will rise to the occasion and fight this 
scourge just as we have risen to defeat past threats to civilization 
and democracy.
  To that end, today I will vote to authorize President Bush to use all 
necessary and appropriate force to respond to the terror attacks on our 
nation. This resolution conveys the resolve of the Congress and the 
American people that those responsible for this heinous crime will be 
identified and punished.
  Mr. COLLINS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of President 
George W. Bush, by agreeing to grant him the authorization to use the 
resources of the United States to eradicate the evil forces that 
perpetuate terrorism, through the enactment of H.J. Res. 64.
  The barbaric, heinous attacks launched against the civilian and 
military population of this great nation on September 11, 2001 must 
not, and will not be tolerated, nor go unpunished.
  I ask the people of this great nation, and our allies around the 
world, to stand with President Bush and support him with their voices, 
their continued heroic deeds and volunteerism, and most-importantly, 
with their prayers.
  I ask the people of this Nation to pray for forgiveness for the 
immorality in this country that has become so widespread and which has 
contributed to the fragmentation of religious thought.
  I ask the people of this nation to thank God for the many blessings 
which have been so generously bestowed upon this nation.
  God be with those who have paid the ultimate price for liberty and 
freedom, and with those who will do so in the future in the effort to 
restore security and peace for all of us.
  God bless this great land, the United States of America.
  Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
resolution. We must ensure that our Commander in Chief can bring the 
full power of the United States Armed Forces to bear against the 
villains who struck our nation so cruelly the morning of September 
11th. We act not out of wrath, but with the solemn realization that 
evil must not go unchecked, that our security must be defended, and 
that our liberty must be upheld. We stand together tonight united in 
our resolve to fight the scourge of terrorism and protect our beloved 
country and its people. We understand that it will not be easy and that 
it will require sustained action, commitment, and vigilance. We must 
steel ourselves for the months ahead and bear in mind the words 
inscribed on the base of the Marine War Memorial Iwo Jima: ``Uncommon 
Valor Was a Common Virtue.'' They remind us of the character and 
courage of those who serve in our Armed Forces, and I think they also 
apply to all who put their own lives on the line in an effort to save 
lives during and after Tuesday's terrible attacks. Now is the time for 
valor for all Americans.
  Mr. STARK. Mr. Speaker, in the aftermath of the recent terrorist 
attacks on the United States, Americans have responded to the cries of 
their fellow citizens. From the many emergency personnel who arrived 
moments after the first impact, to the volunteers from all over the 
country arriving to help or donate blood, to the United States 
Congress, who has appropriated $40 billion help pay for recovery 
efforts, we have responded. Now it is time to plan the next part of our 
response: how to punish the perpetrators of this attack and how to 
protect ourselves in the future.
  Our country has come together to get through this time of great 
tragedy. Members on both sides of the aisle have appropriately put 
aside partisan politics and present a unified front against terrorism.
  Most Americans feel that we should strike back at the individuals, 
groups, or nations that were involved in these atrocities. I, too, 
think we should respond to this heinous attack, bring those involved to 
justice, and put an end to global terrorism. That said, however, I do 
not believe--even in times of extreme crisis--that the Congress should 
turn over our constitutional responsibilities to the President. The 
resolution we are debating today, I fear, begins to do just that.
  When writing the Constitution, our Founding Fathers created a balance 
of powers between the three branches of government to prevent one 
branch from inappropriately dominating another. Although the 
Constitution empowers the President as Commander in Chief, it gives the 
Congress the sole power of declaring war. This resolution gives the 
President the power to conduct a war without reporting to or consulting 
with Congress. Frankly stated, it cedes congressional authority to the 
President.
  I have real reservations about the resolution we are considering 
today. It should contain explicit language ensuring that the President 
reports to Congress and consults with us in planning and executing a 
military response. But it does not.
  That being said, this resolution is better than earlier versions that 
were considered. It now makes clear that nothing supersedes the War 
Powers Act, which requires the President to report and consult with 
Congress.
  Given those facts, I will support the resolution before us today. 
However, I will continue to insist that the President make Congress an 
integral part of our nation's response to these attacks. To do 
otherwise goes against the best interest of the people we represent and 
the democracy we seek to protect.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
resolution granting authority to the President to use force to respond 
to the attack on the United States on September 11, 2001.
  Our country was the target of an unprovoked, cowardly and vicious 
attack on Tuesday morning. This act of war committed against our people 
must not go unanswered and I urge the President to use the authority we 
are about to give him in an appropriate and decisive manner. We must 
prevail over our enemy and we must be willing to use the force 
necessary to achieve total victory.
  At this dramatic moment in our history, as we grieve for the loss of 
thousands of innocent lives and begin to bury our dead, we must not 
lose sight that this was not just an attack on our government or even 
our nation.

[[Page 17152]]

This must be seen as a monstrous attack aimed at the security and way 
of life of freedom-loving people throughout the world.
  Mr. Speaker, words cannot adequately describe my feelings or the 
feelings of Americans with regard to the attack on New York and 
Washington. However, I know that through the sadness and anger will 
grow an unbending determination not to be intimidated by the forces of 
terror and death. America is a great and a good country. We are also 
now a united people with a common purpose--to seek out and crush the 
terrorists and their supporters.
  I urge support for this resolution, for our President and for the 
people of the United States.
  Ms. BALDWIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this resolution. 
Our nation was viciously attacked on Tuesday, September 11, 2001, 
leaving children without fathers and mothers, parents mourning their 
missing children, families experiencing terrible emptiness and loss. 
All Americans feel the horror, shock, fear, and anger.
  The country has been attacked, and as Commander-in-Chief, the 
President has the power to act to defend the United States of America. 
Congress recognized this nearly thirty years ago in the War Powers 
Resolution.
  Yet by recognizing the authority our President already possesses 
under the War Power Resolution, we send a strong statement of national 
unity. By approving this resolution today, we stand united, as one 
nation, stating clearly to the perpetrators of this crime, and those 
who would attack our country in the future, that we will protect our 
citizens and ensure the guilty are punished.
  The horrible crisis is also an opportunity. It is an opportunity for 
the United States to once again demonstrate to the world the sources of 
its strength and greatness. I am not speaking of our military might, 
although it is powerful. We will demonstrate our greatness by the way 
we seek justice and the way we promote freedom. We will determine with 
certainty who is culpable and punish them and those who aid them, 
rather than let our rage lash out indiscriminately.
  Community leaders in my district have produced a statement expressing 
their outrage and sorrow. Wisely they noted that the victims of this 
attack reflect the diversity of America. They wrote in fact that: ``the 
backgrounds of its innocent victims are representative of the world's 
diversity, from Africa to the Americas, Europe to Asia, the Middle 
East, and beyond.'' As we move forward in seeking justice for the many 
victims, we must direct our punishment only upon the guilty.
  The American people stand behind this quest for justice. With our 
many friends around the world, we will fight to end the scourge of 
terrorism. As we rise to this challenge, we must do so relying on 
America's strengths without sacrificing our cherished principles. Our 
constitutional liberties stand as an example to the world of what 
freedom means. We must never forget that we pursue justice in order to 
secure liberty.
  Mr. BONILLA. Mr. Speaker, Evil. It is a word we use too lightly. A 
word we use when horrible, distasteful, or bad would be more 
appropriate. It is a word which should be reserved for only the most 
monstrous and inhuman of circumstances. My colleagues, we have 
witnessed evil this week. The twin tragedies in New York and 
Washington, the massacre of innocents, must never happen again. Today, 
with this legislation, we are sending the world a message. We are 
stating that America does not recoil in the face of evil. On the 
contrary, America rises up.
  In the last century we faced down the evils of Nazism and Communism. 
Today, we will face down the evils of terrorism. This evil although a 
phantom will not be able to hide. The basic goodness that we have seen 
demonstrated by the firemen, police, military, and civilians at the 
rescue scenes reflects the basic goodness of America. The selflessness, 
determination and patience tell us that freedom will be preserved and 
triumph over this threat.
  My colleagues, the forces of evil signed a death warrant for terror 
last Tuesday. They have unleashed the wrath of the American people. The 
struggle ahead may be a long one. Ultimately, we will triumph. We will 
preserve freedom for future generations. We will guarantee hope remains 
for all mankind. My colleagues please join me in voting for this 
resolution. God bless America.
  Mr. FORBES. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of House Joint 
Resolution 64, which will authorize the use of force in responding to 
the terrorist threat that violated the shores of the United States on 
September 11, 2001. I do not take this action lightly. I fully 
recognize that this single resolution, though brief in text, will have 
far-reaching consequences. But, I am certain that this is the only 
right course of action for our institution and our nation.
  The violence that left so many innocent Americans dead or injured or 
grieving for the loss of a beloved family member or friend was no less 
than an act of war. Those who preach fear and hatred declared war upon 
our nation and our people. Indeed, they declared war on all civilized 
nations and freedom-loving peoples. We must respond in like kind.
  In fact, it is our duty to respond with all the power of our 
principles and all the might of our great and prosperous United States. 
God has given us a noble land, as Senator Albert Beveridge once said, 
``a land that can feed and clothe the world; . . . a land set like a 
sentinel between the two imperial oceans of the globe.'' We must use 
the gifts that have been showered upon America from the heavens to save 
the world from tyranny once again.
  Just as we did in World War II when we defeated a tyranny of bigotry 
and hatred, we must engage in an all-out assault against this new 
tyranny of fear and terror. We are unified in spirit and in purpose 
and, we are joined by nations far and near. In the end, we will 
prevail, providing the world with a new day of freedom and peace.
  While I am certain that our road will end in victory, I know that it 
will likely be a long and arduous road to travel. It will not be neat. 
It will not be without bloodshed or loss of life. It will not be brief. 
But it will be right and it will be just.
  It is not easy to stand before my colleagues and my country knowing 
that our actions will send young men and women into battle for the 
cause of freedom. But, we can look their mothers and fathers in the eye 
and say to them now that this is what must be done. I have little doubt 
that they understand and that they take comfort in knowing that their 
children are heroes in a new greatest generation.
  And, I feel confident that the American people will stand with those 
heroes day in and day out until our enemies have been vanquished. I am 
overwhelmed with an enormous sense of pride and patriotism at the 
selflessness that so many Americans have shown in recent days in 
supporting the brave public safety workers and in consoling the 
bereaved. That indefatigable spirit will sustain us in any battle 
against any evil.
  In closing, Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to remember the words of 
our President Dwight D. Eisenhower in his Second Inaugural Address to 
the nation as we to pass this important resolution:

       Before all else, we seek, upon our common labor as a 
     nation, the blessings of Almighty God. And the hopes in our 
     hearts fashion the deepest prayers of our whole people. May 
     we pursue the right--without self-righteousness. May we know 
     unity--without conformity. May we grow in strength--without 
     pride in self. May we, in all our dealings with all the 
     peoples of the earth, ever speak truth and serve justice. And 
     so shall America--in the sight of all men of good will--prove 
     true to the honorable purposes that bind and rule us as a 
     people in all this time of trial through which we pass.

  May God bless this mighty nation and shed his grace and blessings 
upon the men and women of America's armed forces.
  Mr. MARKEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution.
  In his Funeral Oration, the great Athenian leader Pericles said 
``heroes have the whole earth for their tomb; and in lands far from 
their own, where the column with its epitaph declares it, there is 
enshrined in every breast a record unwritten with no tablet to preserve 
it, except that of the heart.''
  The terrible events of the last few days already have produced many 
heroes, from the firemen and the police officers who gave their lives 
to rescue others, to the airline passengers who appear to have 
sacrificed themselves to save their fellow citizens.
  And like the heroes of ancient times, our heroes also have the whole 
earth for their tomb; for enshrined in every breast is a record of 
their deeds that we will carry forever with us.
  We will never forget what happened on September 11, 2001.
  And we must resolve ourselves that these lives of those who perished 
in this tragedy will not have been sacrificed in vain--that out of 
their deaths will arise a new commitment to preserve and defend our 
American freedom.
  We must now go about the grim task of identifying the monsters 
responsible for starting this war and those who may be harboring them; 
assuring that they pay a very heavy price for their actions.
  In doing so, we call upon all of those who love peace and freedom to 
join us in this crusade. The community of nations must unite to assure 
that these terrorists have nowhere to run and nowhere to hide.
  Together, we must hunt these criminals down to the ends of the earth 
and assure they

[[Page 17153]]

pay dearly for the crimes they have committed against humanity.
  The resolution before us provides the President with a specific 
authorization, consistent with the War Powers Resolution, to use force 
against those responsible for the September 11th terrorist attack.
  I do not view this as an open-ended authorization for this or any 
future President to wage war on any one at any time. It is, instead, in 
the words of the resolution, an authority to use force against ``those 
nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, 
committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 
11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to 
prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United 
States by such nations, organizations or persons.''
  All Americans stand behind our President, his advisers, and the brave 
men and women of our Armed Forces who will be asked to carry out this 
mission. Our thoughts and our prayers will be with them in the days and 
months ahead.
  We know their task will not be easy. But they should go forward armed 
with the knowledge that they have the support of all Americans--as 
expressed by the unanimous vote of their elected representatives.
  That is what this resolution signifies, and I urge its adoption.
  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I want to start by expressing my sorrow and 
outrage at Tuesday's cowardly attack. Tuesday's savagery tore our 
national fabric, but the tragedy also united the Nation. Our immediate 
priorities are treating survivors, supporting victims' families, 
restoring essential services, protecting our civil liberties, healing 
the national psyche and finding and judging anyone who participated in 
the horrendous act. We all share these imperatives and will do all that 
we can to help. We all support the President in these endeavors. This 
is the indomitable strength of our country.
  But our eyes also turn to the future with three critical questions, 
each of which calls for thorough congressional hearings. First, how 
should we punish those guilty of these dastardly crimes, once we 
determine who were involved? Second, how can we make sure this 
nightmare never occurs again? How can we better collect intelligence, 
tighten security and insist that other Nations do their share to 
prevent terrorism? Third, how can we pursue both of these goals without 
abandoning America's hallmark commitment to civil liberties or 
forgetting the necessity to constantly battle ethnic, religious and 
racial prejudice.


                       Punishing the Perpetrators

  This week, a United Airlines flight attendant expressed the thoughts 
of many Americans when she told the press ``As horrible as it is to 
say, I want revenge.'' Clearly the United States will not stand for 
such a brutal assault on our citizens and our country. The perpetrators 
must be punished. But if we unleash the full fury of America's military 
might and we kill innocent people in the process, we will be no better 
than the terrorists who unleashed their fury on America's civilian 
population. These acts of hijacking, murder, and terrorism are crimes 
for which there are laws and punishments under Federal law. These 
atrocities are not known to have been committed by nation-states but 
rather by cowardly individuals who we should arrest and try as our 
justice system demands. We must react with righteousness and justice 
and not allow ourselves to succumb to the momentary seduction of 
emotional revenge.
  And if we do retaliate, we must exercise our best efforts, as we have 
always done, to minimize collateral damage against innocent civilians. 
To disregard that concern because feelings are running so high is to 
take a path to mayhem that we will live to regret.


                         preventing recurrence

  Some voices have described Tuesday's attack as a ``massive 
intelligence and security failure.'' That path could easily lead to 
frenzied finger-pointing that would distract us from necessary 
improvements. Of course, we must upgrade air travel safety through a 
greater government role in airport security, rather than airline hired-
security employees. Some airline pilots and other observers have deemed 
current security at some U.S. airports as a ``farce.'' We now know the 
terrible price paid for our neglect.
  Similarly, intelligence collection about potential threats must be 
improved. We should not underestimate U.S. technical and human 
intelligence capabilities and past FBI and CIA successes in detecting 
and disrupting terrorists' plans. Nevertheless, Tuesday's disaster 
demands improved analysis of information that pours in daily. If that 
is now hindered by ``information overload'', we must deal with that. 
But in intelligence, as in athletics, the best defense is a good 
offense. The best way to defend against terrorism is to penetrate 
terrorist groups in order to preempt their plots before they begin. We 
have probably neglected this aspect of intelligence gathering, 
preferring instead to rely on the latest technology. This must change.
  But as we take bold steps to ensure our security, we must be equally 
vigilant to protect our liberties. On Tuesday, one TV network 
commentator, during an interview, flatly asked what civil liberties 
should be cut back for certain groups in this country. There is always 
tension between public safety and liberty, a tension that we have 
tested each time we faced a new threat. Americans are proud of our 
commitment to protecting citizens from foreign and domestic threats 
without abandoning the Constitution's guarantee of civil liberties. 
There has been backsliding, to be sure, such as the relocation of 
innocent Japanese-American families in the post-Pearl Harbor panic. 
While the Supreme Court later upheld the constitutionality of that 
action in the Korematsu case, most scholars now regard that as one of 
the modern Court's most shameful decisions. Eventually, the U.S. 
Government apologized to the surviving victims and provided 
compensation. Thus, history demonstrates that we must periodically 
review the delicate balance between national security and civil 
liberty, and that when the balance is readjusted it should be done 
cautiously, with great care and with an eye beyond today's headlines. 
Just as terrorism can destroy lives and property, so can it destroy us 
from within, causing us to turn our back on our most treasured 
freedoms.


                        preventing scapegoating

  Times of great stress also spawn scapegoating. These are very 
stressful times for America, and signs of scapegoating have already 
surfaced. The twentieth century has taught us the terrible consequences 
of directing hostility toward an entire group of people. America has a 
long, difficult history of struggling to overcome discrimination simply 
on the basis of religion ethnicity and race. Now, we must guard against 
turning diffuse feelings of anger against a whole group of Americans 
such as Muslims or Arabs, if a handful of their members are accused of 
Tuesday's murders. Already, shops and businesses owned by Americans of 
Arab descent--and I emphasize ``Americans''--have been trashed and in 
some cases burned. Individuals have been attacked. These hate crimes 
must be stopped immediately. Federal, state and local officials should 
use their powers of persuasion and publicity to stop it and, if 
necessary, vigorously enforce every applicable law. I will ask the 
appropriate authorities in Detroit to convene a city-wide conference to 
address this danger and to exercise the necessary leadership. I have 
also introduced a sense of the Congress resolution condemning these 
hate crimes.


                           preventing gouging

  There is one point that I should not have to make. Regrettably it 
appears that I do. If there ever were a time when all Americans should 
show a spirit of cooperation, collaboration, and mutual concern surely 
this tragedy is it. Yet there are credible reports of price gouging, 
profiteering, and other despicable efforts to exploit the situation 
fuel prices have soared in parts of the Midwest have jumped alarmingly. 
The mayor of New York has had to warn grocers and other merchants 
against raising prices as customers seek to stock up in the face of 
uncertainty. This selfish behavior is intolerable. I am calling on the 
Federal Energy Regulatory Commission and the Federal Trade Commission 
to immediately establish a joint task force to police and pursue any 
abrupt price hikes in energy fuels.
  I also commend my state's Attorney General, Jennifer Granholm, for 
taking legal action against nine Michigan gas stations accused of price 
gouging. In notice of intended action served yesterday and today, 
Granholm accuses each station of charging prices for gas that are 
``grossly in excess'' of the market-based price at which gasoline would 
normally be sold. The Michigan Consumer Protection Act expressly 
prohibits such sales practices as unfair and unconscionable under the 
law.
  Next, I will turn to the specific language of this resolution.


                             the resolution

  In terms of the specifics of the resolution, as ranking member of the 
Judiciary Committee, I believe it is important that the Record reflect 
what the resolution does and does not do.
  By not declaring war, the resolution preserves our precious civil 
liberties. This is important because declarations of war trigger broad 
statutes that not only criminalize interference with troops and 
recruitment but also authorize the President to apprehend ``alien 
enemies.'' Having said that, the President has declared that we are in 
a national emergency. Such an emergency triggers other, less severe 
statutes, including criminal prohibitions on the destruction of war 
materials.
  Second, this resolution does not give the President perpetual 
authority to use military

[[Page 17154]]

force. Not only does Congress have the constitutional duty to oversee 
the President's use of our men and women in uniform, if has every 
expectation of revisiting the President's need of the Armed Forces 
during his pursuit of the terrorists. Should Congress later determine 
that the President needs more or less authority than he has been given, 
we will act accordingly.
  Finally, this resolution implicitly requires that the President 
comply with section 4(a) of the War Powers Resolution. That section 
requires the President to report to Congress whenever U.S. Armed Forces 
are introduced into hostilities, into foreign territories while 
equipped for combat, or into foreign territories to substantially 
enlarge an existing force. These reports will allow Congress to ensure 
that the needs of the President and the Armed Forces are being met 
during this on-going crisis.
  Mr. Speaker, let us grieve for the victims. Let us restore the 
destruction. But let us also rededicate ourselves to preserving those 
very principles that have been the ultimate source of America's 
strength.
  Ms. KILPATRICK. Mr. Speaker, this week my emotions have run the 
gamut. On the one hand I have seen my son take a step closer to 
becoming the youngest mayor in the history of Detroit. Yet, my joy has 
been destroyed by the hands that inflicted the worst attack against the 
United States since Pearl Harbor. I share the pain of Tuesday's attack 
with millions of Americans who have witnessed the subsequent carnage. 
My emotions cry out for retribution; yet my head tells me that while we 
must be resolute, we must also be deliberate and circumspect.
  For now, as a nation, we stand at the edge of the abyss. We are 
poised to make the leap that our nation has rarely been called on to 
make; yet when called to do so, we have leaped with everything that we 
have. We are poised today to leap into the abyss of war and we cannot 
do so timidly. Our determination to triumph over terrorism must be 
resolute and undeterred. It is with a heavy heart that I stand before 
the American people prepared to tip my hand in favor of using military 
force. War intrinsically means the loss of lives. And I know that, in 
addition to the blood that has already been shed, our actions today 
will sanction further bloodshed of our sons and daughters. However, 
there are times when circumstance leaves us no choice. Tuesday's attack 
has left no doubt that our enemies seek to bring America under siege. 
We have no choice but to protect ourselves, and I have no choice but to 
support this joint resolution authorizing the President to respond 
militarily against our enemies.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution, which 
authorizes the use of force against those responsible for planning and 
carrying out Tuesday's horrific terrorist attacks. I don't take this 
lightly. Authorizing the use of our military is one of the most awesome 
responsibilities we have as members of this body. But at this moment we 
have no choice. We know the hijackers had ties to Osama bin Laden and 
his Al-Qaeda organization, which also bombed our embassies in Kenya and 
Tanzania and attacked the U.S.S. Cole.
  The American people will no longer tolerate these barbaric acts. We 
must do whatever it takes, including the use of military force, to 
tract down bin Laden and destroy his organization. But this isn't just 
about bin Laden. There are other radical groups that engage in 
international terrorism, including Hezbollah, Hamas, and Islamic Jihad. 
To win the war against terrorism, we must eliminate the entire 
infrastructure that sustains these organizations.
  This will involve getting tough with governments that aid and harbor 
terrorists. Syria allows Hezbollah to operate freely in Southern 
Lebanon. Iran recently hosted a terrorist ``summit,'' and routinely 
provides arms and other assistance to Hezbollah and other radical 
groups. bin Laden is a ``guest'' of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. 
The suicide bombers of Islamic Jihad and Hamas are nurtured by the 
Palestinian Authority.
  The time has come for these and other governments to make a 
fundamental choice: Will they continue to support those responsible for 
taking the lives of thousands of innocent men, women and children? Or 
will they realize the error of their ways and end their financing, 
facilitating and harboring of terrorists and their organizational 
infrastructure, and their state-sponsored incitement of terrorist acts? 
For if they choose to continue their present course they are not states 
of concern, they are not rogue states, they are our enemies.
  I applaud the administration's efforts to assemble an international 
coalition to fight terrorism. Working with our allies and other nations 
concerned about this scourge, we have a real opportunity to make the 
world safer for freedom and democracy.
  Ms. SANCHEZ. Mr. Speaker, I will miss the rollcall vote on H.J. Res. 
64, which will formally authorizes the use of military force against 
the perpetrators of the terrorist attacks which occurred on September 
11, 2001.
  I have scheduled very important meetings in California over the 
weekend and Monday with district employers and employees to discuss the 
defense budget and other matters of national security. These meetings 
have been scheduled for some time, and cannot be easily reconfigured. 
Therefore, during the vote I will be unavoidably detained. The events 
of September 11 were horrific, and I request that the Congressional 
Record reflect that had I been present and voting, I would have cast my 
vote in favor of the resolution authorizing the use of military force.
  Mr. OSE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to give the President the 
authorization and support he needs to respond to the acts of terror 
committed this week against the American people.
  When I was elected to this House, I took an oath to ``support and 
defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, 
foreign and domestic.'' Today I reaffirm that vow by giving the 
President the authority to prosecute the battle against our enemies 
wherever they may hide.
  The armed forces of the United States are the best in the world. And 
the men and women serving in them are ready to act and know our cause 
to be just.
  There is no justification for these despicable actions. There is no 
justification for providing support or assistance to those who would 
wage war against innocent men, women and children. There is no place to 
hide from our coming actions.
  In the words of another great President who led this nation in a time 
of turmoil, Abraham Lincoln, ``Let us have faith that right makes 
might; and in that faith let us to the end, dare to do our duty as we 
understand it.''
  Mr. CAMP. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this joint resolution and 
in doing so, I stand in support of the President, the men and women of 
our Armed Forces, and Americans everywhere.
  This egregious crime has struck the heart and soul of America but we 
will not falter or fail in our ideals and values; we will recover. This 
process is underway in the rescue, recovery and investigative efforts 
happening in Pennsylvania, New York, and the Washington DC, areas.
  Last night both bodies of Congress passed a supplemental aid package 
to assist the President in providing necessary aid and support in the 
wake of these tragedies. Now, Congress should give the President the 
authority to find and punish those responsible for these crimes against 
humanity.
  If the goal of these attacks was to demoralize or scare America and 
other peace loving nations, let me be clear in saying that these 
terrorists failed their mission. I say to them, your ungodly actions 
will be punished. We are a strong and united America.
  The deplorable events that occurred on the morning of Tuesday, 
September 11, 2001, were undeniably an act of war. There is no other 
way to classify the murder of defenseless, innocent civilians. I urge 
my colleagues to join me in supporting this resolution, giving the 
President our support to reinforce that the use of terror as a weapon 
will never be tolerated.
  The SPEAKER. All time for debate has expired.
  Pursuant to the order of the House of today, the joint resolution is 
considered as having been read for amendment and the previous question 
is ordered.
  The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the joint 
resolution.
  The joint resolution was ordered to be engrossed and read a third 
time, and was read the third time.

                          ____________________

               Motion to Recommit Offered by Mr. Tierney

  Mr. TIERNEY. Mr. Speaker, I offer a motion to recommit.
  The SPEAKER. Is the gentleman opposed to the joint resolution?
  Mr. TIERNEY. I am, in its current form, Mr. Speaker.
  The SPEAKER. The Clerk will report the motion to recommit.
  The Clerk read as follows:

       Mr. Tierney moves to recommit the joint resolution H.J. 
     Res. 64 to the Committee on International Relations with 
     instructions to report the same back to the House forthwith 
     with the following amendment:

       Add at the end the following new section:

     SEC. 3. REPORTS TO CONGRESS; CONSULTATION.

       (a) Reports.--At least once every 60 days after the date of 
     the enactment of this resolution, the President shall submit 
     to Congress a summary on the status of efforts made to carry 
     out this resolution.

[[Page 17155]]

       (b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that, 
     in addition to complying with subsection (a), the President 
     should comply with all other reporting and consultation 
     requirements under applicable provisions of law, including 
     sections 3 and 4 of the War Powers Resolution.
  The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Tierney) is 
recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. TIERNEY. Mr. Speaker, I join all of our colleagues and all 
Americans in our sorrow for Tuesday's victims and in our outrage for 
the despicable acts of cowardice which have so changed our lives. 
Tonight, we show our unity; and by so doing we serve notice that we, as 
a Nation, are resolved to hold accountable those responsible for 
Tuesday's terrorism.
  As we go forward, I do not think this Congress wants to purposely 
abdicate its constitutional obligations and responsibilities. It seems 
unlikely that this Congress would knowingly deny itself the information 
that may well be necessary in the future in order to intelligently 
carry out its work with the President in meeting their shared 
responsibilities in the area of national security. Yet if we pass the 
resolution tonight, without first adding the language of this motion to 
recommit, I am concerned that that is precisely what might occur.
  As written, the joint resolution refers to the War Powers Resolution 
but could arguably be read not to require more than periodic reports to 
Congress, if any reports at all. Even the periodic reports could mean 
at least 6-month intervals could pass without adequate knowledge by 
which Congress could carry out its responsibilities.
  Moreover, Mr. Speaker, successive executives have historically 
challenged the constitutionality of the War Powers Resolution. By 
passing this motion to recommit, we can cure that ambiguity and clarify 
the record.
  In 1991, then President George H. W. Bush asked Congress to authorize 
his use of force, and he signed a joint resolution that included a 
requirement that the President submit to Congress at least once every 
60 days a summary on the status of his efforts.

                              {time}  2245

  There is no reason why this Congress should ask for less as we join 
with this President, and no reason why in the spirit of unity, and 
consistent with the Constitution and the precedent set by his own 
father, that this President would not sign a resolution containing 
similar language.
  So I move now to recommit the joint resolution to the Committee on 
International Relations with instructions to report the same back to 
the House forthwith in its amended form.
  This is a straightforward and a simple amendment, Mr. Speaker. It 
will not delay our action here tonight. It continues to unite us in 
support of the President's existing authority to act to prevent future 
acts of terrorism and to locate and deal appropriately with those 
responsible for the tragic events of September 11. But it does clarify 
that the President report the status of his efforts to carry out this 
resolution. It does express our sense that as parties with a shared 
constitutional responsibility, the President comply with the statutory 
authority by consulting regularly with Congress and reporting every 60 
days.
  Whenever there exists a national emergency created by attack upon the 
United States, the Constitution empowers the President, as Commander in 
Chief, to introduce United States Armed Forces into hostilities or into 
situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly 
indicated by the circumstances.
  This joint resolution reaffirms that power.
  Congress and the American people want the President to be able to act 
to prevent future acts of terrorism; and so it is no surprise that the 
Constitution allows for such authority and no surprise that Congress 
acts to restate it tonight.
  We should remember that national security is a shared responsibility, 
Mr. Speaker, requiring joint efforts and mutual respect by Congress and 
the President. Congress is a co-equal branch of government, 
specifically empowered by the Constitution, with the power to declare 
war and to make all laws which will be necessary and proper for the 
carrying into execution of that power.
  So while we specifically have not declared war tonight, we do make a 
law by which the President may engage United States Armed Forces in 
action against others.
  The responsibilities of Congress, I believe, Mr. Speaker, obligate us 
to remain informed and to have consultation with the President 
concerning any action under this resolution. Our continued ability to 
act in concert as co-equal branches of government demands no less, and 
our obligation to American citizens everywhere demands at least that 
much.
  We want to act in unison and we need the President's cooperation to 
do that. As a matter of mutual respect and as a sign of unity, as well 
an act of constitutional statutory compliance, Mr. Speaker, I ask that 
we all vote to recommit and have it come back forthwith as amended.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the motion of the 
gentleman from Massachusetts to recommit the pending joint resolution.
  The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Illinois is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, if adopted, the motion would seek to reimpose 
on the President the restrictions of the War Powers Resolution with 
regard to consultation with Congress and will impose new reporting 
requirements that go well beyond those contained in the War Powers 
Resolution.
  This is illogical because the whole point of the joint resolution we 
are considering this evening is to clear away legal underbrush that 
might otherwise interfere with the ability of our President to respond 
to the treacherous attack on our Nation that took place 3 days ago. 
Most importantly, we are stripping away the restrictions of the War 
Powers Resolution.
  It hardly makes sense to reimpose and, in one case, tighten the 
restrictions of the War Powers Resolution, if our larger purpose is to 
make it easier for the President to respond to terrorism.
  In any other case, I might understand and sympathize with the 
interest of the gentleman in keeping the President on a short leash as 
he goes about exercising the authority we give him tonight. But this is 
not any other case. This is a situation in which our Nation has been 
attacked by a sinister enemy, and thousands of our fellow citizens have 
been killed.
  I, for one, do not want to restrain our President as he goes about 
responding to this heinous attack. Many have compared the attack on 
Tuesday on our Nation to Pearl Harbor. After Pearl Harbor Congress 
declared war on Japan. We did not declare war subject to the 
requirement that President Roosevelt consult with Congress before 
sending our Armed Forces into action and periodically submit reports to 
Congress on how he was dealing with Japan.
  More Americans died on Tuesday than died at Pearl Harbor. Congress 
should not restrain the response of President Bush to this act of 
aggression any more than President Roosevelt was restrained in his 
conduct of World War II.
  I urge my colleagues to defeat the motion to recommit.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the gentleman's motion to 
recommit the pending joint resolution.
  If adopted, the motion would seek to reimpose on the President the 
restrictions of the War Powers Resolution with regard to consultation 
with Congress, and will impose new reporting requirements that go well 
beyond those contained in the War Powers Resolution. This is illogical, 
because the whole point of the joint resolution we are considering this 
evening is to clear away legal underbrush that might otherwise 
interfere with the ability of our President to respond to the 
treacherous attack on our nation that took place three days ago. Most 
importantly, we are stripping away the restrictions of the War Powers 
Resolution. It hardly makes sense to reimpose--and in one case 
tighten--the restrictions of the War Powers Resolution if our larger 
objective is to make it easier for the President to respond to 
terrorism.
  In any other case I might understand and sympathize with the 
gentleman's interest in

[[Page 17156]]

keeping the President on a short leash as he goes about exercising the 
authority we give him tonight. But this is not any other case; this is 
a situation in which our nation has been attacked by a sinister enemy 
and thousands of our fellow citizens have been killed.
  I for one do not want to restrain our President as he goes about 
responding to this heinous attack.
  Many have compared Tuesday's attack on our nation to Pearl Harbor, 
After Pearl Harbor, Congress declared war on Japan. We did not declare 
war subject to the requirement that President Roosevelt consult with 
Congress before sending our armed forces into action, and periodically 
submit reports to Congress on how he was dealing with Japan.
  More Americans died on Tuesday than died at Pearl Harbor. Congress 
should not restrain President Bush's response to this act of aggression 
any more than President Roosevelt was restrained in his conduct of 
World War II.
  I urge my colleagues to defeat the motion to recommit.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER. Without objection, the previous question is ordered on 
the motion to recommit.
  There was no objection.
  The SPEAKER. The question is on the motion to recommit.
  The motion to recommit was rejected.
  The SPEAKER. The question is on the passage of the joint resolution.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker announced that the ayes 
appeared to have it.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a 
quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not 
present.
  The SPEAKER. Evidently a quorum is not present.
  The Sergeant at Arms will notify absent Members.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 420, 
nays 1, not voting 10, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 342]

                               YEAS--420

     Abercrombie
     Ackerman
     Aderholt
     Akin
     Allen
     Andrews
     Armey
     Baca
     Bachus
     Baird
     Baker
     Baldacci
     Baldwin
     Barcia
     Barr
     Barrett
     Bartlett
     Barton
     Bass
     Becerra
     Bentsen
     Bereuter
     Berkley
     Berman
     Berry
     Biggert
     Bilirakis
     Bishop
     Blagojevich
     Blumenauer
     Blunt
     Boehlert
     Boehner
     Bonilla
     Bonior
     Bono
     Borski
     Boswell
     Boucher
     Boyd
     Brady (PA)
     Brady (TX)
     Brown (FL)
     Brown (OH)
     Brown (SC)
     Bryant
     Burr
     Burton
     Buyer
     Callahan
     Calvert
     Camp
     Cannon
     Cantor
     Capito
     Capps
     Capuano
     Cardin
     Carson (IN)
     Carson (OK)
     Castle
     Chabot
     Chambliss
     Clay
     Clayton
     Clement
     Clyburn
     Coble
     Collins
     Combest
     Condit
     Cooksey
     Costello
     Cox
     Coyne
     Cramer
     Crane
     Crenshaw
     Crowley
     Cubin
     Culberson
     Cummings
     Cunningham
     Davis (CA)
     Davis (FL)
     Davis (IL)
     Davis, Jo Ann
     Davis, Tom
     Deal
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     Delahunt
     DeLauro
     DeLay
     DeMint
     Deutsch
     Diaz-Balart
     Dicks
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Dooley
     Doolittle
     Doyle
     Dreier
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Edwards
     Ehlers
     Ehrlich
     Emerson
     Engel
     English
     Eshoo
     Etheridge
     Evans
     Everett
     Fattah
     Ferguson
     Filner
     Flake
     Fletcher
     Foley
     Forbes
     Ford
     Fossella
     Frank
     Frelinghuysen
     Frost
     Gallegly
     Ganske
     Gekas
     Gephardt
     Gibbons
     Gilchrest
     Gillmor
     Gilman
     Gonzalez
     Goode
     Goodlatte
     Gordon
     Goss
     Graham
     Granger
     Graves
     Green (TX)
     Green (WI)
     Greenwood
     Grucci
     Gutierrez
     Gutknecht
     Hall (OH)
     Hall (TX)
     Hansen
     Harman
     Hart
     Hastert
     Hastings (FL)
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayes
     Hayworth
     Hefley
     Herger
     Hill
     Hilleary
     Hilliard
     Hinchey
     Hinojosa
     Hobson
     Hoeffel
     Hoekstra
     Holden
     Holt
     Honda
     Hooley
     Horn
     Hostettler
     Houghton
     Hoyer
     Hulshof
     Hunter
     Hyde
     Inslee
     Isakson
     Israel
     Issa
     Istook
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson-Lee (TX)
     Jefferson
     Jenkins
     John
     Johnson (CT)
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones (NC)
     Jones (OH)
     Kanjorski
     Kaptur
     Keller
     Kelly
     Kennedy (MN)
     Kennedy (RI)
     Kerns
     Kildee
     Kind (WI)
     Kingston
     Kirk
     Kleczka
     Knollenberg
     Kolbe
     Kucinich
     LaFalce
     LaHood
     Lampson
     Langevin
     Lantos
     Largent
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Leach
     Levin
     Lewis (CA)
     Lewis (GA)
     Lewis (KY)
     Linder
     LoBiondo
     Lofgren
     Lowey
     Lucas (KY)
     Lucas (OK)
     Luther
     Maloney (CT)
     Maloney (NY)
     Manzullo
     Markey
     Mascara
     Matheson
     Matsui
     McCarthy (MO)
     McCarthy (NY)
     McCollum
     McCrery
     McDermott
     McGovern
     McHugh
     McInnis
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McKinney
     McNulty
     Meehan
     Meek (FL)
     Meeks (NY)
     Menendez
     Mica
     Millender-McDonald
     Miller (FL)
     Miller, Gary
     Miller, George
     Mink
     Mollohan
     Moore
     Moran (KS)
     Moran (VA)
     Morella
     Murtha
     Myrick
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Nethercutt
     Ney
     Northup
     Norwood
     Nussle
     Oberstar
     Obey
     Olver
     Ortiz
     Osborne
     Ose
     Otter
     Owens
     Oxley
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor
     Paul
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Pence
     Peterson (MN)
     Peterson (PA)
     Phelps
     Pickering
     Pitts
     Platts
     Pombo
     Pomeroy
     Portman
     Price (NC)
     Pryce (OH)
     Putnam
     Quinn
     Radanovich
     Rahall
     Ramstad
     Rangel
     Regula
     Rehberg
     Reyes
     Reynolds
     Riley
     Rivers
     Rodriguez
     Roemer
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Rohrabacher
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Ross
     Rothman
     Roukema
     Roybal-Allard
     Royce
     Rush
     Ryan (WI)
     Ryun (KS)
     Sabo
     Sanders
     Sandlin
     Sawyer
     Schaffer
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schrock
     Scott
     Sensenbrenner
     Serrano
     Sessions
     Shadegg
     Shaw
     Shays
     Sherman
     Sherwood
     Shimkus
     Shows
     Shuster
     Simmons
     Simpson
     Skeen
     Skelton
     Slaughter
     Smith (MI)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Smith (WA)
     Snyder
     Solis
     Souder
     Spratt
     Stark
     Stearns
     Stenholm
     Strickland
     Stump
     Stupak
     Sununu
     Sweeney
     Tancredo
     Tanner
     Tauscher
     Tauzin
     Taylor (MS)
     Taylor (NC)
     Terry
     Thomas
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Thornberry
     Thune
     Thurman
     Tiahrt
     Tiberi
     Tierney
     Toomey
     Towns
     Traficant
     Turner
     Udall (CO)
     Udall (NM)
     Upton
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Vitter
     Walden
     Walsh
     Wamp
     Waters
     Watkins (OK)
     Watson (CA)
     Watt (NC)
     Watts (OK)
     Waxman
     Weiner
     Weldon (FL)
     Weldon (PA)
     Weller
     Wexler
     Whitfield
     Wicker
     Wolf
     Woolsey
     Wu
     Wynn
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)

                                NAYS--1

     Lee
       
       

                             NOT VOTING--10

     Ballenger
     Conyers
     Farr
     Kilpatrick
     King (NY)
     Lipinski
     Petri
     Sanchez
     Saxton
     Wilson

                              {time}  2317

  So the joint resolution was passed.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
  Stated for:
  Mr. PETRI. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 342 I was unavoidably 
detained. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''
  The SPEAKER. Pursuant to the order of the House of earlier today, 
Senate Joint Resolution 23 is passed.
  Without objection, a motion to reconsider Senate Joint Resolution 23 
is laid on the table, and House Joint Resolution 64 is laid on the 
table.
  There was no objection.

                          ____________________