[Federal Register Volume 88, Number 142 (Wednesday, July 26, 2023)]
[Notices]
[Pages 48280-48282]
From the Federal Register Online via the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[FR Doc No: 2023-15775]
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DEPARTMENT OF STATE
[Public Notice: 12134]
Report to Congress Pursuant to Section 353(b) of the United
States--Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act
ACTION: Notice of report.
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SUMMARY: This report on Corrupt and Undemocratic Actors is submitted in
fulfilment of the State Department's Congressional reporting
requirement for 2023 regarding foreign persons who are determined to
have knowingly engaged in actions that undermine democratic processes
or institutions, significant corruption, or obstruction of
investigation into such acts of corruption in El Salvador, Guatemala,
and Honduras pursuant to section 353(b) of the United States--Northern
Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act, as amended.
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: Report to Congress on Foreign Persons Who
Have Knowingly Engaged in Actions that Undermine Democratic Processes
or Institutions, Significant Corruption, or Obstruction of
Investigations Into Such Acts of Corruption in El Salvador, Guatemala,
Honduras, and Nicaragua, Pursuant to Section 353(b) of the United
States--Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act (22 U.S.C. 2277a(b),
as amended) (Section 353)
Consistent with Section 353(b) of the United States--Northern
Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act (22 U.S.C. 2277a(b)) (the Act), as
amended, this report is being submitted to the House Foreign Affairs
Committee,Senate Foreign Relations Committee, House Committee on the
Judiciary, and the Senate Committee on the Judiciary.
Section 353(b) requires the submission of a report that identifies
the following persons: foreign persons who the President has determined
have knowingly engaged (1) in actions that undermine democratic
processes or institutions; (2) in significant corruption; and (3) in
obstruction of investigations into such acts of corruption, in El
Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, including the following:
corruption related to
[[Page 48281]]
government contracts; bribery and extortion; the facilitation or
transfer of the proceeds of corruption, including through money
laundering; and acts of violence, harassment, or intimidation directed
at governmental and nongovernmental corruption investigators. On June
21, 2021, the President delegated his authority under Section 353 to
the Secretary of State.
Under section 353, foreign persons identified in the report
submitted to Congress are generally ineligible for visas and admission
to the United States, and any current visa shall be revoked
immediately, and any other valid visa or entry documentation cancelled.
Consistent with Section 353(g), this report will be published in the
Federal Register.
This report includes individuals who have been determined to have
engaged in the relevant activity based upon credible information or
allegations of the conduct at issue, from media reporting and other
sources. The Department will continue to review the individuals listed
in the report and consider all available tools to deter and disrupt
corrupt and undemocratic activity in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras,
and Nicaragua. The Department also continues to review additional
credible information and allegations concerning corruption or
undemocratic activity and to utilize all applicable authorities, as
appropriate, to ensure corrupt or undemocratic officials are denied
safe haven in the United States.
El Salvador
Jose Miguel ``Mecafe'' Antonio Menendez Avelar, a former president
of the Center for Fairs and Conventions (CIFCO), engaged in significant
corruption by steering an $8.4 million Ministry of Public Works
contract for the construction of a bridge in Chalatenango Department,
El Salvador, to a Guatemalan businessman. In return, Menendez illegally
received a small plane, a Beechcraft King Air 90, as a gift.
Carlos Alberto Ortiz, a former president of Banco Hipotecario, a
state-owned bank, engaged in significant corruption by laundering $97
million in exchange for $72,000 in bribes.
Carlos Enrique Cruz Arana, a former vice president of Banco
Hipotecario, a state-owned bank, engaged in significant corruption by
laundering $94.5 million in exchange for $64,500 in bribes.
Jolman Alexander Ayala, a former compliance officer of Banco
Hipotecario, a state-owned bank, engaged in significant corruption by
laundering $177 million in exchange for $78,000 in bribes.
Carlos Mauricio Funes Cartagena, a former president of El Salvador,
engaged in significant corruption by orchestrating and participating in
several schemes involving bribery, embezzlement, and money laundering
while president, pilfering hundreds of millions of dollars from state
coffers.
Salvador Sanchez Ceren, a former president and vice president of El
Salvador, engaged in significant corruption by laundering money during
his tenure as vice president, personally receiving more than $1.3
million in public funds in exchange, and participated in a scheme to
divert $183 million in public funds away from public accounts and
oversight into personal accounts while serving as president.
Guatemala
Cinthia Edelmira Monterroso G[oacute]mez, a current prosecutor,
undermined democratic processes or institutions by bringing
unsubstantiated, politically motivated criminal charges against
journalists for exercising their freedom of expression as protected by
Guatemalan law.
Edgar Humberto Navarro Castro, a former president of Guatemala's
energy wholesale market administrator (AMM), engaged in significant
corruption by providing official benefits in exchange for bribes and
kickbacks, at the expense of improving energy efficiency and taking
effective action against climate change.
Fredy Raul Orellana Letona, a current judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions by authorizing unsubstantiated, politically
motivated criminal charges against journalists who were exercising
their freedom of expression as protected by Guatemalan law.
Gendri Rocael Reyes Mazariegos, a former minister of interior,
engaged in significant corruption.
Joviel Acevedo Ayala, the current head of Guatemalan Education
Workers Union (STEG), engaged in significant corruption by providing
STEG's political support in exchange for bribes from public officials.
Jimi Rodolfo Bremer Ram[iacute]rez, a current judge, undermined
democratic processes or institutions by authorizing politically
motivated criminal charges against journalists for exercising their
freedom of expression as protected by Guatemalan law.
Lesther Castellanos Rodas, a former judge and current Guatemalan
Rapporteur against Torture, undermined democratic processes or
institutions by retaliating against an anticorruption prosecutor for
filing administrative complaints concerning Castellanos's handling of a
criminal case.
Melvin Quijivix Vega, the current president of the National
Electrification Institute (INDE), engaged in significant corruption by
using his position and connections to improperly and unlawfully direct
government procurement contracts to specific companies, in several
cases to a company he privately owns.
Omar Ricardo Barrios Osorio, the current president of the Board of
Directors of the National Port Commission, undermined democratic
processes or institutions by conspiring to intimidate and harass an
anticorruption prosecutor for denouncing corrupt activity.
Walter Ramiro Mazariegos Biolis, the Rector of the San Carlos
University (USAC), undermined democratic processes or institutions by
accepting the position of Rector of the public education institution in
July 2022 following a fraudulent selection process.
Honduras
Alex Alberto Moraes Giron, a former administrative manager of
state-owned Strategic Investment of Honduras (INVEST-H), engaged in
significant corruption by misappropriating public funds during the
COVID-19 pandemic, including by defrauding the Honduran government of
approximately $1.6 million intended for facemasks to be used by medical
personnel.
Alexander Lopez Orellana, the current mayor of El Progreso and
secretary general of the Liberal Party's Central Executive Council,
engaged in significant corruption by improperly awarding multi-million
dollar municipal contracts to his political allies.
Edna Yolany Batres Cruz, a former Minister of Health, engaged in
significant corruption when she defrauded the Honduran government of
more than $300,000 by colluding with Ministry of Health officials and
private-sector businesspeople to improperly award government contracts.
Jesus Arturo Mejia Arita, a former general manager of the Honduran
National Electric Energy Company (ENEE), engaged in significant
corruption by awarding non-competitive or overpriced contracts for the
generation of electricity and other energy-related services in exchange
for bribes, and by facilitating corrupt schemes related to the hiring
and firing of ENEE employees in exchange for kickbacks.
Marcelo Antonio Chimirri Castro, the former director of the
Honduran Telecommunications Company
[[Page 48282]]
(HONDUTEL), engaged in significant corruption by committing fraud to
improperly keep a telecommunications agreement in place in exchange for
bribes and obstructed investigations into his corrupt acts by
intimidating journalists.
Miguel Rodrigo Pastor Mejia, a former director of the now-defunct
Secretariat of Public Works, Transport, and Housing (SOPTRAVI), engaged
in significant corruption, laundering money on behalf of the Los
Cachiros drug trafficking organization, by awarding $2.76 million in
Honduran government contracts to a Cachiros-controlled construction
firm.
Roberto Antonio Ordonez Wolfovich, a former minister of
infrastructure and public services (INSEP), former minister of energy,
and former presidential advisor to President Juan Orlando Hernandez,
engaged in significant corruption by embezzling state funds through the
overvaluation of public works projects.
Samuel Garcia Salgado, a current member of the Honduran National
Congress from the Liberal Party, undermined democratic processes or
institutions by manipulating the outcome of the Supreme Court of
Justice election in 2023 for his personal and political gain.
Victor Elias Bendeck Ramirez, a private businessman and former
member of the Central American Parliament, engaged in significant
corruption through a series of fraudulent business activities in the
banking, real estate, and other sectors and by using his influence with
government officials for his personal gain.
Yani Benjamin Rosenthal Hidalgo, the current president of the
Liberal Party in Honduras, undermined democratic processes or
institutions by manipulating the outcome of the Supreme Court of
Justice election in 2023 for his personal and political gain. Rosenthal
also used his influence with government officials to escape
accountability for apparent violations of Honduran law by his family-
owned cable company.
Nicaragua
Wendy Carolina Morales Urbina, the current Nicaraguan attorney
general, undermined democratic processes or institutions, using the
office of the attorney general to facilitate a coordinated campaign to
suppress dissent, by confiscating property from the government's
political opponents without a legal basis. Urbina has also seized
property from thousands of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) under
laws explicitly designed to suppress freedom of association.
Arling Patricia Alonso Gomez, the current first vice president of
the National Assembly, undermined democratic processes or institutions
by taking part in coordinated government retaliation to strip
Nicaraguan citizenship from political opponents and critics of the
Ortega-Murillo regime.
Gladis de los Angeles Baez, the current second vice president of
the National Assembly, undermined democratic processes or institutions
by taking part in coordinated government retaliation to strip
Nicaraguan citizenship from political opponents and critics of the
Ortega-Murillo regime.
Loria Raquel Dixon Brautigam, the current first secretary of the
National Assembly, undermined democratic processes or institutions by
taking part in coordinated government retaliation to strip Nicaraguan
citizenship from political opponents and critics of the Ortega-Murillo
regime.
Alejandro Mejia Ferreti, the current third secretary of the
National Assembly, undermined democratic processes and institutions by
taking part in coordinated government retaliation to strip Nicaraguan
citizenship from political opponents and critics of the Ortega-Murillo
regime.
Rosa Argentina Sol[iacute]s Davila, an appeals court judge in the
Criminal Appeals Court of Managua, undermined democratic processes or
institutions by using the Appeals Court to facilitate a coordinated
government campaign to retaliate against critics of the Ortega-Murillo
regime and suppress dissent by stripping Nicaraguan citizenship from
political opponents and critics of the Ortega-Murillo regime.
Angela Davila Navarrete, a current appeals court judge in the
Criminal Appeals Court of Managua, undermined democratic processes or
institutions by using the Appeals Court to facilitate a coordinated
government campaign to retaliate against critics of the Ortega-Murillo
regime and suppress dissent by stripping Nicaraguan citizenship from
political opponents and critics of the Ortega-Murillo regime.
Denis Membre[ntilde]o Rivas, the current director of the Financial
Analysis Unit (UAF), the Nicaraguan government's financial crimes unit,
undermined democratic processes or institutions by taking part in a
coordinated campaign to suppress dissent, using his position to
facilitate asset seizures from 94 political dissidents in exile and 222
former political prisoners, without any legal basis.
Aldo Mart[iacute]n S[aacute]enz Ulloa, a current sub-director of
the Financial Analysis Unit (UAF), the Nicaraguan government's
financial crimes unit, undermined democratic processes or institutions
by taking part in a coordinated campaign to retaliate against critics
of the Ortega-Murillo regime and to suppress dissent, using his
position to facilitate asset seizures from 94 political dissidents in
exile and 222 former political prisoners, without any legal basis.
Valeria Maritza Halleslevens Centeno, the current director of the
National Directorate of Property Registrar Offices (DNR), undermined
democratic processes or institutions by using her position and
influence to facilitate a coordinated government effort to confiscate
the property of political opponents.
Eduardo Celestino Ortega Roa, a current deputy director of the
National Directorate of Property Registrar Offices (DNR), undermined
democratic processes or institutions by using his position and
influence to facilitate a coordinated government effort to confiscate
the property of political opponents.
Marta Mayela Diaz Ortiz, a current vice superintendent of banks and
other financial institutions (SIBOIF), undermined democratic processes
or institutions by using SIBOIF to provide the financial information of
political dissidents in exile and former political prisoners to
officials in the Nicaraguan judiciary as part of a coordinated
government effort to suppress dissent by seizing the assets of
political adversaries without a legal basis.
Sagrario de Fatima Benavides Lanuza, a vice director of the
Nicaraguan Social Security Institute (INSS), undermined democratic
processes or institutions by using her position and influence to
facilitate a coordinated, politically motivated government campaign to
terminate and seize pensions from political adversaries without a legal
basis.
Dated: July 14, 2023.
Richard R. Verma,
Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources.
[FR Doc. 2023-15775 Filed 7-25-23; 8:45 am]
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